Alex Jones Show - May 25, 2001


20010525_Noam_Chomsky_Alex


Episode Stats

Length

21 minutes

Words per Minute

148.69366

Word Count

3,244

Sentence Count

253

Misogynist Sentences

1

Hate Speech Sentences

2


Summary

Noam Chomsky joins Alex Jones on the show to talk about his new book, "Manufacturing Consent" and why the media is a tool of the corporate and political establishment to keep us in check and keep us on the same page.


Transcript

00:00:04.000 Mainstream media.
00:00:05.000 Government cover-ups.
00:00:07.000 You want answers?
00:00:08.000 Well, so does he.
00:00:10.000 He's Alex Jones on the GCN Radio Network.
00:00:14.000 And now, live from Austin, Texas, Alex Jones.
00:00:22.000 Welcome back, my friends, to the second hour of the broadcast.
00:00:24.000 We're going to be joined by, you know, Chomsky coming up here in just a couple minutes.
00:00:30.000 He is an institute professor.
00:00:34.000 Linguistics and Semantical Syntax and Philosophy of Language at MIT in Massachusetts.
00:00:43.000 And he's written books like Manufacturing Consent, an excellent video, also titled Manufacturing Consent.
00:00:51.000 And it goes into how they stage things.
00:00:54.000 How they will have a supposed debate on television, but the people debating are actually on the same side.
00:01:00.000 They're just debating the exact implementation.
00:01:04.000 By just a few degrees giving you the psychological illusion that there's really some type of difference so that in your mind you're going to fall in supposedly either phony camp being steered in the direction they wish.
00:01:20.000 Now that's how I put it.
00:01:22.000 Chomsky does it in a little bit more sophisticated fashion.
00:01:26.000 But they do this all the time.
00:01:28.000 Just every level of propaganda you can imagine.
00:01:31.000 He also gets into what the editors do.
00:01:33.000 And this also fits into the whole moral relativism debate because what does is is mean with Bill Clinton?
00:01:58.000 It's simply a way to neutralize any type of dissent.
00:02:02.000 And it's working wonders upon the minds of the American people.
00:02:08.000 It's like Republican, Democrat, Liberal, Conservative.
00:02:12.000 Liberals, Conservatives, you look at what they do at the top, they're all the same people.
00:02:16.000 The political left has secret police that wear black uniforms and ski masks.
00:02:20.000 The political right has police that wear black uniforms and ski masks around the world.
00:02:26.000 Centralized government, and they tell you to be in the middle of that system?
00:02:29.000 More semantical deceptions.
00:02:32.000 corralling thoughts and ideas.
00:02:35.000 Giving you phony decisions, phony tips.
00:02:39.000 That, my friends, is the essence of modern mind control behavioral modification.
00:02:48.000 And until you realize that the sitcoms and the cartoons have more propaganda in them than the newspaper or the nightly news, You will not even begin to scratch the surface of the level of this inculcation,
00:03:09.000 of this soaking into the propaganda state.
00:03:15.000 Every facet, every level, deluged, infested the human minds like a computer.
00:03:25.000 Garbage in, garbage out.
00:03:28.000 And they're training us with phony meanings for words.
00:03:33.000 They are conditioning us to believe in a false political paradigm and systems.
00:03:38.000 That's basically what it boils down to.
00:03:42.000 And Noam Chomsky calls it manufacturing consent.
00:03:45.000 The phony choice between the Republicans and the Democrats.
00:03:48.000 This huge globalist corporate state that claims that it's capitalist.
00:03:53.000 How is it capitalist to use huge government international bureaucracies to go after your competition?
00:04:01.000 To take in massive sums of corporate welfare.
00:04:05.000 And then to be able to twist the debate into a fight over aren't we going to take care of the poor?
00:04:11.000 And that really has nothing to do with it.
00:04:14.000 That's semantical deception, ladies and gentlemen.
00:04:17.000 Joining us is Professor Noam Chomsky from MIT.
00:04:20.000 Professor, it's a real honor to have you on the show.
00:04:23.000 Glad to be with you.
00:04:23.000 You bet.
00:04:24.000 Tell us a little bit about yourself and about the studies you've done and some of the books you've...
00:04:29.000 Well, I have two parallel and separate lives.
00:04:38.000 One of them is what they pay me to do at MIT, that linguistics.
00:04:44.000 The others, what they would probably pay me not to do, that's being involved in a whole variety of social and political issues, international affairs, the international economy.
