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Juno News
- December 05, 2023
Can tax reform save Canada’s economy?
Episode Stats
Length
13 minutes
Words per Minute
220.98442
Word Count
3,035
Sentence Count
210
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
5
Summary
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.
Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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I think the general sense here when we talk about Volkswagen, Stellantis, all of this
00:00:13.100
is that in general, corporate welfare is not a winning proposition.
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Canadian taxpayers, Canadian workers really don't benefit from this.
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It becomes a race to the bottom.
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It's the big multinational companies that are the ones cashing the checks here.
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But in this case, it really is adding insult to injury when it's not even Canadian jobs
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that are ostensibly being created here.
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Aaron Woodrick is the domestic policy guru over at the McDonnell-Laurier Institute and
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joins us now.
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Aaron, always good to talk to you.
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I mean, this is like really a slap in the face, but I'm almost glad because it shows more
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ostentatiously how bad corporate welfare is.
00:00:50.560
Yeah, look, for those who are tuning in who don't know my history on this, I mean, I've
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been a longtime critic of corporate welfare in all sectors, in all places at all times.
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I'm a big fan of free enterprise and business and the right to earn a living and make money
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if you can.
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But you should not be getting tax dollars if your business cannot support itself.
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And that's especially true of these large multinationals.
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Andrew, in this case in particular, what I had a bit of a chuckle about is that, you
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know, these are the same people.
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Whenever I make my usual objections, they say, well, you know, that's just that's just the
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price we have to pay.
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We have to pay to play if we want to get this plan.
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We just have to outlay these billions of dollars.
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That's just the way it is.
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But if you say, oh, some of that outlay has to go to, you know, say the South Koreans want
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to bring in some experts from Seoul because they're only ones who can do this.
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Oh, no, no, we can't have that.
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That's not a price we're willing to pay.
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We're willing to throw billions of dollars at something that makes no economic sense.
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But God forbid some of those workers come from outside of Canada.
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So I thought that was a little bit rich, but it does expose the absurdity of the whole
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thing.
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And frankly, it's just another reason why governments should not get their fingers into
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these business, right?
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Like if a business brings in foreign workers and they're paying it on their dime, it's
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kind of none of our business.
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But once our money is engaged, once taxpayer money's invades, you've got the government
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going in there saying, well, you have to put the plant here and you have to have this
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many employees and you have to produce.
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I mean, the government is basically running the company.
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And then you start to wonder, I mean, for people who know, well, government runs itself.
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Imagine how good a job they're going to do running a business like Stellantis.
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Yeah, and I think Pierre Polyev made a point there, which is a valid one.
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I mean, South Korea, I don't know much about their domestic politics, but I suspect they're
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not giving companies large bailouts to bring in Canadian workers, nor should they.
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So I don't really see the argument here on how Canada should be doing this.
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I mean, TFWs are already a bit contentious.
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I mean, the argument is that, well, they only exist because there are jobs that Canadians
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just can't do or more specifically won't do.
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In this particular case, when companies are given money that governments are turning around
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and defending by saying it's going to create Canadian jobs and it's creating South Korean
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jobs, it just doesn't really square there.
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No, look, and when it comes to importing workers to do work in this country, they generally
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fall into one of two buckets, right?
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You have people who are very rare skills that are highly skilled that we just don't have
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enough of those people on the high end.
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And then also what we call the low skill end.
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So you've got work that Canadians don't want to do.
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It doesn't pay very well.
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It's very hard.
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So those are the two sort of high end and low end.
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Now, on the high end, you know, if you're in a, you know, you're looking for nuclear
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physicists, right?
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There's just not that many.
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There's not that much you can do, but that's not very many jobs.
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On the low end, the challenge we have is people, employers say, well, we can't find
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any workers, even if we raise our wages.
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You know, in some cases that's true.
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But my response there is, well, what kind of entitlements is the government offering that will
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keep people out of these jobs?
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I mean, the reality is if people, if we live in a country where the social safety net is
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so comfortable that you can actually choose to work or not, and I'm not saying all people
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do this.
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Of course, some people can't work and have legitimate reasons not to work, but especially
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in certain regions of this country, it's well established that are people that are prepared
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to work less or work part of the year because the entitlement system is so generous.
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So my argument is if you actually make that entitlement system a little bit less generous, create
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some better incentives for people to work, you'll have more people going into those jobs.
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You'll have less need for temporary foreign workers.
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And this problem largely goes away.
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Yeah.
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And I hate to keep beating people over the head with the obvious point here, but there
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is a difference between a company that says, look, we have this need.
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We believe it can be best filled or only filled by foreign workers in this market and a company
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that does that well.
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The government is paying for it.
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Well, exactly.
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We're paying for the privilege.
