Juno News - October 09, 2025
BC NDP Premier a threat to Canada
Episode Stats
Words per minute
176.31816
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Hate speech
9
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Summary
BC's David Eby is going back to the playbook of the past 10 years. He wants to block the proposed Keystone XL pipeline to the Pacific Northwest Coast, and Alberta s premier, Rachel Notley, is standing in his way.
Transcript
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Hi, Juno News. Welcome back for another episode of Not Sorry. I'm Alexander Brown. I'm the director
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of the National Citizens Coalition. Thrilled to be here with you. And while I have you,
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I want you to check out our great sale. Go to junonews.com slash not sorry for 20% off.
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Many of you will believe me when I say this. Some might not, and we're trying to reach them.
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Because what if I told you that the greatest threat to Canada right now, to our economy,
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it's unity. It wasn't bluster from south of the border. It wasn't hostile foreign regimes from
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far afield. It's BC's premier, David Eby. David Eby is going back to the playbook of the last 10
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years. He claimed to be part of Team Canada. We all know how hollow much of that rhetoric was. I mean,
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heck, in Ontario, the Team Canada protect Canadian jobs guy continues to threaten Gimli, Manitoba
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with liquor bands and yanking things off shelves. But David Eby wants to block this crucial pipeline
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to the Pacific Northwest Coast. Alberta is in a bind here. They were told that this federal
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government was going to be different. They were told that we were finally going to be
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doing right by our economy and our autonomy and unlocking prosperity again. And folks like David
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Eby, who has been a key liberal ally over the last few years, are standing in the way. Take a look at
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his threat and his flippancy towards Daniel Smith's need to build a pipeline. The Alberta fantasy bitumen
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pipeline means putting all of that, the major projects, the economy, the jobs, and our coastline
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at risk. What the Conservatives in Alberta are pushing is an entirely political creation
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in the lead up to their election for wedge politics at the expense of British Columbia
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and Canada's economy. And they're being supported by the BC Conservatives, again at the expense of
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British Columbians and our valuable coast. Deeply insulting, saccharine, as big a wedge as you can
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possibly imagine. This is a man who has destroyed British Columbia's economy, who has stood in the
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way of hundreds of thousands of jobs, who has put in policies that have led to net migration from
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young people sort of fleeing to Alberta. When past premiers left office, including an NDP premier
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in the deceased John Horgan, British Columbia's finances were in the black or closer to than
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they are now. And for him to claim that these are political actions, a wedge, when Alberta is just
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trying to help with Canadian jobs, when Alberta is just trying to further strengthen Canada's economy
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under tariff uncertainty. It speaks to how men like David Eby and this ridiculous ploy to voters
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haven't changed and won't change. And the way you do change this, the way you stick up for Alberta and
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our very confederation right now, is the federal government needs to ignore him. They need to bypass
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him. And of course, there's no private investment because private investment has been chilled by
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years of net zero and making it impossible to build anything. Daniel Smith is now in effect
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calling Mark Carney's bluff and she should because she's been promised all kinds of things. All these
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election promises were put in place. I think some of us had our reservations about what they would
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actually amount to. But listen to her comments here. She understands that Alberta can't wait.
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And this is an important ultimatum at a crucial time for seeing if these next 10 years aren't going
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to be like the last. We support big major nation building projects and we would love to be able to
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partner with the companies that are going to help us build pipelines as well as make sure that we're
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supporting our fellow provinces on their aspirations to build major projects. I don't think it's a success
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if taxpayer dollars have to be spent to build pipelines. Pipelines should be built by the
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private sector. If we're going through this exercise, we're doing it so that we can restore
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investor confidence again. When you look at the value of bitumen, we believe that this project,
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if we could build it at a million barrels a day, even at today's prices, that would generate 20 billion
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a year for the Canadian economy, of which the governments take about 40 percent and it's about half that
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goes to the federal government and half that goes to the provincial government. So that is a very
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high value long term return that all it takes is the prime minister to say yes.
