Juno News - October 20, 2025
B.C. homeowners warned their land may not be theirs
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Summary
Is your home really yours? What if a judge rules that the land on which your home sits rightfully belongs to somebody else? Somebody like, for instance, First Nations people? That scenario happens to be playing out in Richmond, British Columbia, where a recent Supreme Court decision grants the Cowichan Nation title to large swaths of land and fishing rights in the Fraser River.
Transcript
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And welcome to Straight Up. I am your host, Mark Petroni. Is your home really yours? What if a
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judge decides that the land on which your home sits rightfully belongs to somebody else? Somebody
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like, for instance, First Nations people. That scenario happens to be playing out in Richmond,
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British Columbia, where Mayor Malcolm Brody has sent a letter to residents affected by the
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B.C. Supreme Court's recent land title decision. That decision suggests goes as follows. It granted
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the Cowichan Nation title to large swaths of Southeast Richmond and fishing rights in the
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Fraser River. Residents are understandably upset. You can imagine why and concerned. Here's Kat
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Canada with her take. Is there even a point to strive for home ownership in British Columbia
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if the government can just say, hey, you know what? 150 years ago, someone may have fished
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near here. So now we have to seize your land. So residents have been warned that their property
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ownership could be compromised. The mayor's letter included a draft map outlining areas
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affected by the ruling. It reads as follows. For those whose property is in the area outlined
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in black, the court has declared Aboriginal title to your property, which may compromise
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the status and validity of your ownership. This was mandated without any prior notice to
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the landowners. The mayor announced a public meeting will be held at Richmond City Hall on
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October the 28th to talk about that. Promises to be a barn burner. Now the court decision is
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under appeal, but if it's upheld, the precedent set in British Columbia could allow Indigenous
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nations to claim title over entire cities, suburbs, farms, and infrastructure in huge parts of the
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country. Now Lauren Gunter is a political columnist for the Edmonton Sun and has some thoughts about
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that story. We'll be chatting with Lauren in a few minutes from now. We're now about two weeks from the
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release of the federal budget. Conservative leader Pierre Polyev has called on the government to cut
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taxes and keep the federal deficit under $60 billion, under $42 billion, sorry. And that may be a tall
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order given that the current estimate has the deficit at well over $70 billion. Now in a letter to the
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prime minister, Polyev said Canada has become a country of empty bank accounts, empty fridges,
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and empty stomachs. Here is Polyev last month saying there needs to be billions of dollars in cuts
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in this conversation on CTV News. There needs to be billions of dollars of reductions in the federal
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bureaucracy and we need to cut the consultants in half. So he should cut the budget for consultants by
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at least $12 billion. And what about the budget for public service workers, which right now is at
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$71.5 billion? Well, we should reverse the cost of the bureaucracy back at least five years to the
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pre-COVID era. I mean, how is it that we were able to deliver all these services five years ago with 40%,
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30% less bureaucrats and less bureaucratic spending? We don't need more bureaucracy. We need to leave money
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in the pockets of entrepreneurs and workers who will generate the real growth for our country.
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Now, Interim Parliamentary Budget Officer Jason Jacques said last month the deficit will rise to
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nearly $70 billion. As I said, we're a couple of weeks away before we find out for sure. Now,
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British Columbia Premier David Eby says lifting the tanker ban off the northern coast of his province
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would lead to cuts in other real investments that need the support of coastal First Nations peoples.
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He says the current oil tanker ban is needed for the support to maintain support for other economically
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important projects. Eby wants the federal government to reaffirm its support for the tanker ban off the
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west coast. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith wants that ban lifted as part of her government's proposal to
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build an oil pipeline to the west coast. And Loren Gunter joining us. He's a longtime journalist and
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columnist with the Edmonton Sun. Loren, welcome to the show. Thank you very much, Mark. Let's talk a
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little bit about this collagen situation. I mean, imagine being a homeowner in Richmond right now,
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and you get this letter from the mayor saying, oh, by the way, that home that you have, that you think you
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have, well, it might just be on First Nations territory. And so your title may not exactly be
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legit. You know, what would go through your mind? Yeah, for sure.
