Profiting from despair: How decriminalization advocates exploited B.C.’s opioid crisis
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Summary
When David Eby, the NDP Premier of British Columbia, says, we made a mistake, we need to fix the decriminalization process, you know it hasn t gone well. Julian Summers is a clinical psychologist, professor at Simon Fraser University, and monitors what is going on in his home province.
Transcript
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When David Eby, the NDP Premier of British Columbia, turns around and says,
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we made a mistake, we need to fix the decriminalization process, you know it hasn't gone well.
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And today we're going to talk about drug policy, decriminalization, safer supply,
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issues that are gripping much of the country, not just because they're political,
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but because of the impacts, both for families dealing with addiction, a loved one who has
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dealt with addiction or loss, but also because of the impact some of the decisions our politicians
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are making around drugs are having on our communities.
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David Eby and the NDP government in BC initially asked for decriminalization of all hard drugs.
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And less than a year and a half in, they're asking the Trudeau government in Ottawa to recriminalize drugs in public areas.
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Chaos, public disorder, and an outcry from a citizenry that said, this just isn't working for us.
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Julian Summers is a clinical psychologist, professor at Simon Fraser University,
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and he deals a lot in the area of addictions, recovery, and monitors what is going on in his home province.
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Maybe this is too big a question to ask off the top, but how did things go so badly with decriminalization?
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I mean, surely some people would have seen the outcomes ahead of time, but Premier Eby said,
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well, we need safeguards in place, and maybe they should have been there at the start
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to stop things like drug use in children's playgrounds or on public transit.
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Well, people did see it, and it was unpopular to point out limitations of the BC government's planning.
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And so many of my colleagues who were concerned and shared my concerns felt pressured to remain silent.
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And this is due to the organizations that they're working in, whether it's the provincial government itself,
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our health authorities, and even physicians in private practice were, you know, going back now three years
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when this kind of got started, were saying, gosh, you know, I'm really glad you're speaking out, but I can't.
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And, you know, it's some kind of a deficiency on my part that leads me to blurt out things.
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I didn't think that commenting critically on the government's plans would result in such a severe backlash.
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Now I've got a clear understanding of why that took place.
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But the policymaking environment here was quite superficially informed by the science of addiction
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The single intervention of decriminalization was regarded as kind of a logical next step
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in light of the limitations of the war on drugs.
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As though there are no intermediary possibilities.
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And in her report, our provincial health officer, Dr. Bonnie Henry,
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decriminalization on its own, without additional measures at this time,
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will result in improvements because it will lower stigma,
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And that it'll allow police to focus on other things.
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We must follow that, she said, by further increasing the regulation and legalization of illicit drugs.
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So, you know, it wasn't popular to point these things out.
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But increasingly, the government is being compelled to face the reality that they badly miscalculated.
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To me, it seems that British Columbia, like here in Ontario, Toronto specifically,
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that the decision making is being guided by activists, more so than thinking things through.
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In reaction to British Columbia asking for a recriminalization and all the documented social ills that came with it,
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and the fact that police were powerless to do anything,
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our mayor, our medical officer of health, our provincial chief medical officer,
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And they're saying that we need to move forward with this.
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In fact, Dr. Eileen DeVilla put out a video the other day defending the policy and the request to the federal government
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well, you know, no one will be able to smoke a crack pipe in a playground or shoot drugs into their arm on transit.
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And then you look at what the request is, and it's clear that they will,
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because police would only be able to act if someone was smoking a crack pipe or shooting heroin
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in a childcare center, a K-12 school, or an airport.
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And outside of that, they would have no ability to deal with someone causing major distress
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for transit riders, for parents, for small children.
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Yeah, I mean, it's hard to understand how someone would say that,
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especially in close proximity to the testimony that we're hearing from police officers
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and police representatives giving testimony in Ottawa
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and stating that, you know, the questions like,
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well, we hear if people are, patients in hospital are smoking fentanyl and crack
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in their hospital rooms, fellow patients are concerned, police, what can, you know,
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And so it's hard to kind of, you know, imagine, well, why would someone in a position of authority
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I think we have to look at the fact that whether it's in our municipal politics,
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our provincial politics, in our academic institutions,
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that we have increasingly individuals whose livelihoods and whose careers
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whether it's their salaries, their staff support, their grants,
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their own salaries as researchers in many instances,
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and who are dependent on the flow of funds linked to particular policies.
