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- August 18, 2025
Coalition Avenir Québec on track to lose every seat as separatists surge
Episode Stats
Length
10 minutes
Words per Minute
173.05716
Word Count
1,852
Sentence Count
84
Misogynist Sentences
1
Summary
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Transcript
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Quebec's provincial government is on track to lose all of its seats in 2026 after a separatist
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party candidate won in an Arthabasca by-election. The U.S. State Department has warned Canada that
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its Online News Act undermines press freedom despite Canada's historic respect for free speech.
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A new poll has found that 62% of Canadians are opposed to the idea of criminalizing speech
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deemed as, quote, residential school denialism. Hello, Canada. It's Monday, August 18th,
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and this is the True North Daily Brief. I'm Isaac Lamoureux. And I'm Willie Temtem.
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We've got you covered with all the news you need to know. Let's discuss the top stories of the day
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and the True North exclusives you won't hear anywhere else. A new 338 Canada projection shows
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the governing Coalition Avenir Québec would be wiped out in the October 2026 provincial election,
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losing all 86 seats it currently holds in the National Assembly. The seat forecast, released
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Wednesday, comes just two days after the CAQ suffered another stinging defeat, this time in
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the Arthabasca by-election, where the separatist Parti Québécois took the riding with 46% of the vote.
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PQ candidate Alex Boissonneau held a steady lead throughout Monday's count, besting Conservative
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Party of Quebec leader Eric Duhame, who finished with about 35% of the vote. CAQ candidate Kevin
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Brasseur, who ran in a riding, the party captured with 51% of the vote in 2022, placed fourth with
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roughly 7% of the vote. The loss marked the third consecutive by-election in which the PQ
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rested a seat from the CAQ. The Sovereignist Party also captured Jean Talon in October 2023 and
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Terrebonne in March 2024. Premier François Legault, whose party won 90 seats in the 2022 election,
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but now holds 86, admitted Quebecers are, quote, disappointed with his government and said,
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this week it is, quote, time for me to show humility and to listen to citizens. So, Walid,
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if these projections are true and they do lose all their seats, what could this mean for the province?
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Well, there's a few things at play here. First of all, the governing party has lost significant
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support. This would be the first time in history that the governing party would go down to zero seats
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in this consecutive election. I mean, that is insane by all historical measures. But beyond that,
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who takes power? Well, we know about the Pacte Québécois and how that they're popular in the polls
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and how they're leading the way to form the next government in 2026. This is a party which supports
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a referendum process to create a situation for independence in Quebec, while, of course,
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we see in Alberta the Prosperity Project taking the public forum with a similar agenda of
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separatism or, at the very least, independence from Ottawa. So, it's significant because of the
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opposition. It's also significant to note that Canada's, or Quebec's, rather, local dynamic is
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changing. Across country, but especially in Quebec, we've seen a growth, unlike any time before,
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of a provincial party that has not had a strong root in history in Quebec. I'm referring, of course,
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to the Conservative Party of Quebec, which would have a chance to have their first ever seats ever.
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They have had seats in the Legislative Assembly before in Quebec, or the National Assembly,
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as they call it. One seat that was from a defective government member, but this next election can
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project them winning around eight to nine seats, which would be the first ever seats they would
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win an election, including their leader, Eric Duhaime. So, conservatives could see a great growth
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in Quebec. The independence movement would see a formidable, strong government, and the current
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government would see an absolute annihilation, perhaps even greater than that of Kathleen Wendon
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Ontario, in 2018.
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The U.S. State Department is taking aim at Canada's Online News Act and the New Human Rights Report,
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warning that it undermines press freedom as hundreds of news organizations across the country have begun
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receiving funding under the law. The report includes the act in a section on freedom of the press,
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saying, quote, significant curtailments remain despite Canada generally respecting free expression.
