Canada collapsed during Covid. Here’s how we fix it. (Ft. Irvin Studin)
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Summary
Irvin Studen is the founder and editor-in-chief of Global Brief Magazine, one of the leading international policy thinkers in Canada. He has been a public policy professor and worked for both the Canadian Prime Minister and an Australian Prime Minister in 2004, and was a member of a small team who wrote Canada s first national security policy in 2006. In 2006, he was the co-chair of the Canada Science and Policy Committee to Exit the Pandemic, a group tasked with developing a comprehensive plan to end COVID and get Canada back on track.
Transcript
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Canada needs to come up with a serious and credible plan to move past COVID, to end all
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COVID-era mandates and restrictions, to get our economy back on track, but also to begin to
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address the considerable harm done to the social fabric of our country by the unprecedented
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government overreach. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in. So it's become almost like a cliche lately to say
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that we need to move past COVID. We need to get back to normal. The reality is that we cannot move
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back in time. We'll never be able to get back to 2019. We need to move forward, yes, but we also
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need to meticulously study what exactly happened over the past two years. We need to investigate
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what happened and why. We need to cancel the overzealous government programs, yes, but we also
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need to put in place safeguards to make sure that that power can never be abused again, that power
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thirsty politicians, overbearing governments cannot undermine our rights and freedoms again in the
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future. So today I'm very pleased to be joined by someone who is working on these very ideas, working
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on a project to get us to move forward and to get our lives back on track. I'm very pleased today to be
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joined by Irvin Studen. Irvin is the founder and editor-in-chief of Global Brief Magazine, one of the
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leading international policy thinkers in Canada. Irvin has been a public policy professor and worked
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for both the Canadian prime minister and an Australian prime minister in 2004. He was a
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member of a small team who wrote Canada's first national security policy. In 2006, he did something
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similar down in Australia. Irvin holds a bachelor's degree from York University, a master's from both
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Oxford and the London School of Economics, and a PhD from Osgood Law School. Notably, this is really
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interesting. Irvin has taught foreign policy, both at Ukraine's Higher School of Public Administration
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in Kiev, as well as at Russia's Academy for National Economy and Public Administration in Moscow. So we're
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going to talk a little bit about the Russia-Ukraine conflict as well. There are a few people in the
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world who are more qualified to talk about what's going on than Irvin, and I'm really pleased to have
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him on the show today. So Irvin, thank you so much for taking the time to join us today.
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It's a real pleasure, Candice. Thanks for having me. I enjoy your work.
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Well, I appreciate it. So you recently chaired and you wrote a national exit plan for COVID. So
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first of all, take us through what led to this and why you decided to take on this project.
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Well, we were not exiting. We were not exiting as a country. We were studying COVID. We were
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living COVID. We were sentimentalizing. And in late 2021, I had a long conversation with the person
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who is now the co-chair of this national, the Canada Science and Policy Committee to exit the
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pandemic, Kwaadjo Khermantan. He said, we said we should bring together the leading scientists and
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leading policy thinkers and do our own science table. And so I turned that on its head and we spoke for
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for a while. And I said, Kwaadjo, let's actually call it the committee to exit the pandemic, because
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I'm a policy person. You're a science and medical person. We'll bring together these solitudes,
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the solitudes that really have not been talking to each other. The medical and science community
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is clinically strong, but they stink at public policy. I mean, really, they stink because public
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policy is a craft. It's not something that can be just made up through pure intelligence.
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And the policy community, the political community is illiterate in science,
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largely. So we bring together these solitudes, properly national, specialists across all the
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disciplines, which is key, and I'm sure we'll get to that. And we choreograph and exit. So we're not
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there to study or sentimentalize. It really is a policy lead informed by science. So Kwaadjo and I
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and the committee have released the national exit plan. It is comprehensive, it is regionalized across the
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second largest country in the world. And it speaks to a policy choreography of exit across eight
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systems crises, which are important to understand, if you're really going to understand where we are,
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what's happened, and how to properly get out as a country so that we have a good tomorrow.
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It's excellent. Such a great initiative and so comprehensive. So I want to go through some of
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the areas that you focused on. One of the things I thought was interesting that you had two different
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categories, one COVID public health, and one non COVID public health. And I know that it's become
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a big issue that everyone's talking about the fact that there's so many people have neglected
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their health so many, so much of this early, early cancer prevention, so much mental health issues
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have have come up. In some cases, they're far worse than COVID itself. So it could you walk us
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through those two different public health areas and why you drew that distinction?