00:04:59.000 The foreign policy problems, just about anything you can think of that's in the front pages of the newspapers.
00:05:06.000 And one part of that which has interested me for many years is this kind of analysis of ideological institutions that includes the intellectual culture, but specifically the media, which I spend a lot of time on.
00:05:21.000 So it's that collection of topics.
00:05:25.000 What kind of system do we live in?
00:05:28.000 That requires an essay.
00:05:29.000 Well, I would call it almost a matrix-like system where 98% of people don't even know the real parameters of power that surround them.
00:05:39.000 Phony paradigms and systems of phony left-right with all the roads leading towards a centralized, highly controlled corporate bureaucracy.
00:05:48.000 I agree with that.
00:05:49.000 But I think the only thing I would add is a kind of a footnote.
00:05:53.000 ...is that that marginalization of the public that you're describing is quite purposeful and conscious, self-conscious.
00:06:00.000 So, especially through the 20...
00:06:02.000 Actually, it goes back to the founding of the country, but it's particularly in the 20th century.
00:06:08.000 There has been a very self-conscious, explicit effort.
00:06:12.000 I mean, you don't have to make it up.
00:06:14.000 Nothing speculative, but the leaders say so.
00:06:17.000 Business leaders, intellectuals, academic, social scientists, and others say...
00:06:22.000 That it is important to keep the public out of things.
00:06:27.000 It's important to ensure that the public remain what are called spectators, not participants.
00:06:34.000 They are supposed to be directed to other concerns and not interfere with policy formation.
00:06:42.000 That is a major phenomenon developed in the more democratic countries, in the United States and England particularly, through the...
00:06:51.000 And the reason was very clear.
00:06:54.000 By the early 20th century, it was becoming very difficult to control people by other means.
00:07:02.000 The voting franchise was extending.
00:07:05.000 Labor unions were developing.
00:07:07.000 Women were demanding the vote.
00:07:10.000 I mean, the countries, especially England and the United States, were simply becoming more democratic.
00:07:15.000 And it was recognized early on that if you can't control people by force or,
00:07:23.000 know, poverty or some other means, you are going to have to control them by what was quite openly called propaganda at the time.
00:07:29.000 People don't like the term propaganda anymore, but that was used.
00:07:32.000 I mean, that's where the U.S. public relations industry was.
00:07:35.000 So Professor Chomsky, they developed, put out their papers that I've read.
00:07:45.000 From the Carnegie Endowment and others that mind control, behavioral modification is much cheaper and much more effective than tanks and guns.
00:07:55.000 And it's the only thing you can do because in the more democratic countries you can't control people with tanks and guns.
00:08:02.000 I mean, maybe to some limited extent, but not very much.
00:08:05.000 There's too much freedom.
00:08:06.000 It was understood very well and it is kind of striking that it's in the two main democratic countries, England and the United States.
00:08:15.000 It was realized in parallel about the same time that you're going to have to control people by what was called regimenting the public mind by ideological control.
00:08:25.000 That's where the term manufacturing consent comes from.
00:08:28.000 Well, take Bush and Clinton.
00:08:29.000 They have the exact same policies on land grabbing, selling out sovereignty, deindustrialization, drugging the children.
00:08:38.000 But you ask the average person, they have this...
00:08:46.000 Well, I...
00:08:54.000 Maybe I'm naive, but I have more faith in the public than that.
00:08:57.000 My feeling is that the general public is rather well aware of this, and I think it shows up in...
00:09:03.000 There are...
00:09:05.000 You know, there's a lot of public opinion study in the United States, mainly because business...
00:09:10.000 It wants to keep its finger on the public pulse.
00:09:13.000 They want to know what people are thinking.
00:09:15.000 So we have a pretty trustworthy and very extensive polling industry.
00:09:20.000 And what comes out of public attitudes, I think, is kind of revealing.
00:09:24.000 So for the last 20 years or so, about 80% of the population, when they're asked, what do you think the country, you know, who runs the government or what does it do, the answer that they pick out of a set of choices is...