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I mean, imagine what's going through the minds of those residents.
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Yeah, the mayor said that he's going to hold a meeting next week to discuss what the options are,
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and there is an appeal of the decision that's going to a higher court. But that could take another couple
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of years and who knows what the First Nation wants to do in the interim. It would be very unsettling
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as a homeowner to put all of that money into your largest investment in your entire life,
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and now be worried that you couldn't sell it because you don't own the land it's on in fee simple.
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Yeah, imagine that. I guess the value of that property is now seriously impacted.
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Yeah, I would think so. It depends. There is a community in West Kelowna that is on First Nations
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land, and you pay an annual lease to the First Nation for the right to use that property for
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your home. And the First Nation has been very good about it. They know that that's a large source of
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their income, so they don't want to wring the neck of the golden goose. But there's nothing to say
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that they can't at any time decide they don't want all those houses there and they will just cancel the
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leases. Yeah, they may decide there's more money in condominiums or something else. And so I can't
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imagine that they are allowed to do anything until this matter winds its way through the courts, goes
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through the appeals process. But in the meantime, you've got all this uncertainty in the minds of
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the residents. So do you do a big reno? Do you add to your patio or your deck? Do you improve the outer
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look of your home? Do you do any of that stuff? Because you aren't sure two years from now or four
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years from now whether you're going to be the owner of that house or not.
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And there's also the implications, you know, the broader implications nationally. I mean,
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sure, this is a B.C. court decision, but if it's upheld, it could have all sorts of
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ramifications right down the road. Yeah, especially if it goes up to the
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Supreme Court. If the Supreme Court rules in the way the Superior Court in B.C. did, then yeah,
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it'll be it will be national. To me, this goes back to the sort of the nice puffy stories we've created
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around like land acknowledgements. You know, you can't go to a speech or a concert or a hockey game
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where there isn't a land acknowledgements. Well, we're really, really sorry we're on
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Treaty 6 land, but we are, and so thanks very much. This has created this impression
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among an awful lot of non-Aboriginal progressives and among a lot of First Nations people
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that this whole idea of land back. We took all their land, now we have to give it back. It's
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given it credence. It's given it sort of an official stamp because particularly at public
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events, particularly at government events, there are elaborate land acknowledgements
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that give the impression that, you know, there's something that we can do to return this land.
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I mean, the treaties were very clear. The treaties that were signed on the prairies, which is a
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this is a problem in B.C. because they didn't have treaties, but the treaties particularly that are
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signed on the prairies said, you know, you agreed to give up title in perpetuity in return for basically
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what we now think of as health, education and welfare, and a suit of clothes for the chief
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every two years. That's in a lot of the prairie treaties. So it's not in question. The whole idea
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of land back is crazy because in the treaties that were signed, there's an awful lot of indication that
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you know, you're giving up Aboriginal title. Now, B.C. is a different matter. 110% of B.C. is under land
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claims, and they didn't have treaties. And I mean, they're overlapping and conflicting land claims. And
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it's a real mess. But for 30 years now, our courts have been slowly, gradually adding to the list of
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precedents of the idea that Aboriginal title was not extinguished. And that's going to lead to more and
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more decisions like this. There was a group of hunters yesterday sent me a photo of a sign that's
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recently been posted on public land, partly reserved, partly public land, at the south tip of Lake
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Winnipeg. And it says you are entering territory that was the traditional grounds of whatever band it is.
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And so you are not allowed to enter, hunt, fish, or do anything on this land without the express
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permission of the chief and band council. Well, you know, how? Under what authority does that happen?