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No one harms Canada quite like Canada over the last 10, 20 years. And we can be hopeful that that
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change is coming, but concerned that it's looking a whole lot like more of the same. Alberta needs
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one simple answer here, which is yes, they haven't gotten it yet. There's a filibuster at play here
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and David Eby's a part of it. To talk about this, to break this down, Dr. Caroline Elliott joins the show
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today. She's a terrific fellow with the Aristotle Foundation, the B.C. Public Land Use Society, a real
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expert on the B.C. political scene. And first, a word from our sponsor.
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Dr. Caroline Elliott joins the show. Caroline works with the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy.
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She is so prominent with the Public Land Use Society, which is this constant topic out in BC
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and will increasingly become a big topic in Canada. She is a prodigious media figure and political
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figure on the left coast, an esteemed hiking mom in the international press, you know, big on the
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common sense socials. Caroline, thanks for joining us. Thank you for having me. I'm excited to be here.
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Yeah, no, the famous hiking mom in the flesh. Lucky me. To us, the topic of the day, and you and I
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reside in British Columbia, is our premier, is David Eby, is a man who claimed to be Team Canada,
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but is now very much standing in the way of getting a pipeline to the Pacific Northwest Coast,
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is evidently not on board with turning this country around and not repeating the last 10 years.
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What do you make of this infighting between Eby and Alberta at present? And where do you worry we
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might be going, you know, by history seeming to repeat itself? I feel like we've seen this movie
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before to some extent, right? When Alberta was last proposing the Trans Mountain Pipeline into British
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Columbia, David Eby was the Attorney General, and he and his party, his government spent their time
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using, as they said, every tool in the toolbox to stop the project. The courts were very, very clear
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on this. This was the federal prerogative to make this pipeline happen. And it's like David Eby is
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pretending he just wasn't a direct part of that. And like, he didn't spend a whole bunch of taxpayer money
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fighting exactly this kind of project to no end. So, you know, I think the reality is, like,
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killing our natural resource sector is a choice. It's an active policy choice being made by David
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Eby every single day. So when he says he's Team Canada, but he supports shutting down pipelines,
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that he supports bringing in his disastrous Clean BC plan, which he's pursuing with abandon,
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which is costing us more than Donald Trump's tariffs will ever cost our economy. You know,
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it's a total joke. So David Eby, I mean, he doesn't have a leg to stand on as far as I'm
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concerned. He's not Team Canada. He's Team David Eby. He's Team NDP. He'll do whatever it takes to
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please his base, but he is not going to be building up the economy in the way he should be.
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Yeah. And it's unbelievable that I think of, I believe it's Heather Exner-Piro with MLI who
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recently commented and was even testifying in a committee, which is that it's unbelievable that
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this country is just going to rehash petty parochial pipeline infighting from the 2010s.
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The moment Canadians were granted to step back up is looking like it has passed us. That's surely the
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worry, right? That we had this elbows up election, that we had this we promise we'll be different
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election and we're only months removed and we're sliding back into the same old, same old. Alberta
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Premier Daniel Smith has more or less had to call the federal government's bluff and just say, you
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know, here's your deadline. It's Grey Cup. It's Grey Cup weekend to make it happen. Do you see this
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changing? Do you have any hope for this situation? I don't like to be pessimistic because I'm not a
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pessimistic person. I watch your videos, you're not. No, and it's not even me trying not to be,
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I'm not a pessimistic person. But when I look at David Eby and I look at his leadership or lack
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thereof when it comes to BC's economy, it's demoralizing because you have a government here
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that has actively placed layer upon layer of regulation and hurdles to investment in this
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province from land use when it comes to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People
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to things that sound kind of crazy to most people like gender-based analysis plus in various
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environmental assessment programs. That's just one thing. I mean, federally you have all kinds of
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things layered on top of that. So it's almost laughable when you see Eby say, oh, a pipeline's
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fictional. There's no proponent. Of course, no private sector proponent in its right mind is
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going to jump into this mess and say, yeah, that's the place I want to invest. That's exactly the
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problem. That's where I think Daniel Smith is being really kind of innovative and showing some
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leadership here and saying, look, let us pave the way. I have no interest in taxpayers building this
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pipeline, but let us pave the way. And then ideally a proponent will say, okay, well, those hurdles
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have been crossed and we can actually invest with some level of confidence.
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Yeah. And gee, if some of the premiers who were lined up so behind Mark Carney seemingly during the
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election actually care about pushing these things along, it's like you have to call their bluff.