00:09:39.000 The government works for the few and the special interests, not the people.
00:09:43.000 And in fact, in the last election, just last November, there's a big project at Harvard University called the Vanishing Voter Project where they study attitudes towards elections and so on.
00:09:55.000 Right before the election, so this has nothing to do with shenanigans in Florida, but before the election, about 75% of the population felt that there was no election.
00:10:06.000 going on in any sense that involved them.
00:10:09.000 What was happening was some kind of game involving rich contributors, party bosses, the public relations industry, which crafts the candidates to say for
00:10:21.000 particular things and have particular gestures, which you can't believe what they say.
00:10:24.000 This was a large majority of the population.
00:10:27.000 And they wouldn't even let Ralph Nader end of the debate when he had a ticket.
00:10:30.000 They wouldn't.
00:10:31.000 And there was a huge attack against him, mainly from the kind of more liberal press.
00:10:36.000 Because he was regarded as disrupting the system of, you know, basically two factions of one party.
00:10:44.000 I mean, the two factions are different.
00:10:45.000 I don't say that Democrats and Republicans are identical.
00:10:48.000 But they share fundamental interests, and those are the interests of their corporate backers.
00:10:55.000 Not very surprising, if it was otherwise.
00:10:58.000 The one thing where I'm not convinced by what you say is that I think the public is largely aware of it.
00:11:05.000 Oh no, sir, I agree with you.
00:11:06.000 I know they're cynical, they know something's wrong, they smell the dead body under the floor, but they can't...
00:11:13.000 I don't know what to do.
00:11:13.000 In fact, that's an important point, and I think you're right about that.
00:11:17.000 One of the things that is measured in these studies is what's called hopelessness.
00:11:24.000 Helplessness, sorry, helplessness.
00:11:26.000 Like, do you feel there's nothing you can do about it?
00:11:28.000 That figure has been going up, and it's reached its...
00:11:32.000 Historical peak last November.
00:11:35.000 Professor Chomsky, we've got to break.
00:11:37.000 Coming up the next segment, I really appreciate you joining us because I'm obsessed with this stuff.
00:11:41.000 It seems to be the only game in town.
00:11:43.000 We really want to fight this.
00:11:44.000 I want to talk about their modes of control, examples of propaganda, how they split people's minds and corral the information they receive when we return with Noam Chomsky from MIT.
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00:16:02.000 Because there's a war on for your mind.
00:16:07.000 That's right.
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00:16:09.000 That's my slogan.
00:16:11.000 Up on InfoWars.com, my premier website, from Reuters, yesterday invited his speakers, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, were groomed at the Bilderberg meeting before rising to fame as U.S. President and British Prime Minister.
00:16:25.000 respectively. They go on to brag about how they run our country.
00:16:29.000 I was a kook three years ago to talk about this huge corporate elite, and now they're throwing it in our face.
00:16:34.000 Is that, Professor Chomsky, part of the hopelessness that they're trying to instill in us?
00:16:40.000 I've seen a shift in the propaganda in the last three years from denying all of this to throwing it in our face.
00:16:47.000 Could be, but I think...
00:16:50.000 My own feeling is the roots go back farther.
00:16:52.000 If you go back again to the early part of the 1920s, approximately, that's when this stuff really takes off.
00:16:59.000 Madison Avenue?
00:17:00.000 Yeah, that's when the public relations industry really exploded.
00:17:04.000 And it grew on the basis of the very sensible assumption that was pretty clearly articulated that we have to somehow make sure that the general public does not make use of the...
00:17:18.000 Democratic opportunities that are available to them and leaves us to run the place as we've been doing.
00:17:24.000 And the way to do it was, you read the business leaders are saying, look, we have to induce what's called a philosophy of futility.
00:17:33.000 They actually use the phrase.
00:17:35.000 We have to kind of direct people to superficial things like fashionable consumption.
00:17:42.000 Football. Yeah, something.
00:17:44.000 Anything that doesn't bother us.
