Juno News - January 08, 2026
Are Indigenous rights creating two-tier justice in Canada?
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Summary
What if the house you bought, paid a mortgage on, and raised a family in was never really yours to begin with? A British Columbia court ruled this summer that land property owned for 150 years may never have been legally owned at all. And that s because the court accepted an indigenous oral history and 170-year-old journal entry as grounds to invalidate today s property titles. Now that s certainly curious because typically courts would reject evidence that can t be substantiated. In my latest episode of Disrupted, I speak with retired lawyer and author Peter Best about a ruling that could reshape Indigenous title law, property rights, and the very meaning of ownership in Canada.
Transcript
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What if the house you bought paid a mortgage on and raised a family in was never really yours
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to begin with? A British Columbia court ruled this summer that land property owned for, I don't know,
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150 years or so may never have been legally owned at all. And that's because the BC court accepted
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this indigenous oral history and 170 year old journal entry as grounds to invalidate today's
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property titles. Now that's certainly curious because typically courts would reject evidence
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that can't be substantiated and that's for very good reason. So in my latest episode of Disrupted,
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I speak with retired lawyer and author Peter Best about a ruling that could reshape indigenous
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title law, property rights and the very meaning of ownership in Canada. Now this ruling affects
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or could potentially affect every Canadian who thinks that when you buy something you should
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probably own it. So check out the link in the description to watch the full conversation now on
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Juno News. Peter, thanks for joining me today. Thank you. Pleasure. I, well, no, it's the pleasure
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is mine. I was reading your article in the C2C Journal about how Canada's courts promote indigenous
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radicalism. And certainly on my show, I talk a lot about how different institutions are promoting
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various forms of radicalism. So that really caught my attention. But especially you make the point that
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reconciliation has become kind of like a one way street where the law, it seems to be giving way
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every time there's conflict with different ideologies. And in this particular instance, we're talking about
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land back ideology or the land back movement. And just to make that a bit clear for people, if we think
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about the land acknowledgements that we were told to say all the time that are mandated within government
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institutions, the idea behind that is we keep repeating that this land belongs to a certain
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group of people, a certain ethnos, and it might have been unseated, for example. And the implication here
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is that it was stolen and things that are stolen possibly need to be returned. And so that, I mean,
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that's just a generalization here. But we're also seeing that the courts are accepting
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this concept we call indigenous ways of knowing as a legal argument. So that's kind of what we're
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talking about here a little bit. But maybe if we start from the basics of the case and what you wrote
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about, could you walk us through a little bit of the history that grounds this case and why it matters?
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Well, there's different cases that the Supreme Court of Canada has handed down that generally show,
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in my opinion, a bias in favor of aboriginal peoples. Section 35 of the Constitution talks about
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the rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada are hereby recognized and preserved. So the court has
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taken that, in my opinion, to adopt a stance that in all cases, in most cases, between the Crown,
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between the people of Canada and an aboriginal group, the court, in my opinion, shows bias
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in favor of the aboriginal peoples. It's basically on the basis that, as they've said in several cases,
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they were the, in substance, victims of colonialism, that victims of imperialism,
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and victims of residential schools. Each time the court makes these declarations,
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they're not based on evidence that was adduced in the trial that they're dealing with in their
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judgment. The conclusions they're drawing are based on newspaper articles, based on the Truth and
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Reconciliation Report, based on statements made by aboriginal advocates. The court is taking, making
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conclusions based on evidence, not evidence, because evidence means, uh, means, means testimony and
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documents properly put before the court in a trial. And the court makes these historical, social, political
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conclusions based not on evidence, but on, I suppose, their, uh, their personal dispositions and personal
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beliefs. And that's where I'm saying that, uh, the courts have become radicalized and that they're making
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judgments based on evidence not before them, rather based on the general sentiments that they have
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based on what they absorb from politicians and from the media. Um, the Restoul case went to the Supreme
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Court of Canada and the Supreme Court basically approved the conduct at trial, whereby the aboriginal
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trial litigants who were suing the Crown and eventually got billions of dollars from the Crown, based on the
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judge's decision. The, uh, the judge called it not a trial, which lawyers know what a trial is. It's, uh, it's a form of
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civilized combat that is conducted pursuant to pre-set rules. The court called it not a trial, but a proceeding of
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of reconciliation, which is radical, which is unprecedented for a judge to say, this is not
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me presiding over the resolution of a dispute between two adverse parties. This, because there's
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aboriginals involved, is a proceeding of reconciliation where niceness and good intentions are going to
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govern rather than the cold hard law and rules of evidence. So in that case, the aboriginals were allowed
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to, um, install a pole with feathers on it, a spirit pole or something in the well of the courtroom,
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in front of the lawyers. That area is normally reserved for his majesty, the king and his judicial
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magistrates. And it, it's an area of neutrality where the, where the king presides over a neutral, uh,
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resolution of a dispute between citizens. Here, the court, uh, uh, uh, made it into a reconciliation
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forum and the Supreme Court of Canada approved it. So in the court, uh, the Supreme Court is
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telegraphing to all the judges. Apply different rules when, when there's an aboriginal issue before
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you. And that is one of the main basis of why I say the courts are becoming radical, uh, not neutral,
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and they're becoming seen to be biased because it's not whether they're actually biased. It's whether they're
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giving off the appearance of bias. And that's what lessens social trust in the justice system. When people
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feel, uh, you know, the, uh, the playing field is uneven from the get go. That's what the court is doing.