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If you want a bitumen pipeline to BC's North Coast, if you want to overhaul or scrap what are
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what are known as these nine bad laws, what is she supposed to do when they're all but
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filibustering at this point? I even think of, I mean, you have been so immense on the public land
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use file. I think of the impacts that this would further have on indigenous investment and indigenous
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projects where I thought it was in everyone's best interest in self-determinism, in true reconciliation,
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not just, let's say, reconciliation incorporated. And some of the grift has popped up around that
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industry that we should be approving projects and getting them to market and supporting things,
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you know, not just kitamat, like, like just really open up the floodgates on all these things. So if
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they, if they truly cared about reconciliation and they dress themselves up in, in that, in that
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visage that they do, you know, why wouldn't, you know, why wouldn't they practice what they preach
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on this? No, exactly. And they, a lot of what they, it's funny, a lot of what they've said,
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I view as almost like an indictment on themselves. Like think about when David Eby started talking about
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fast tracking projects in BC with the bill 15 that he put forward, where his plan was essentially to
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handpick projects out of the process and move them forward. If you actually look at what he's talking
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about with something like that, what he's saying is our regulatory system is such a quagmire.
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It's so impossible that provincially significant projects cannot proceed. So I have to actually
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reach in and instead of fixing that regulatory environment, instead of walking back some of
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these things that make it impossible to build things in this province and federally, the supplies
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too, they're just going to have to reach in and pull, pull their political favorites out.
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Like think of what an indictment that is of the system that they've built.
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And they're not willing to fix it. And so this is again, where I think Danielle Smith is probably
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on the right track. She's saying, you're talking about building stuff. You're talking about building
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Canada and team Canada, put your money where your mouth is, or at least your efforts where your mouth
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Yeah. And they've long been the ones who stymie and hinder the resource industry, you know, more than any.
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Now, thinking of stymieing and hindering a country, a province, your work on the public land use file
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has been, you know, how I came across your work. I mean, you've, you've been here on the Juneau,
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on Juneau news before, sharing your insights. This is an issue that more and more Canadians,
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certainly British Columbians now, but more and more Canadians, because the roadmap is being put down,
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need to be made aware of. They need to know of the, the threat of, you know, not just potentially
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losing access to their public parks. What about the very ground beneath your feet? And oh, that can
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include your home. Tell us more about the public land use society and your fight on this, your,
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your rational advocacy and, and what folks need to be worried about right now.
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Yeah, I feel quite honored to sit on the board of the public land use society,
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publiclanduse.ca. That'll be my plug for the audience to check it out. It really is worth
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checking out because I think it's checking out because it's one of the, the organizations that's
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been, I think, at the forefront of having this conversation in a thoughtful way, but also in a
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really important way. And it's highlighting the various steps the BC government in particular is
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taking, um, that is, is, is causing a lot of uncertainty on the land base. And it goes way
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beyond, I think the reason maybe people care so much about it is it goes way beyond economic
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development, which is obviously hugely important, uh, and, and, and deeply affected by these policies,
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but also simple things like hiking, recreation, skiing, you know, the things that just regular
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people like to do on the land, even if they work in some sort of office job, that's not directly
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connected to the natural resource sector. Um, and then with the Cowichan decision, which came down,
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uh, and also frankly, the Haida agreement, uh, which we can talk about as well. Uh, now it's
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becoming even more personal in the sense that we are looking at private property rights, the kind of
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most fundamental set of rights that our entire economy sits on, uh, and, and, and the way our society
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functions based on. So, um, it's a huge deal. I think there's a reason we've been getting a lot of
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attention with that, with that group. Uh, and so we're going to keep plugging away at it.
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Yeah. I, I think of my first introduction to your work on this, I believe it was like
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Joffrey lakes where all of a sudden folks was like, no, you're like losing access to your park
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for what, like three months or something like it, or, or even the section of the beach shut down in
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Tofino for a nice ritual. It's great to have rituals after a whale passed away, but it was,
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it's just really extended period of time and how quickly behind closed doors that has seemingly
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turned into, Oh, this might include your house. Like I, that, that Haida decision, like tell,
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tell our audience about what happened in Haida Gwaii, because when you first read about it,
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you think you're imagining it. Like it's, it's frankly pretty astonishing.