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Decrim and what's been referred to as safe supply
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are major thrusts of current federal and BC provincial politics
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I remember going back to when it was just a safe injection site.
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And they would always bring up, well, we've got peer-reviewed studies.
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And, okay, well, John peer-reviewed George's study,
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and George peer-reviewed John's, and Mary peer-reviewed this one.
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And it was just a group passing it around that all have the same ideology
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And I think, you know, the public is compassionate.
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And we've been sold on, whether it was safe injection sites
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that became safe consumption sites, that became safer supply,
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I think the public has a compassion and they want to help.
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And they're told this will reduce overdose deaths.
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And then when you say to the activists and the advocates who push this,
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well, we tried what you wanted and it didn't work,
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they say, but we haven't tried it long enough, or we need to do more.
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And I look at the BC Coroner's report that comes out monthly
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And I don't know how they can continue to say we need to keep doing this.
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With the exception of 2019, we've gone up every single year in British Columbia
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from 370 drug overdose deaths in 2014 to 2,546.
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I know fentanyl really hit the scene in 2016 and has been growing ever since.
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But the measures that society has agreed to put in place
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to try and get better outcomes is not getting better outcomes.
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Yeah, and it's along the lines of the tactics of the gun lobby in the US
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that the problem of mass shootings and school shootings and so on
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isn't that we have too many guns, it's we don't have enough guns.
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Because we don't have enough guns in the hands of the right people, right?
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The reason I emphasize the money side is that this whole movement
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from the perspective of addiction research and what we can do to reduce,
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to prevent addictions, to help people overcome addictions,
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is completely missing from the rationale for what we're currently doing.
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It comes out of a whole different place, as though there was no previous literature.
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And the main protagonists in BC, we have a government-funded,
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an industry-funded center, the BC Center for Substance Use.
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The BC Center for Substance Use was created by people who were formerly the HIV AIDS Center.
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They essentially rebranded, retitled their initiative, but appear to have preserved the same
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overall focus on pharmaceuticals, which obviously is integral to the progress that we've made
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in addressing HIV AIDS, but is a relatively minor component of helping to prevent and treat addiction.
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To emphasize how sort of odd this policy thrust looks, consider that we're eight years into a declared
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The only way to perpetuate a mortality crisis is to keep putting people at risk every single day.
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It hasn't even crossed the lips of our government leaders, whether on the public service side or the elected side.
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If the war on drugs taught us anything, it should be that a focus singularly on try to improve community health
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But here we are with an entirely supply-focused strategy.
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Not the fact that youth are growing up in despair.
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Not the fact that people with untreated mental illnesses are increasingly on our streets and succumbing to drug addiction
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Nothing to do with the circumstances that are modifiable.
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I mean, so this is back to the addiction literature.
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Lots of research shows that, including randomized controlled trials that I've had the privilege of leading,
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has shown that if we provide people with fundamentally different opportunities that involve changing their circumstances,
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changing where they live, changing their opportunities to engage in the workforce,
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to reconnect with their kids and with their families,
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we see dramatically different results, including crime, addiction, and suffering.
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But here we have this kind of odd-looking, completely supply-focused initiative.
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And what makes it worrisome is the people responsible were so convinced that they were correct,
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that several of them formed their own companies while in public office and while lobbying for safe supply.
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This includes our former provincial health officer, who formed an opioid company,
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his deputy, who formed an opioid vending machine company,
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the chief scientific officer of our major health funding organization,
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the Michael Smith Foundation, who also was an HIV-AIDS researcher,
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I need to stop you because I'm having trouble believing this.
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They founded companies to supply opioids to safe supply?
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So this has been reported and is on the record.
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So did the director, the initial director of the BC Centre for Substance Use.
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They all worked together on HIV-AIDS, and they were so convinced that the thought that the appearance of conflict,
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in hindsight, would be irrelevant, that they would likely be seen as the architects of a new era,
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I think that, you know, having worked with these individuals for many years,
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I'm now, of course, excommunicated from that particular tribe.