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Yeah. There's a few things that you mentioned in there. Maybe we can dig into a few of them. You talked a
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little bit about the, uh, what, what I'm calling the indigenous ways of knowing, which is, I guess,
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the technical, uh, term for a lot of, of these things being introduced into the courts. And you
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talked a little bit about, um, the, the fair, the fair application or equal application of the law. And
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those are two things I'm kind of interested in. But if, if I dig into here a little bit, one of the,
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the indigenous ways of knowing is this oral history telling, which, um, a lot of indigenous, uh,
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cultures didn't have a written language. And so they, they rely on oral history, but when oral history is
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allowed to be, uh, in used as evidence, essentially the argument that you make is that's basically
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hearsay. And we don't use hearsay within, um, the, the, I guess, traditional liberal court system
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that is supposed to treat everyone fairly, uh, as part of rule of law because it's unreliable evidence.
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But this is sort of what's happening in this case. What do you think about that?
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Yes. Uh, the oral hearsay exception for aboriginals arose in about
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1997 when a Supreme Court of Canada justice says, well, if you don't let them give hearsay evidence
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because they were, they were all preliterate cultures, none of the indigenous tribes of Canada
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had written languages. And the judge came to his conclusion already being suffused with bias in
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favor of the aboriginal side. He seems to have wanted them to be able to win their cases. So he invented
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a new rule of evidence whereby only they only aboriginals were allowed to, um, to offer as proof of their cases
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what their ancestors told their grandparents, who in turn told their children, who in turn told the
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witness in the stand. Classic hearsay, which for 400 or 500 years, you know, has never been allowed
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because of its inherent obvious unreliability. Uh, uh, uh, the idea behind the hearsay rule is
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you can't testify what someone told you unless the person who told you that is going to be in court to
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be cross-examined. So they created this exception and the judge said, well, how else can they prove their
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case unless we make a new rule so they can prove their cases easier? Whereas the rest of us who have to go to
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court, we have to prove our case with acceptable traditional evidence. And if we can't, too bad, you
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lose. And we all have to face the fact that we want to have justice, but if we don't have traditional
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evidence that's acceptable, we can't have justice in the court. So, um, and, uh, the principle underlying
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the manufacture of the hearsay exception for indigenous cases, it, it's just the sentiment of
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the court to give them a better opportunity to prove their cases. But it's just, it is discriminatory
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because none of the other races or ethnic groups in Canada have that benefit. Why should they have it?
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They say they should have it because they've been historically treated unjustly, which is a political,
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uh, conclusion drawn from out of court evidence, not expert evidence, just stuff they take from the
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media air and apply in court cases. It results in the uneven application of the law and the loss of
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trust and faith in courts by non-Aboriginal litigants who have to go against Aboriginals where they get the
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benefit of this rule, which is, is exploited and, uh, dealt with in bad faith all the time. Why not? I mean,
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why wouldn't you take advantage and make up evidence and say someone told you something if
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the payoff is millions of dollars in judgments or the acquisition of unprecedented new rights for your
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particular race? So it's a bad rule that creates animosity. Yeah. Yeah. But even, even if everyone was honest all the time,
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uh, and let's be, uh, uh, let's be generous. Let's say everybody's honest all the time and nobody lies.