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You know, First Nations simply cannot put up a sign and say, I'm sure you can't come onto public land
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because we have a claim against it from time immemorial. That's always the line that they use,
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time immemorial. And there have been cases for the last two years in B.C. where two of the most
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popular provincial parks just north and east of Vancouver have been closed for hunting season for
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September and October because the First Nations in the area claim they have ceremonial rights that they
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have to perform in those areas. And they think they should have exclusive rights to hunt and fish in
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those lands. And the government of B.C. has gone along with this. The government of B.C. did not ask the RCMP
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to go in and open up the parks. It didn't say, you know, you have no right to do this. It played along
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with it. And all of those concessions, all of that nice, nice talk has led to what's happening in
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Richmond. Yeah. And when you think about the jurisdictional areas, issues around that, the fact that
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some of these reserves have been used to bring in guns from the United States, I mean, that's generally
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how firearms, illegal firearms ends up end up in the hands of people in Toronto and Vancouver and
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Montreal and other cities is through that gateway. Yeah. My understanding is that the vast majority
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of them don't come in through reserves, but we have several reserves that straddle the U.S.-Canada border
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and Canada Border Service Agency and the RCMP are not allowed to stop First Nations people in those
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reserves from driving back and forth across the line. And I remember, oh, it must be 20 years ago now,
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there was a case in Alberta where all sorts of machine guns had been brought in at the reserve that
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goes from Browning, Montana, just south of Cardston, Alberta, because no one was allowed to interdict
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the vehicles and inspect them. So it is an issue that Ganesawagi, the Ganesawagi, sorry, near Montreal,
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same thing. Back when you remember the Okra crisis, they were bringing guns back and forth across the line
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all the time. And so it is an issue and we have to deal with it in a more sensible way. I don't think
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we can say, sorry, First Nations, you have no claim on this. No, they do. And I would love to see more
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partnerships between governments, industry and First Nations to develop pipelines, to develop
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oil sands, to develop whatever other malls, shopping malls, develop a mall and let the First Nations in
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the area in on the profits. Fine. I think that's doable. But right now, this idea that we don't have
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rights to our own property, which was begun in BC in 1790. So, you know, over 200 years, we don't have
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rights to that. That's just one of those judicial myths, like the decision in Toronto that there's
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a God-given right to bike lanes, that it was a charter right that you should have a bike lane.
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Judges have gotten a little bit out of control. Paul Jay
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Yeah, these activist judges are going to be paying close attention to this decision out of the BC
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Supreme Court. Municipalities should be paying close attention. And I'm just reminded of all these
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woke mayors out there like Olivia Chow are going to say, Oh, yeah, bring it on. You know, we have to
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give up this section of the country or this, this part of the city. And I was just looking at some of
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the territory that I mean, we're talking about huge stretches of Canada that might qualify under, you
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know, unseated land that might fall under this ruling. We're talking about Vancouver, Victoria, most urban
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centers, Montreal suburbs, James Bay, which is a massive area, Halifax, rural properties, Thunder
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Bay, Sudbury and St. John's and Fredericton. So this is something that should be on the radar screen,
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you know, from one end of the country to the other. And all you can do is kind of hope that the,
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you know, cooler heads and saner heads prevail, as this goes through the appeals process. What do you
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think? I hope so. But the Supreme Court recently forced out one of its members who probably had the
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best understanding of land claims and property rights, because the Chief Justice didn't really
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care for him. So I think that this Chief Justice is a very activist justice. And I think that if this
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goes up to the Supreme Court, they will probably shave a little bit here and a little bit there,
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and it won't be quite as extreme as the BC Superior Court. But, you know, this is likely to go through
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the courts. And can you imagine very many federal politicians saying, hey, wait, this is ridiculous.
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This is, Aboriginal title does not supersede your land, your property rights, or your, the title you
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hold to your home. But I can't, like a lot of them have spent all it, because most of them grow up
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and live in large urban areas where this doesn't really apply to them. The interesting thing about
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the Richmond one is, you're now talking about a large section of a well-off urban area. And so,
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suddenly it does apply to an awful lot more people. But typically, they've been willing to trade away
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rights to pipelines or to develop mines or because it happens in a remote area where none of them live.
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But if it starts to happen to their homes, well, then maybe they'll change their minds a little bit.
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Well, let's talk about pipelines as long as we're kind of on the topic here. Because you talk about
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some of the most lame excuses ever for not supporting, you know, wide open tanker traffic
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in Northern BC. I mean, David Eby came out and said, well, you know, we need that ban in order to
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provide us social license with the Indigenous communities and produce and do other projects.