00:17:45.000 Bread and circus.
00:17:46.000 Yeah, just anything like that.
00:17:48.000 I mean, that's true of leading intellectuals.
00:17:50.000 I mean, take, say, Walter Lippmann, who is the leading figure in the U.S. elite media in the 20th century, major public intellectual.
00:17:59.000 He's the one who invented the phrase manufacturer of consent.
00:18:02.000 We borrowed it from him.
00:18:04.000 And he thought it was necessary.
00:18:06.000 It's necessary to manufacture consent in order to make sure that we, what he called the responsible men, can run the affairs of the world without being bothered.
00:18:17.000 And what he didn't say, but what is crucial is your point, that people, you become a responsible man if you're serving the interests of concentrated private power.
00:18:28.000 Professor Chomsky?
00:18:31.000 During the break we were talking about, I just observed this, they will have somebody on TV, both sides are taking private property under the guise of environmentalism, and they're both really on the same side, but they act like this is the two choices, that there's an actual debate going on when it's not controlling the entire system of thought.
00:18:51.000 What do you call that?
00:18:53.000 Well, I think a sensible, like if you and I were to sit down and invent a system, an effective system of propaganda, we wouldn't.
00:19:01.000 Have a unique party line, you know, coming from the Kremlin or something, which everybody could detect and nobody would believe.
00:19:08.000 Like in the Soviet Union, nobody believed the propaganda because the force was so plain and the source was so obvious that they didn't believe it.
00:19:18.000 The intelligent way to design a propaganda system is to present the illusion of debate, but within a fixed framework that you're not allowed to escape.
00:19:27.000 So you start with certain assumptions.
00:19:29.000 Everyone has to accept those assumptions or they're not admitted into the discussion.
00:19:34.000 Once you accept those assumptions, you want to stimulate the most lively and intense debate and controversy, but ensuring that those assumptions are maintained.
00:19:45.000 Anybody questions those assumptions, they're just not part of the discussion.
00:19:48.000 So we feel like we're part of the decision-making process when we're actually just cheerleading for what the elite want to report.
00:19:56.000 Yeah, we're choosing among...
00:19:58.000 Things that concentrated power really doesn't care that much about.
00:20:03.000 You see this very clearly.
00:20:05.000 Take, say, one of the major issues for the public.
00:20:09.000 Look at polls, and it's understandable.
00:20:11.000 Are these international economic agreements, the things that are called free trade agreements.
00:20:16.000 That's not what they are.
00:20:17.000 Those are very big issues for the public.
00:20:19.000 People are very much worried about the trade deficit, because they know that affects their jobs.
00:20:26.000 China has a 40% tariff on us.
00:20:28.000 We have a 2% on them.
00:20:30.000 They call that free trade.
00:20:31.000 You're not an isolationist, are you?
00:20:33.000 No, I'm not.
00:20:34.000 No, but that's what they say.
00:20:36.000 Of course.
00:20:38.000 The point I'm trying to make is this.
00:20:41.000 These are very big issues for the population.
00:20:44.000 They're also big issues for the business world.
00:20:46.000 But the population and the business world happens to be on opposite sides.
00:20:50.000 Therefore, the issues do not arise in political campaigns.
00:20:54.000 So, like, for example, the free trade area of the Americas, which is an enormous agreement with a lot of consequences, that has yet to be discussed in the media.
00:21:04.000 It's been negotiated for three years.
00:21:06.000 It finally broke through at the helmet of the Americas meeting in Quebec.
00:21:10.000 There was such a furor over it.
00:21:12.000 It had to be mentioned.
00:21:13.000 But it's been under negotiation for a couple of years by corporate...
00:21:19.000 Managers by trade ministers of governments who are basically corporate representatives.
00:21:23.000 The media know all about it, but they don't want the public to know.
00:21:27.000 It did not come up in the political campaign.
00:21:29.000 The nature of these arrangements has yet to be made public.
00:21:34.000 I mean, you can sort of figure it out by either a research project, but these things are not made available to the public, and it's for a very clear reason.
00:21:42.000 Our final segment with the professor with solutions coming up.
00:21:48.000 This is GCN.