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What the danger here is also that we end up with multiple different types of legal systems that apply
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to different cultures. We have this term, uh, that I come across all the time, culturally appropriate,
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right? We, or culturally safe. Um, and so the implication here is that different cultures have different needs.
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And if you apply that to the legal system, in this case, we're doing this with indigenous groups,
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they have their own particular need for the courts to apply or to adapt their particular culture.
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And therefore now we have a different legal system or a different legal process for them.
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Well, what's stopping, you know, all preferred client groups getting their own, uh, particular
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legal adaptations. Uh, but that, I mean, that, that's a whole thing we could talk about for, for hours.
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You also mentioned, uh, something, uh, reconciliation proceedings, this idea, it's not a trial, it's
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reconciliation proceedings. And, but that does that imply then that we don't, we don't really, again,
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it's sort of on the same top. We don't really have a rule of law here. We have, um, legal proceedings
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specifically adapted for this reconciliation, uh, truth and reconciliation process.
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Yes. And reconciliation, it started off defined by the Supreme court as a way of meshing aboriginal
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rights and crown colonial rights in a way that each, each of the sets of rights is, uh, interfered with
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as least as possible. It applied to a specific fact-based legal situation, reconciliation.
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The Supreme court has forgotten the legal precise nature of reconciliation. And they're now using
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the term in the sense of reconciliation being a social political movement to
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increase the nation to nation relationship between the supposed
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relationship between the crown and 625 different Indian bands or first nations, as they call them. So,
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uh, the court has lost sight of what reconciliation is. And the court, in my view, has taken on the role
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of the legislature, has crossed over into activism to, to bring about some undefined political
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and social goal of reconciliation. Of course, nobody ever defines what reconciliation is. It's usually a term
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used by Aboriginal interests to gain an advantage, to cause the crown or the non-Aborigines of Canada
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to give up something and give it to them. The other phrase that is used with reconciliation is the honor of the crown.
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And it used to mean the crown must act honorably when they're carrying out treaty obligations or other
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obligations owed to Aboriginal peoples. It's specific to an existing treaty or Aboriginal right that is being enforced.
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It now means, honor of the crown now means whenever there's, whenever there's a dispute,
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the crown, the crown, the people of Canada are not allowed to fight hard for their side of the dispute.
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They have to throw in the towel because it would be not honorable to fight Aboriginal claims, even when
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the claims have no basis in history or a weak basis in history. A weak basis in law are novel claims claiming new,
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you know, new rights that are going to cost millions and millions of dollars to finance if they're granted.
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So the argument is, oh, it's a guilt trip word, honor of the crown. Reconciliation is a guilt trip word,
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where non-Aboriginals against whom claims are being made are guilted into acceding to the claims
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because not to do so would be dishonorable or would would be not promoting reconciliation. Of course,
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they've completely abandoned the meaning of reconciliation that the Supreme Court set out
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10 years or so ago that was fact specific. And the honor of the crown now can mean almost
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anything an Aboriginal claimant says it means. It just means be nice and keep your pocketbook open for
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us. That's what honor of the crown is coming to mean. Don't ever say no to us.
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Yeah. Many Canadians seem to really be paying attention to this particular issue because they're
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worried that this could apply to their own property. So if the property that I bought in good faith,
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thinking that it was mine, as soon as I paid off my mortgage, etc. If, you know, if the courts turn
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around and say, well, actually, that wasn't yours this entire time. And we've just decided it's going to
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go to this particular band or that particular band or that particular nation, right? That's a real worry
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for a lot of Canadians. And do you think there's a legally coherent alternative to this? And what can
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Canadians do if they want to possibly look into this a little bit more or even challenge it?