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Well, there are actually eight systems, and those are two of the eight. So I'll walk through the eight
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and then explain what those two mean and why we came to that divination. It's COVID public health,
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non COVID public health. A couple of years ago, you might have said public health as a generality,
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one system, but we divided it to be a little sharper. COVID public health, non COVID public health. Then
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there's of course, the economy and business, education, institutions, national unity,
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social fabric, then the and then the international, I might be missing one. I'm a systems thinker,
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and the only proper way to have dealt with the COVID pandemic at the start, this is how the best
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countries dealt with it. But certainly on exit is to think of the country and systems. At that point,
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we would appreciate that while COVID was a shock to the country, it was not the only system going in
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the second largest country in the world in a big society. We always have many balls in the air.
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That's the appropriate way to think of a complex country. In the early pandemic, through some of the
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solitudes we discussed, and also through social media, and the general inexperience in Canada in
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dealing with crises of this scale, we reduced all of our reality to COVID counts, for better or worse.
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And I'm not sentimentalizing, I'm just recounting what was. But then we began to think that COVID was
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our only condition, and that solving COVID, whenever that meant, would bleed favorably into all these other
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systems, which we neither appreciated nor understood. As a result of that reduction of all our reality to
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the COVID public health pandemic, we collapsed the other systems, I mean, literally collapsed.
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Education, which is near and dear to my heart, and which we've been working on separately through the
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Worldwide Commission to Educate All Kids, was a total collapse. I mean, kids started being ousted from all
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education in total. 200,000 kids plus across the country in the Oliver Twist condition, not in any
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school at all. Businesses were being collapsed and bankrupted and ousted for no reason other than we
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imagined that the only thing happening was the pandemic. Whereas other countries had an appreciation,
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the pandemic is here, we put an accent on it, but there are other fish to fry. We have a big country,
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we can't collapse the economy, kids should still be educated because tomorrow is going to be
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difficult. We have to keep the country unified, we have to keep our international standing, we keep
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diplomatic and intelligence activities, and we didn't. The government closed the society, and the
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government itself retreated. And betwixt these two solitudes, in the de-energization of the society,
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we had disintegration. And so the systems approach commends a reconstitution of these systems that were
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collapsed. That's why when we say COVID public health, we're at an endemic stage. For all practical
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intents and purposes, the pandemic is over. For Canada, it is endemic. That means it will be seasonal
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in character. It will be managed seasonally as we do other maladies. And for comorbid or aged or
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vulnerable populations, we project that much more energy. That's appropriate. That's how an intelligent
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society thinks. But in non-COVID public health, which we collapsed, we must provide surplus energy.
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So all the things that were not diagnosed, all the procedures and processes that were neglected or
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marginalized, the new mental health conditions that were created over course dependent, the physical
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health conditions, the general societal angst, children, all of this thing requires energy.
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One of the working hypotheses of the exit plan is high energy, high energy at the front. So no
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sentimentality, high energy, not because I have a fetish for energy or because I like high energy,
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it's because we collapse the systems. So we need to reconstitute the systems even to 2019 levels,
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2019. We have to provide that much more energy. So it is all the systems at once,
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high energy at the front, including that vulnerable population COVID, but especially
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in non-COVID public health, huge surge, reach out to the population who's not well, who hasn't been
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diagnosed in the business area, in the business sector, business system as well, reach out to all
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the companies who's in trouble, who hasn't been able to access working capital for whatever reason,
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who's on the verge, who needs to be reconstituted. It's not because government has a central role in
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business, but because government was responsible for the original ouster. And even if government
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removes restrictions, tens of thousands of businesses are either on the edge or disappeared.
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So it's not enough to just remove restrictions, even though that's a key first point in the strategy.
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All things need to be worked in a simultaneous choreography.