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And if a business wants to do that sort of thing, boy, they should be running as far
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away as they can from any handout because obviously this objection, and politicians are right.
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I mean, at least in this instance, you have governments now saying, well, we want to make
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sure the taxpayer money is well spent on a subsidy in a different way.
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But nonetheless, I mean, you can see how any politician worth their salt is going to see the alarm
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ringing here saying this is not going to go over well with anybody if this money is actually
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leaving the country.
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Outside of this, I wanted to get you on the show anyway today.
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You had a great piece in the Globe and Mail.
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The key to saving Canada's economy is tax reform.
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Now, I think it's safe to say in the last eight years, no one in government has come up
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with a key to saving Canada's economy.
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So I think as a Canadian, I say thank you for putting this up there.
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But when you say tax reform, I mean, we often hear governments and political parties
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talk about, oh, we can, you know, add this little tax credit here, this reduction.
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In some cases, even more radical reforms like what Stephen Harper did in reducing the GST.
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But when you talk about tax reform, you're talking about something a bit more radical
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here.
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Explain.
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Yeah, I say, too, the title's a little bit generous.
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I argue that tax reform's a key plank in, you know, boosting our economy.
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It's not the only one.
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That alone's not going to do it.
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I would say, Andrew, generally the, you know, the debate over taxes is about higher or lower.
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And I think that's an important debate.
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I come down firmly on the lower side of that.
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But that's a separate debate than a complex system.
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We have an absurdly complicated tax system.
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Most people who have to do their taxes know this.
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Don't even try doing it without a professional help or without one of those softwares that
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you purchase.
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It's just, it's way too complicated.
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There's a cost to that.
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It distorts the system.
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It's confusing.
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It makes it hard for businesses to comply.
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I think it's fair to say we should have a debate about how much money does the government
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need, and then we got to look at the fairest, simplest, most neutral way to raise that money.
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And that's part of the thing that often gets left out when we're debating higher or lower
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taxes is which taxes are the ones that are the best to get this money, which ones are
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going to, you know, create the least distortions and do the least damage to our economy.
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One of the biggest problems with taxes, in my view, well, paying them, but one of the
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other biggest problems, and this is true in Canada, it's especially true in the United
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States, is that we have such a path dependency in our approach to taxes.
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If you were to say, we're going to gather around a group of people and we're going to
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create a new tax system from scratch that, you know, starting from zero, no assumptions
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previously, I don't think anyone would land on what we have.
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I don't think anyone would come up with a tax code that is just this long in the U.S.
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even longer because it doesn't make sense and because it's so complex and convoluted.
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Yet this is what we have.
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And as a result, changes seem to be very limited to tweaks and like you say, higher or lower.
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So would you, in the ideal world, if you were at that table, would you be changing
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something fundamental in how much you rely on consumption, how much you rely on corporate,
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how much you rely on sales and income?
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Like, what would your approach be if you were to really blow this up and start from scratch?
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Yeah, that's a great question.
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And you're right.
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It's a bit like barnacles on the hull of a ship, right?
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They just keep clinging on and eventually you sort of, you drag the ship down with you.
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There's an inertia element to that, right?
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Their politicians have limited political capital.
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They don't want to waste all their time sort of undoing or fixing the things their predecessors
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don't.
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They want to get on with their own.
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So they just end up layering it on top of things.
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Look, I think there's a good debate to be had about the role of consumption taxes.
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You know, people don't like them because they can see them.
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So they're kind of economically efficient, but they are very, very politically damaging.
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We saw that with the GST in this country.
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We've seen it with things like carbon taxes.
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The other problem with consumption taxes is rarely are they applied consistently, see,
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like you'll bring in something like a GST or a carbon tax and then you'll get all these
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little carve outs, right?
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Well, we won't tax poor people.
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We won't tax pregnant mothers and we won't tax this product.
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And so you kind of undermine the purpose of the consumption tax.
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And just to interject there for a moment, and then you get these really convoluted debates
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about what a food product is, you know, things like, well, this is a grocery product,
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but this is a snack product.
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So it's not even consistent within a category.
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Yeah, so I would say, generally speaking, whether you're, you know, if you're going
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to do consumption taxes, just do it blanket, don't have all these carve outs because otherwise
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you're just undermining the additional value of that.
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I mean, the other debate is over the, you know, taxing things like land and housing.
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You know, some people are pushing for things like a home equity tax.
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You can imagine how that's probably about as, you know, popular as a snowfall in July.
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But I think another thing we need to really wrap our heads around, and this is another
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political challenge is this idea of when we talk about taxing businesses, people love
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taxing big corporations, right?
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People forget that corporations are illegal fiction.
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There is no thing called a corporation paying tax.
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In reality, someone else is paying that tax.