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Well, in my opinion, the only solution to this, to stopping these endless claims against the
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Canadian taxpayer, endless claims against the citizens of Canada, who, in my book, there is no
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difference, I argue, relatively speaking in history, the Great Britain treated the Aboriginal peoples of
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Canada relatively decently, relatively honorably. There's no slaughters, there's no genocides,
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tried to educate them in residential schools. And I've read a lot about these things, and the people
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our ancestors were honorable and decent and tried their best. And so don't think that we have any
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reason to feel guilty. If you look at the expanse of history and see how conquered peoples throughout
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history were treated, they were murdered, raped and despoiled. And none of that happened in Canada. And the
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kind of terminology being used for my ancestors and yours, maybe, is disgraceful by our leaders. And
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uh, they should be defending the decency with which our ancestors treated Aboriginal peoples. Nothing's
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perfect in history. Some people say every page of history is blood soap. Well, not every page of Canadian
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history is. Relatively speaking, we have a lot to be proud of in Canada. And uh, and the honor of the crown
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has been more than fulfilled by present-day Canadians and our ancestors. And uh, I wrote my book and I wrote the
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article to point out to the courts, stop sacrificing present Canadians on the altar of false and unjustified
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guilt. And stop making court decisions based on, on uh, faulty historical reasoning about colonialism and
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imperialism and cruelty towards Aboriginal people. Open your eyes, read real history books and see what
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real cruelty is. We've, we've been really decent as Canadians over the last 150 years.
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Yeah. Yeah. I, I think you're expressing a lot of the things that, um, I'm very concerned about is that
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many of these ideas that may have started from a place of, uh, genuine, genuinely wanting to, to do well,
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uh, turns into maybe or creates maybe a sense of tribalism that wasn't there before. It was less
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pronounced. And I'm concerned that continuing doing this might move that, uh, might create more of that
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in the long run. For example, if we don't have any guardrails and we have special treatment for certain
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ethnic groups in the law, uh, how do we know that more and more land is not, is not going to be, uh, given to
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indigenous tribes and maybe people live on that land and maybe they might, they might be dispossessed.
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There's certainly, I don't, you know, there are certainly individuals out there, uh, radicals out
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there who would like to see that happen. And, and how do we prevent those things from happening? And,
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and I think people's trust in the system is maybe diminishing day by day. Uh, but I, I really appreciate
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you joining the show, Peter today. And I, everyone should go read, uh, read his article. There'll be a link
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in the description, but, um, yeah, thank you. Thank you so much for joining me today.
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Just one more comment. The solution is amend the constitution to repeal section 35.
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That is the source of a racial division that is increasingly happening because can you just,
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can you just say what is section 35? Just so social people know it's the provision that was put
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in the constitution in 1982 that says that the rights of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada are hereby
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recognized and preserved. And based on that section, the Supreme Court of Canada has declared
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Aboriginal title, which has taken ownership of properties in Richmond, BC from the true owners
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and handed them to an indigenous band on Vancouver Island. So what you mentioned has already happened.
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People have been deprived by a trial court of ownership of their property of their homes and businesses.
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There are claims for similar Aboriginal title over all of British Columbia and over most of New Brunswick
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and other parts of Canada where there was no treaty. So all of this, all these claims, all this racial division
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and dissension has originated from the way the Supreme Court of Canada has interpreted section 35 of the constitution.
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So, um, it's become a section of the constitution that is creating racial tension, racial division,
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and is harming the economy of Canada greatly. So my, I've given up on reforming section 35 because
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the Aboriginal demands are relentless and they're getting, you know, their appetite grows with their feeding,
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and they've been so successful that they want to feed more against the interests of all Canadians.
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So, yeah, well, that appeals to me. Repeal, repeal, repeal is what I, what I like to hear. I think we need to
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have a lot more appealing of a lot of things going on in Canada to set the record straight.
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Well, it would be like, like Lincoln amending the American constitution to reduce slavery. It would be like
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the constitution being amended to give the vote to women. Sometimes constitutions need to be amended
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to bring about a reforming purpose. And this section and the way the courts have determined it has
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created racial tension and racial ill will vastly greater than anything I've ever seen in my life.
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And so reconciliation is not happening. Rather, whatever the opposite of reconciliation is,
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that's what section 35 is causing. And it needs to be repealed.
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Well, that's all the time we have for today. Thank you so much for joining me, Peter. And like I said,
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everybody should go read the article. Thank you. It's really difficult not to view this situation
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cynically at this point. You really have to ask yourself if we can rely on a rule of law that
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predictably applies the rules equally, as in equally to each individual, rather than equitably, which is
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treating different client groups differently on the basis of their cultures to somehow create some
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form of equality, or if the courts are becoming a vehicle for preferred ideologies under the hammer of
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activist judges, regardless of the consequences on everyone else. And if what you believed was your
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legitimate property may only remain your property at the pleasure of the courts, perhaps this may be just the
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thing that ignites a fire among the silent majority. For True North, I'm Melanie Bennett.