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But having worked with them for many years, I think they did it believing they were right.
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Dr. Bonnie, in her report to Ottawa asking for decrim,
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says that the world is seeing increases in drug-related hardships,
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including poisoning fatalities, and BC, and she says,
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So there's really, you know, a lot of evidence suggesting that they really, really believed in what they were doing,
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that they believed that potential conflicts of interest would never rise to the point of scrutiny,
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That is, you know, we were talking before you joined us off-air about all the, you know,
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former cops and police chiefs who now own a piece of the marijuana industry,
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These are health officials forming opioid companies to supply something
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that we would have thought crazy just a few years ago.
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I interviewed Dr. Sharon Koivu a few months ago about the problem of safer supply,
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and she had a unique vantage point from where she is in London, Ontario.
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And Dr. Koivu is an advocate of harm reduction, if done right.
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But she said there are four pillars of drug policy,
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prevention, treatment, enforcement, and harm reduction.
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And she said, we've forgotten about the other three,
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and we're just doing harm reduction, and that is hurting people.
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Well, so I agree that we've lost track completely of the four pillars.
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I also agree with your kind of query that we aren't even doing harm reduction.
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Harm reduction was introduced, and one of the—I say this with some sense of, you know,
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My mentor in clinical practice was a psychologist named Alan Marlat.
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and was a major force behind its advent in North America
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after gleaning some of the early insights from European practices.
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And I had the privilege of contributing to those books
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and to doing research involving harm reduction now over many years.
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The point of harm reduction is to be engaging people where they are,
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was the practice of insisting that people had to hit rock bottom
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before we would engage with them, which is clearly incorrect.
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and by listening to their own requests for assistance.
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and here's an example of what harm reduction could be.
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Most were struggling with very severe addictions
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We could help you get reconnected with benefits
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And these were all apartments integrated into healthy communities,
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Like, you know, in fact, they said they don't believe us,
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they said, well, yeah, I mean, where are those places you mentioned?
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So we offered people that form of harm reduction.
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Next week, we helped them furnish their apartment.
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We helped them figure out where to buy groceries and cook.
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We helped them over time to reconnect with employment.
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On day one, 82% of the people that we worked with,
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82% listed resuming paid employment as one of their top priorities.
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and over time reestablishing a link with those kids
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And harm reduction, as a non-coercive, volitional form of helping people,
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which were conducted in five regions of the country,
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have been systematically ignored by governments.
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and what we did in response to the surge of homelessness in recent years,
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was to double down on grouping people all together in buildings,
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which we showed was inferior to providing actual harm reduction
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and actual opportunities to reconnect with healthy communities.
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Well, that is the exact opposite of where harm reduction is now.
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I'm sure you heard of the tragic shooting here in Toronto outside a...
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the federal government had brought in a safe, so-called safe supply.
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And of course, that helped attract drug dealers.
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And that was part of what happened with the shooting.
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and on printed material that they would pass around,
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they said that they had a philosophy about being simply respectful of
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So, I think a succinct way of saying what I was trying to get at before
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is that harm reduction began as something that was more like a verb,
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and had a direction of improved health very much as its compass.
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We hand out, we exchange needles, so that's harm reduction.
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We provide consumption sites, so we do harm reduction.
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It's completely become untethered from any sense of throughput,
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any sense of progress toward ever more improved health,
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which includes citizenship, connections with people,
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And we've backed our way into some weird dystopia where,
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in BC again, our provincial health officer is on record
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saying people with opioid addictions don't recover.
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Well, if that's your belief, I mean, first of all,
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But it is so grossly misinformed that, you know,
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but it helps shed light on why we're in such a terrible place.
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I've met people who have recovered from opioid addiction.
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With the right programs and processes in place.
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what we've done is taken something that you described
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and said, okay, well, you know, it'd be easier.
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Let's just make sure they've got a steady supply
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I don't think it's an overstatement to sum it up
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One of the things that the activists and activists
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And my view is that we've got the cart before the horse
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on liberalizing drug laws and policies at every turn.
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Because everyone says Portugal's a success story.
00:27:15.260
The global financial crisis changed social policies
00:27:52.820
And I think it's an extremely informative document