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But Irvin, we're left with this struggle. So the very people who were in charge, who failed to have
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the foresight to understand all of these complicated systems, who let them all collapse and focused
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entirely on COVID, I can kind of understand that in March, April 2020, when we just didn't know what
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this was, we didn't know how bad it was going to be. But at some point, we realized the limited
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scope of COVID, that there are certain populations that are very vulnerable, and the rest of society,
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not so much the fact that little kids were punitively punished by COVID policies, even though
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they're at such small risk. So the very people who let all that terrible things happened and led the
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charge on that, are now the ones that we are going to expect to come up with this plan to sort of
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move past it. How can we trust these institutions and these people who allowed this to happen in the
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What I call thinking, we're at the core of their absence, the absence of leadership and thinking,
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we're at the core of our collapse. And it was really a calamitous collapse for Canada, I've never
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seen it. Some people will have difficulty accepting, once they see what's happened, that this could have
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happened in our country. Now, obviously, many of those people are, are still in decision making roles.
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At all levels of government, at all levels of public health across all parties,
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and the professions. We did this plan for them. We did the thinking for them. And many of them,
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I should say, I could now say the public, fed quietly into parts of the plan, because they said,
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Irvin, you guys do the thinking, you do the structure, we don't exactly understand what the
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problem is. What, by the way, many people don't understand what the problem is. They think our
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problem is COVID and masks and vaccines. That is one widget of a larger systems collapse. You know,
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it is the key original impulse for collapse. And we need to fix it, but we need to fix it in tandem with
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all these other systems. So once we have that broad structure, structure, again, the, the exit matrix is
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eight by 21. Across all the systems, several months out, across all regions of Canada, with an endpoint,
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with a strategic endpoint. Once people understand that that is the choreography rather than mask on,
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mask off. Obviously, it's mask off, I should just stress, but, but that's just a tweet.
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Right. Once they understand that they can start to implement, we've done the thinking,
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they fed their parts in, they felt it fed us intelligence across the country because the
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country is very big. So the regional, the regional character of the exit is very important.
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We have to trust that they will execute. And I see in bits now that they are co-opting or directly
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using our, our elements, even though many of the systems collapses require really heroic energy in a
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number of areas because of the depth of the collapse. So that we're talking really national
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leadership, provincial leadership coordination amongst the leaderships. And I hope that that
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happens. I'm certainly browbeating them quietly behind the scenes. And we've fed this to all the
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medical office of health and deputy ministers and different political parties. But it is, it remains
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a paradox of the time that we need better leadership for the times. It's not obvious that Canada will
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survive 10 years out. It's just not obvious. We really have to up our game. Most countries,
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given the performance of last two years, would not have a tomorrow. And we see this around the world,
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different countries are in difficult straits. And we maybe have been forgiven by history,
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maybe we do have a tomorrow. But God forbid, we should repeat this performance in the next calamity,
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because it will be more, more dire. This was not a world historical pandemic
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on the mortality count. I'm sorry to say it was not. It was a pandemic. It was global.
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We survived it as a country won't survive the next one. We won't survive the next war,
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the next international conflicts, we have to up our game and understand that
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we have to draw the right conclusions, right? No feeling sorry for ourselves. And so the exit
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is to prepare for tomorrow. And that is certainly part of our thinking in the choreography.
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Okay, well, I have two questions that come from that. I'm not sure which to ask for. So I'll ask you
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them both. And then you can you can decide which one goes first. So number one, you said that Canada
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almost collapsed, and we might not survive. We're lucky to survive 10 years from now. So what is the
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threat? What what might happen? Or what could have happened? You're talking about from a perspective of
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national unity of separatist movements of vulnerability from foreign attacks. Can you
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describe what you mean by the risk, the existential threat to Canada? And then the second thing is you
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said that we have to make sure that governments can't do this again. So how can we guarantee how can
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we protect our citizens? How can we ensure that future governments don't give themselves this power
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to act in a way to just declare an emergency to say something's a bigger threat than it actually is.
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And and be able to go through and destroy our institutions like that in the future.
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Let me start with the latter question is a great question. The latter question is more difficult
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to understand and to to to guarantee we can't guarantee that we'll have the right leadership
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for the right for for the next calamity, although I suspect that becoming calamities will be much
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more pressure for pressure full for for for Canada externally and domestically than this one.
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We overreacted or underreacted, right? Leadership in many cases and leading leading provinces
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pretended that they were just one of us rather than leading. When there were closures, whether
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the closure were right or not, government took all the energy out of the society and didn't compensate
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for the energy. Right. All of these things are lessons that a society that is serious about
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non repetition of catastrophe draws. If we move on in 2022 and pretend the last two years don't exist.