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Yeah. So it's all really related to, to each other. Cause it's the same,
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it's all been marked by the same secrecy. And, and it's just general lack of transparency around
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the issue that I think is causing a lot of public distrust on this. And it's unfortunate, but
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Haida Gwaii is an interesting one. So the province moved to recognize Aboriginal title over the entirety
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of Haida Gwaii. They kind of patted themselves on the back for coming to this agreement outside of
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the courts. And they said, this is, this is not only going to happen in Haida Gwaii, this is,
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as David Eby said, this is a template for all of British Columbia. But what they did is they
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overlaid Aboriginal title on top of private property. That's never happened before. The courts,
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when they have ruled on these sorts of things have, have actually explicitly removed private
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property because they, private property rights and Aboriginal title rights, they, they confer the
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exclusive use of the land, the exclusive ability to decide what's done with the land. And if you put
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those two interests over the same piece of land, you end up in a situation where it's just not a
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compatible path forward. So what they did with Haida Gwaii, they went ahead with that despite all
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kinds of legal concerns being raised around this. And then they went into the courts just recently
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and quietly without telling anyone in the public sought a consent order from a judge. And what the
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consent order from the judge does is it says, yes, we actually, as courts recognize this Aboriginal title
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over this land that effectively constitutionalizes it and makes it impossible to undo or next to
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impossible to undo through normal legislative means. So, you know, we can have a new government
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elected tomorrow, they might say I'm very uncomfortable with this Haida agreement. Well,
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you can't undo it now because it has been constitutionalized essentially by the courts.
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They never announced to the public that they were doing this before doing it. They never announced
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it after doing it. They've kept very hush-hush on it. And the only reason we're even talking about it
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now is because the Haida nation themselves put out a press release stating their excitement around
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this development. So it's a big issue and it's even more shocking not to just kind of keep going,
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but it's even more shocking. No, you're here to keep going.
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It's even more shocking in light of the Cowichan decision, which came down between the signing of
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the Haida agreement and the consent order that the government sought between those two things
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happening. The Cowichan decision came down from the courts and that recognized Cowichan Aboriginal
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title over Samaria, an area of land in Richmond. What that did though, and it's widely understood
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to have done so, is place private property rights in real jeopardy by saying that certain types of
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rights are defective, invalid, that you can no longer count on your private property rights. So knowing
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that, they went and then sought this consent order in the Haida case from the judge doing basically the
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same thing. It's really wild. And as if home ownership in the lower mainland of British Columbia
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isn't difficult enough, if you can even get into it, if you're not part of some foreign investment scam
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or some shadow network of international home buyers. Now I think of a guy like myself, I'm in a rental,
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like most people my age and under, my wife and I. And let's say we finally save up just enough to get in at the
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bottom end of the market. Surely it chills the thought of ownership to think that years from now,
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depending on the government, could be this year. Someone could dictate, an NDP government could
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dictate. It won't be the Greens, even though that new gal is gaining a little bit of popularity. That,
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oh, by the way, this doesn't belong to you anymore. You're now paying off to somebody else,
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somebody you didn't elect. And so much of this seems to be downstream from obviously the UN
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Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous People and then DRIPA, which I believe is the sort of
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Canadian application of that UN Declaration. They're two different things, but they're very similar.
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When I talk to my audience about this, when I put it in a column, there's a little bit of confusion
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there. Could you clear up for our listeners, what's the difference between the two? How does it apply
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and why should they be concerned about it? Yeah, sure. So just one thing to note on the
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Richmond case just quickly before we begin on the couch. Tell us how screwed we are.
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Well, I don't want to do that, but in terms of the uncertainty, look, some people have said,
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oh, well, this doesn't immediately impact property rights and don't lose your cool.