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Like, what other projects are going to come close to how lucrative something like this would be, you
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know? So, you know, he's saying, well, you know, this gives us social license through our interaction
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with these Indigenous communities, you know, maintaining the ban. And as a result of that, we
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can't allow tankers anymore. To me, social license is a charade. It's something that politicians talk
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about when they have no intention of approving whatever the project is, because they can come
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back to you and say, at the end of the day, well, you know, we tried to find social license
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to build this pipeline to create this coal mine, this oil sands project, but it just wasn't there.
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So it's the lack of social license that caused us to put it. But what does that mean? It's so
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amorphous a term that it hides a multitude of sins. You can do whatever you want behind social license.
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That Brise government tried to do that with Trans Mountain XL. They tried to do it with Coastal Gas
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Link. And thankfully, there were a couple of projects there that finally got put through,
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because they were just so lucrative. Coastal Gas Link, for instance, is the one that takes liquid
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natural gas from northeastern BC down to the coast. And it was approved by the elected First Nations
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governments all along the route. The owners of the pipeline have been very careful. They've negotiated
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very good deals to share in the profits with all of those First Nations. But then the hereditary chiefs,
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who in most cases are simply appointees of the elders, they don't have the democratic legitimacy of
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being elected by the members of the First Nation. They said, a lot of them said, no, no, no,
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no, this is no good. It's going to ruin our traditional lands. And the federal government,
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which didn't want the pipeline anyway, then suddenly found this great respect for hereditary chiefs,
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which superseded the democratic decisions of the First Nations. So I can't see a time when the
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politicians, either provincial or federal say, yes, well, we're going to use the Constitution's
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interprovincial trade authority to push another pipeline from northern Alberta through to the
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to the West Coast. And, you know, the thing Eby says, he says that we need to preserve the pristine coast.
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There are tankers from Alaska running down that coast right now. And how do you say they're running
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down right now? How do you know that? Because they run up and down that coast all the time. And they go
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to refineries in Washington State, they go down to refineries in California. And what's the difference
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if we have a few Canadian tankers along the way too? He said, well, you know, you have to go in through
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this very, it's called Douglas Street. And you have to go into this very narrow passage. And
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there are rocks. Yeah, I know. But you can you can map all of that out. You could put an automated
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tanker in there with GPS and a computer nav system. And it wouldn't hit a single thing. So these are all
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just phony excuses by suburban progressives to make themselves feel better about saving the environment
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and rescuing the planet. And so that's what unfortunately, that's what the very real
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economic arguments in favor of a pipeline. That's what they're up against.
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Meantime, you've got Alberta Premier Daniel Smith, who's trying to get another pipeline built. I guess
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this would be what son of Northern Gateway. I'm not sure what they're calling it, but trying to make her
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case with the federal government, which is reticent at best anyway. So she's got opposition on both
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sides, you know, with the British Columbians, as well as the Feds. And the frustration is building in
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Alberta as a result of this intransigence. Well, you can see in what the Feds have been talking about,
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they don't want any more pipelines. But if they're going to have a pipeline, they want one to the West
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Coast. Because if you're going to finish off the one to the Maritimes and open up shipping to Europe,
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there's a huge market in Europe for our natural gas and oil. That pipeline could be busy every day,
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365 days of the year, and every tanker's in and out. And it would add to the federal government's
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revenues by probably about three or $4 billion a year. You could do that easily. And then you could
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employ tens of thousands more people and you could have a growing economy rather than a stagnant one.
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But the pipeline to the East has to go through Quebec. And the Liberals are not prepared to risk
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their 44 seats in Quebec because their voters in Quebec are very anti-pipeline. So are most of the
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Bloc Québécois. If you look at the most recent polls, Quebecers as a whole are about 56% in favor
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of a pipeline to the West Coast, but under 30% in favor of one to the East Coast. So again, it's one
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of those things where not in my backyard. Sure, you're going to have it over there in BC, but not in my
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backyard. But the Liberals are so afraid of losing their Quebec seats. They don't care about the
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economics. They don't care about the $3 billion lost. The number one priority of Liberal politicians,
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always, big L Liberal politicians in Canada, is to be reelected. And so that's all they care about.