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And by the way, I worry about that greatly because in the language I hear, I hear that
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that things are back to normal like nothing ever happened. Whereas a serious society, one that loses
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a war or almost lose the war or that created or committed grave mistakes of public policy administration
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does huge introspection, not self-flagellation, not sentimentality. What did we do wrong and what
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must we never repeat? And that's part of our work. Although we're not there to punish or do
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accountability that will come in time. Right. I've taken notes, but we need to exit in order to create
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that intellectual space to draw conclusions. And hopefully the next set of leaders will draw that.
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We need a higher set of leaders across the professions because that goes to your first
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question. The circumstances around the bend will be wicked for our country. First of all, the world
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is coming out of its most serious catastrophe since the Cold War, maybe since the end of the Second
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World War. Huge economic drop, social conflict, collapse in a number of of public administration
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systems in major countries, destitching of global structures. And we're the second largest country in
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the world. So we can collapse because history suggests, as I've calculated, that countries last
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about 60 years. Countries last about 60 years after which they collapse either through constitutional
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domestic collapse or war. We're going on 150, 354 years plus means every year on top of that is good
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luck and work, hard work. And we see many, it's very tragically around the world, many countries that are
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on the verge of collapse, disintegration or fighting for their lives, some in war, some through COVID
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collapse, thrown through domestic circumstances. And that is not foreign to the Canadian future.
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We just imagine it. So the pandemic should bring to roost the idea that Canada is just as real as the
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other countries. We're not exceptional. We've had exceptional good luck. We come out of the pandemic
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with four major domestic pressures, any of which on its own could tear the country apart. The Quebec
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question is still alive, whatever people realize structurally. If Quebec should ever go for whatever
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reason, there's no rest of Canada, the country disintegrates. The Western question is very, very sharp.
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It is much sharper than before the pandemic and is not understood by the rest of Canada.
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The Indigenous question is massive and it has centrifugal pressures across the country that
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could make it impossible for the country to be properly governed, even as we imagine ourselves
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to be doing a national reconciliation, to which I'm sympathetic. And then finally, we've created borders
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from jurisdiction into jurisdiction, province to province, province to territory, territory to territory,
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city to city that have disunified a structure that took over a century and a half to make cohesive.
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So there are real, both physical borders and also regulatory borders that have been created through
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COVID restrictions, COVID borders, COVID thinking, COVID mental structures that need to be unwound
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with great pace. And that's in the national exit plan as well. Within the next couple of months,
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we need to bury all of those borders. It needs to be reunification of the national economic, social
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and political space. That takes work though, however. If not, these borders become sticky.
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And at any point in time, New Brunswick can say, you guys aren't New Brunswicker, not welcome here.
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Or same with Alberta, same with Northwest Territories. And that's completely contrary to the original
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ethic of federalism, of confederation. We create a unity across the second largest country in the world.
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Now internationally, it's even more wicked because, as I described the post-pandemic world,
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Canada now has four major borders, all of them populated by great powers. And we're not one of
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them. We imagine everything is America, the A-axis. But we're close to China. You're from Vancouver,
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colleagues from Vancouver, Victoria and Whitehorse up north will appreciate that they're closer to Beijing
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than our Brisbane, Australia, Canberra and Sydney geographically. China's the major country of the
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post-pandemic world. Whatever people think about China, it's just an objective fact and we're close
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to them. So China is our Western border. Russia is our Arctic border. Russia's at war with Ukraine,
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but we're, that means we're at, we're immediate neighbours with a country that is at full-on war,
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with the final E-axis to the, to our east. So ACRE, that's our rectangle, ACRE, America, China,
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Russia, Europe. At any point in time, these borders could crush us or pull us apart. And if one does the
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math, it's 15 combinations of push and pull that could disintegrate us as fast as any of the countries
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that are in trouble today are, are being pressured. And that could happen on any given Wednesday.
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That's such an incredible way of thinking about Canada and looking at the situation. Irvin, I don't
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think that many people, you keep it at the front of mind that we're, that we're so close to Russia,
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that we're so close to China in the way you describe. And I know, I know you have a whole book
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on this topic and I'm going to get you to come back and, and we can really dive into the strategic
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importance that Canada plays in the world and how we can really grow to our full potential.
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So we're going to save that topic for the next interview. But I do want to ask you while we're
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on this topic of disintegration, and you mentioned how we are on the border with a, with two countries
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at war. I have to ask you while you're here, you've lectured and taught in both cities, you're very
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familiar with the sort of underlying issues of the conflict. So can, can you sort of give us
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us an idea of what do you think Canada can do in this conflict to be a force for good in resolving
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or helping to mitigate or helping to end this conflict between Russia and Ukraine?