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It's the employees of the company.
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It's the shareholders of the company.
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It's the customers of the company.
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So somebody else somewhere is paying that tax.
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So, you know, it's very popular politically to say we should tax, you know, corporate tax,
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raise it.
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That doesn't hurt anybody.
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Well, it actually does.
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Somebody else is paying that tax.
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And in a lot of cases, it's better to just tax people on their personal income tax than
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it is through, you know, if you're very wealthy, say you want to get a very wealthy person to
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pay more tax.
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Don't tax the business they own more.
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Just tax above a certain threshold their income higher.
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That's the better way to go about that.
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Coming back to that whole figure out how much you want to raise and then figure out the
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least sort of distorting way to raise it.
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And to put that into the context of our corporate welfare discussion.
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I mean, I imagine if a government could say to a company, we're going to give you zero
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dollars in corporate welfare, but we're going to charge you zero percent corporate tax because
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we know that you're going to employ all these people who are going to pay corporate tax and
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your executives are going to pay income tax or income tax, rather.
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And, you know, that there's I don't know how much money that works out to because it depends
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on the company.
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But there's a very real chance that that would give them more than corporate welfare
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does.
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And it's an incentive that doesn't cost taxpayers money.
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Right.
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Well, look, incentives matter.
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Right.
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I've often gone to these debates about people say, well, you support tax cuts.
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Isn't that the same as corporate welfare?
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Right.
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I mean, you're giving the company money.
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And my response is pretty straightforward.
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Right.
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There's a big difference between if you run a business and you earn money, that's your money
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and you get to keep more of it.
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Right.
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That's that's money you had to go out and earn in the marketplace.
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That's different than the government coming along and saying, we're just going to sprinkle
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this money on you.
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You just get this money, whether you sell stuff or not.
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And only to some companies.
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Well, exactly.
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Is across the board.
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That's where the fairness thing comes in.
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But I mean, just, you know, conceptually, they're very different for you to believe that
00:11:01.280
a tax cut is the same as corporate welfare requires you to believe it's actually the government's
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money in the first place.
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Right.
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And they're just letting you keep some of it.
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So I find that, you know, we can debate.
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I'm not a big fan of boutique tax cuts either.
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I think you should treat all businesses equally.
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You shouldn't sort of single different ones out.
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But letting people keep more of their own money is a very different thing than giving
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them a bunch of money that was never theirs in the first place.
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Well, and this is where we get to, I think, the biggest issue here.
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And I realize that you're in a very good position on this because you work in policy.
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But the politics and the policy of taxes and economics, I think, are oftentimes in direct
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conflict.
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And this is I mean, we can talk about the liberal government's financial mismanagement.
00:11:38.460
But I think the conservatives are particularly bad historically at wanting to embrace these
00:11:43.900
boutique tax cuts because it's very good politics.
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If you can say to a single mom, you know, we're going to do this for you.
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Or if you can say to a family with kids in sports, we're going to give you this money
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for your kids to do sports.
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But then what you've done is you've added more and more complexity, more carve outs and
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less universality to the tax system.
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Absolutely.
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And you saw this argument during the conservative years under Stephen Harper.
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They added a lot of boutique credits and who's going to argue with that?
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Who's going to argue with the idea that, you know, giving families a tax credit to put
00:12:11.560
their kids in sports is a bad thing?
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The problem is what I found ironic was that people at the time argued that, well, you
00:12:18.640
know, if we just cut if we just cut income taxes, the liberals would come along and reverse
00:12:22.060
that.
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Whereas if we put these little things in the tax code for the reasons we talked about
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earlier, they'll stay there.
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What ended up happening, ironically, is just a true who comes into office.
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One of the first and best things he did, in my view, is he actually he got rid of those
00:12:33.040
credits and he actually just got taxes.
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So it's been a long time since since early 2016 when he did those great tax measures,
00:12:39.420
Andrew.
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But I do remember back in the distant history that there was actually a couple of good tax
00:12:44.220
policies under Justin Trudeau.
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But then your fiscal honeymoon ended when he still continued to ramp up spending for the
00:12:50.080
next eight years.
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Yeah, it ended pretty fast.
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Tax cut in.
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Yeah.
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Yeah.
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Well, I hope that the Aaron Woodrick vision finds a home in someone who's in a position to
00:12:58.640
put it there where it needs to be on the books.
00:13:00.820
Aaron Woodrick from the MacDonald Laurier Institute.
00:13:03.060
Great piece in the Globe and Mail.
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And thanks, as always, for coming on today.
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Thanks, Lawton.
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Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show.
00:13:10.020
Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
00:13:15.500
The Andrew Lawton Show.
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Thanks for listening.
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We'll be right back.
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Bye.
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Bye.
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