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But we actually saw the lawyer for the couch and say on the radio and repeated news articles that
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homeowners, property owners in that affected area are going to have to seek the consent of the couch
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and before they sell. Like this is a big deal and it's happening right now. So I just wanted to
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emphasize that point, but moving on to the UN DRIPA thing. So the UN Declaration on the Rights of
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Indigenous Peoples is essentially the way that they brought it into law in British Columbia and
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Canada and say in BC, I'll talk about BC, I know BC better, is they introduced the Declaration on the
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Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act. What that act essentially requires BC's laws to be brought into
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alignment with UN DRIP. So it's just what they call the act. So when you hear DRIPA and UN DRIP,
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for all intents and purposes, we're kind of talking about the same thing. But what it does is it's
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gone far, far further, much, much further than the Canadian constitutional context that has been in
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place for so long on this file. And it introduces a whole bunch of different layers of obligations
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that don't exist. One of the things that comes up as problematic is the free prior informed consent
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provision in it. And it basically says no project shall happen on the territory of these Indigenous
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groups without free prior informed consent. And it is true. There's many people who talk about these
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things and they say, well, that's not actually a veto. It doesn't need to be a veto. And that's true.
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You could interpret it probably one way. To me, it sounds like a veto, but you might interpret it one way
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or another. What's happening in British Columbia is they are interpreting it as a veto. And we're
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seeing that through the Sechelt Foundation agreement, which the government signed and then kept secret
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until after the election, which is just worth noting. You're seeing that in the recent agreement
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around the Chilcotin. You're seeing that with a recent agreements signed over with five First Nations in
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an area of Northwest BC that covers an area of the sides of England. It is being interpreted as
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a veto in this. They'll deny it. They always say it's not a veto. But if you actually look at the
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language in the documentation, they say no authorizations will be permitted in these areas
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without the consent of these, without the agreement of these First Nations. So if they give their consent,
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it happens. If it doesn't, if they don't, it doesn't. And I don't understand how we can think of that as
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anything other than a veto. Yeah. And I think I even think of like the dock rights of the folks
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in Pender Harbor, like these are fishermen and families and folks who have lived off the land
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for decades. And now all of a sudden they have to go through somebody else. You know, this was
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dreamed up behind closed doors. And it obviously brings to mind questions of our national autonomy of
00:24:19.360
our very culture of who the heck we are, which is, you know, we're already telling these kids at school
00:24:25.200
that they're on stolen land. And, and now we're, we're actually legally without public consultation,
00:24:32.560
making it seem like it, like it actually is. And what a slippery slope. And we know in activism
00:24:39.200
circles, and I'm very empathetic to, to true reconciliation that oftentimes with social issues,
00:24:45.600
especially over the last couple of years, progressive issues, when you give someone an inch,
00:24:51.120
they take a mile. If you, you, you, whether it was COVID overreach or cultural overreach or tearing
00:24:56.400
our flags down, or these industrial complexes tend to prop up, everyone starts to realize there's,
00:25:03.040
there's billions available to, to take where we're evidently coming for land rights for, for,
00:25:08.720
from Chinese families in Richmond. Like, where does, where does that end? Right? Like it, it,
0.99
00:25:14.640
I, and one of the things is that we both share that concern. We're both out here and we're,
00:25:19.600
we're starting to write about this more and more. We have a, we have a project called without
00:25:23.760
diminishment. You, you published a great video, a walk and talk down by the pier last night.
00:25:29.440
Tell us a little bit more about it. Yeah. I'm, I'm super excited about without diminishment.
00:25:36.240
It's got kind of a, I would say like a cultural focus to, to what we're trying to do. Right. It's
00:25:42.080
I think it'll serve as a great compliment to a lot of other publications that are out there
00:25:46.480
reporting, you know, the news, they're looking at the economy, they're looking at the fiscal
00:25:50.000
situation, they're looking at things, you know, that are really, really important. But I think
00:25:55.040
what, what without diminishment is going to do is I hope, and I, and I think it will achieve is,
00:26:00.640
is kind of elevating that cultural content a little bit more and talking about some of these like
00:26:04.560
issues that are a bit harder to talk about, right? Some of the, some of the almost like more
00:26:08.480
socially focused issues, like where are we going with reconciliation? And is this actually going to work out
00:26:14.400
well for all the parties involved and, you know, how do we deal with our country's past, but also how
00:26:18.720
do we kind of move from that discussion to a path forward? That's going to work for folks. So I'm
00:26:25.120
excited about it. And I think we're going to do some good things. That makes two of us. Caroline
00:26:31.120
Elliott, thank you for, for informing our audience today. And we'll, we'll talk to you again soon.