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Yeah, absolutely. We're a couple of weeks away from the budget, this long-awaited budget,
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and there's talk that the deficit could be in the $60 to $70 billion range, maybe even higher.
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Now we have the leader of the opposition, Pierre Polyev, saying, no, you've got to keep it at $42
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billion, and that's going to mean spending reductions. It was steep and deep spending
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reductions. So he's issued this letter to the government, Mark Carney, asking for not only
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spending cuts, but tax cuts. To me, this runs counter to how these people are wired. Nobody's
00:24:25.160
going to get that. Yeah, no question. They're not going to do that. I think it's quite simple when
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you look at the federal budget to determine where the fat is, and it's in the civil service. In the last
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10 years, under the Liberals, the federal civil service has grown by 40%, 40% in a decade.
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Isn't that amazing? And the federal payroll has grown by 70% because most of the 40% they brought
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in are executives, managers, consultants. They're higher level. They're not people who are down at
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the ground serving Canadians. So we're paying 70% more for bureaucrats than we were a decade ago. And I
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defy anyone to point to a service that has improved 70% in Canada in that federal service. There aren't
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any. Two summers ago, you couldn't get a passport in under six months. You get this all the time.
00:25:21.240
And the Parliamentary Budget Office said there's seven layers of bureaucracy on top of just about
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every frontline worker in every department in the federal government. So things get passed up,
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the line back down. You get passed up two notches and back down. And you got passed up six notches
00:25:38.760
and back. And it just takes forever to get anything done. And so nothing's getting done by the federal
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government. I think you have well over 350,000 federal employees. We could probably get by with
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fewer than 250. And you would save an enormous amount of money, but they're not going to do that.
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You know, the last estimate I heard from one of the senior, one of the major bank's senior economists
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was it could be in the $95 to $100 billion range, the deficit.
00:26:15.960
But what you're going to get from Carney is a shell game. He's going to have capital
00:26:24.040
expenses that operating. Yeah, with that really operating expenses, money around until it looks
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like they've done some, some austerity, but none of it will be there. You know, it'll take me,
00:26:39.800
I used to go through federal budgets in about it in about an afternoon, and you could see what the
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big numbers were, you could say, Oh, look, this, this increased this much. I think now it's going to
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take a day and a half or two days because you got to go looking for the things they're hiding.
00:26:54.520
But, but no, I am not optimistic at all that the November 4 budget will contain tax cuts,
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economic consent. There's any of the things that we need at this point.
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Yeah. I mean, the bottom line is, is the debt going up or isn't it?
00:27:08.680
Yeah. You know, and then you could play all these games as much as you want in terms of
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operating budgets over here and capital budget here. And we're not going to include the investment that
00:27:19.880
we make in this area or that area, you know, so is the debt going up? Is the debt going up and how
00:27:29.080
Answer that question. In 2013, the Alberta Premier was Alison
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Redford and her finance minister was Doug Horner. And they tried this capital versus operation thing.
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And, you know, if you started digging, you could find all these operational expenses that were over on
00:27:45.880
the capital side. But the thing about this is maybe you win an election with that kind of
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sleight of hand. But investors aren't like if you're going to invest a few billion dollars in
00:27:59.160
a Canadian economy, you're going to go through that budget with a fine tooth comb and find out where the
00:28:05.800
weaknesses really are. So this will not help investment. We already have the slowest investment
00:28:11.880
per capita of any G7 country. We have the slowest growth in the OECD. So that's all of the developing
00:28:18.920
nations in the world. Yeah, it's 28 countries, I think. And the OECD thinks we will have the
00:28:25.960
slowest growth rate through to 2040. Isn't that something? Amazing. Lauren, thank you so much for
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coming on the show. Great job. Good fun. Lauren Gunter, longtime journalist with the Edmonton Sun.
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And that is it for this edition of Straight Up. Appreciate you tuning in, my friends. Let's do it