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Especially at the outset, it's a, it's a, it's a painful conflict to, to behold and watch.
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It's a, it would have been unthinkable 10 years ago. But professionally speaking, I've been writing
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about these tectonic plates of conflict for the last several years. So it's not completely
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unanticipated. All of the scale is, is, is horrendous and inappropriate. The, there are two
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questions that are implicit in your one question. Canada's force for good. Let's park that for a
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second because my own thinking, and it's in the book, and it's also part of my own professional
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work is first Canada must think for itself and about itself. Nobody owes Canada anything. There's
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nobody around the world. And there are too few people in Canada saying, what does Canada need?
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How does Canada survive? And no country has a suicide pact, meaning that no country must do anything
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for any other country at its own expense. So we will help the world, but we will crumble while
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we're at it. My thinking is the reverse is that if Canada thinks for itself at the right level,
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we can by extension be a great force for good, for humanity, which is of course in historical
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terms, the better condition. We're all human, but our vehicle for the goodness is a Canada that thinks
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for itself, strong, big Canada that survives. So let's take them on in, in, in sequence. Canada
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thinking for itself, vis-a-vis Russia, first and foremost, must understand our basic geography.
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And I commend to all your distinguished listeners, as I do to my son, every second day, look at the map,
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look at our geography. The Arctic is opening up. Everybody should go visit the Arctic, especially
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our young. And then you will see that there are two Arctic giants this century.
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One is Russia, which controls over 50% of the Arctic space. And one is Canada. The second is Canada,
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which controls over 25% of the Arctic space. So the two giants, the United States, the European
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countries are far behind. So what are we going to do? Our posture could be directly confrontational
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with Russia. And I understand that at the moment it is such, right? And we owe ourselves the imperative
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of defense. But for the remainder of the century, the more intelligent posture is that of embedding
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these major countries at our borders, Russia, China to the West, but also increasingly to some extent
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with the Northern interest. And of course the United States, which by the way, I look at as just another
00:25:03.980
country for in strategic terms, not our friend, not someone who will protect us. I think quite the
00:25:10.700
reverse in strategic terms. I look at them as just another major country that acts like a major country.
00:25:15.660
So what does a smaller country like us do with that wicked, now wicked geography?
00:25:22.700
We embed them, we embed them in a framework of peace and prosperity with defensive assets at the
00:25:28.620
plate, but not imagining as we do by Twitter, that we're going to war with them because they will
00:25:33.580
all crush us fast, all of them. And in any combination will crush us even faster. And God forbid,
00:25:40.700
they should fight war across our territory, right? Or play diplomatic or information space or
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intelligence games across our territory. We need to up our game. And I guess this will be in a future
00:25:54.300
interview or in the book that I have, I've written about Canada creating the Singapore of the North that
00:25:59.340
embeds all these major countries, including Russia, including China, including United States, Northern
00:26:04.940
European countries in a framework whereby we're the center of an international market, a framework
00:26:10.940
connecting four continents of 2 billion people. That's seven, a seven to one ratio, I think, of the
00:26:18.780
continental North American market alone. And we're at the center of that because we've constructed it. So that's
00:26:23.900
a way of saying, yes, Arctic sovereignty, but Arctic sovereignty, vis-a-vis the Russians is not building up
00:26:29.660
basis. We can build up basis. But on top of that, we create markets, we create people to people
00:26:34.060
relationships and travel and all that's coming out of this terrible war. In respect of the war itself,
00:26:43.180
I do not see it as an ancient conflict between Ukrainians and Russians. We could talk about the
00:26:48.380
history. I see it as a post-Soviet conflict about territory and borders and critically,
00:26:56.460
the legitimacy of two very young post-Soviet states. I mean, both Russia and Ukraine are old
00:27:04.620
cultures and civilizations, but both of them, we forget, are very young countries. They're just over
00:27:11.740
30 years old. And each of them across huge geography is trying to secure legitimacy.
00:27:18.060
In the Russian case, they're trying to secure legitimacy across the biggest territory in the world
00:27:21.980
with 14 land borders and three maritime borders. It is the most complex country in the world,
00:27:27.100
and it is extremely difficult to govern. I'm convinced that the Russian governors
00:27:31.100
do not even have an appreciation of what's happening in their territory. It's just too big.
00:27:35.340
And they're all in Moscow. Ukraine is also huge. It is bigger than Germany. But it has a very,
00:27:43.740
very young self-government culture. And if I may be direct, very, very weak governors.
00:27:49.660
To this day, no great president has arrived, including with the greatest respect, the current
00:27:56.380
president, who was a very, very good comedian in Russian language. I would listen to him once in a
00:28:02.060
while. But until the war, he was a terrible president. And the one prior to him, even worse.
00:28:06.460
And, oh, he's heroic today and appropriately so. He loves his country. But the question is now,
00:28:15.180
for a proper exit, one that serves Canada and the world and these countries, the only exit can be one
00:28:20.700
that re-legitimizes or re-legitimates both the Ukrainian state and the Russian state side by side,
00:28:28.860
both strong, both living in peace. There is no other solution. Whatever we say on Twitter,
00:28:35.100
whatever our sentimentality, every other solution will conduce to disintegration of
00:28:40.700
Ukraine first. And if Russian goes second, then it takes Ukraine with it.
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Repeat. If Russia disintegrates, it takes Ukraine with it. If Russia and Ukraine disintegrate,
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they take Europe with it. If Europe disintegrates, the world is in trouble. We're back in the 20th
00:28:56.700
century. And that's bad for us because they're at our border. What is the exit? There must be immediate
00:29:03.900
mediation. The mediation must come from outside of NATO and it must come outside of the Soviet space.
00:29:11.900
I've recommended Asian countries, some West Asian, some East Asian, because they're neutral
1.00
00:29:17.180
and they're respected by both Kiev and Moscow. So Israel has stepped up. I don't know whether they
00:29:21.500
have the assets to do it. I am talking about India, China, maybe Singapore, but in a consortium,
00:29:29.820
they can help to negotiate two countries that are largely fraternal, that are fighting for different
00:29:35.500
teams, that are really are warrior nations. I mean, both the Ukrainians and the Russians know how to fight
00:29:42.060
and they will fight for a long time. And it is tragic. So Canada must push for that diplomatic
00:29:47.900
settlement. There need to be peacekeepers, in my view, in the end, I think I recommended Indian
1.00
00:29:55.260
peacekeepers, again, third force under the UN umbrella to provide a separation of the belligerence.
00:30:03.100
In terms of the Canadian play, I think the solution, one thing that has been mooted even today about
00:30:11.500
flights for refugees to Canada, we should have done that two weeks ago if we're a serious
00:30:15.660
country. We did it with other countries. Israel is looking at that. Poland has been heroic on refugees.
00:30:22.700
We must save maximum lives. In any conflict, we save lives and Canada has all the capacity to do that.
00:30:29.020
We're just slow. Much like in the pandemic, we were slow to mobilize. Internationally, we're even slower.
00:30:34.780
It's a couple of things on the future look of Ukraine. Obviously, it must be a sovereign state,
00:30:41.580
but it will be a neutral state if it survives. And it has to have a character that is, and I've
00:30:48.300
talked about this in the book, interstitial. It must be a segue between the European Union and the former
00:30:53.660
Soviet space. It cannot be part of a hard block because otherwise, these major blocks will be
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fighting across this geography. Much like we wish to avoid the North American blocks and Chinese blocks
1.00
00:31:05.260
and Soviet blocks, post-Soviet blocks fighting across a weakly governed Canadian territory, which
00:31:11.260
will, again, tear us apart. Oh, wow. I mean, there's so much there. And I really appreciate
00:31:17.100
you breaking it down for us. I completely agree. Ukraine has always sort of been a buffer zone. And
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00:31:21.500
even the population itself is a mix of Ukrainians and Russians. And for a long, long time, they lived
00:31:26.620
together in one country or one empire. And so it's such a shame to see them break out. But I really
00:31:35.020
appreciate your time, Irvin, your clear thinking on this. I hope that world leaders will take the
00:31:40.380
advice both on COVID and the geopolitics in Europe and the importance of coming to a resolution sooner
00:31:48.380
rather than later. So thank you for all your wisdom. And we'll certainly have you on again to talk
00:31:52.780
about building up Canada and the potential that we have here in our country. My great pleasure.
00:31:59.740
All right. That's Irvin Studen. I'm Candice Malcolm. This is The Candice Malcolm Show.