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In fact, concerns with the act, as well as journalism, tax credits, and federal media programs, including
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a diversity hiring stream it claimed discriminates, quote, against journalists who fell outside of
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these favored categories. Under the Online News Act, tech platforms are required to compensate
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Canadian news outlets for their content. Platforms like Meta, which did not comply with the mechanism,
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were barred from posting news articles on their platforms, effectively censoring news outlets
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and their accounts on Facebook and Instagram in Canada. Question for you, Isaac. So now that the
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U.S. government has its sights on the Online News Act, what are some of the criticisms that Freedom
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Advocates in Canada raised with the act initially? Yeah, Walid, so it's quite a long list. Freedom
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Advocates in Canada have been raising red flags about the Online News Act for long before the U.S.
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State Department weighed in, and their concerns have largely centered on how the law distorted the
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media landscape undermined free expression and entrenched government influence over journalism.
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One of the biggest criticisms was that the law created a two-tiered system in Canadian media.
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Of course, outlets recognized as qualified by Ottawa, which is typically large, legacy, and almost
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exclusively left-leaning newsrooms, gained access to Google's $100 million annual fund and other
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subsidies, while smaller, independent, or concerted outlets were largely excluded. Reports have showed that
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organizations like the CBC, Bell Media, Post Media, and Rogers received millions, while only a single
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center-right newsroom got funding from the first Google payout. Critics have argued that this amounted
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to the government picking winners and losers in the media space. Another concern was that, of course,
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the act backfired on news accessibility, because as you mentioned, when Meta refused to comply, it blocked
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all Canadian news on Facebook and Instagram, which resulted in a sharp drop in readership. Some outlets
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cited losing more than 40% of their traffic, effectively silencing independent publishers
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who relied on social media platforms to reach audiences. Candace Malcolm, founder of True North,
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among others, have noted this irony, that while journalists were still banned from Meta, the Liberal
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government quietly resumed running taxpayer-funded ads on the platform for its own political campaign.
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Legal experts like Michael Geist also warned that the law was poorly designed and full of
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contradictions. Google was given a special carve-out deal that let it avoid the binding arbitration
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mechanism that was supposed to be the backbone of the legislation, but in practice, that means that
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Google ended up paying far less than the government originally claimed the bill would deliver, while
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still gaining a monopoly role in deciding which newsrooms got a cut. Civil liberties groups have also
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chimed in, saying they're worried that, taken together with other liberal attempts at online
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regulation, like the Online Harms Act, the Online News Act, represented a broader push towards state
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control of digital speech. The Canadian Civil Liberties Association warned that these laws handed judge,
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jury, and executioner powers to government appointees, chilling free expression. So freedom advocates in
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Canada have said that the Online News Act was less about saving journalism and more about cementing
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financial dependence on government-approved funding streams. And they have warned that this undermines the
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independence of the press, restricts access to news, and is pushing Canada further down the path of
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censorship and media capture.
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Four years after the unsubstantiated claims that hundreds of children were buried underneath a
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former residential school in Kamloops, BC, were first made, Canadians are now pushing back on the
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notion of criminalizing, quote, denialism. A recent survey by the Angus Reid Institute found that 62%
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oppose this idea, with 36% strongly opposing it. The survey reads, quote,
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even among the demographic most concerned about this issue at any age and gender level, 18 to 34
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year old women support rises to just 28%. According to the survey, among those who identify as
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Indigenous, 245 of whom participated in this survey views are divided, with 42% supporting
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criminalizing denialism and 45% opposing it. In recent years, there have been calls to criminalize
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residential school denialism by classifying it as hate speech from both politicians and the
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First Nations Leadership Council in British Columbia. NDP MP for Winnipeg Centre, Leah Gazan,
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introduced Bill C-413, an act to, quote, amend the criminal code promotion of hatred against Indigenous
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peoples, which passed its first reading in the House of Commons last fall. The proposed legislation is
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seeking a prison sentence of up to two years for anyone found guilty of, quote,
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communicating statements other than in private conversation that willfully promotes hatred
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against Indigenous peoples by condoning, denying, downplaying, or justifying the Indian residential
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school system in Canada, or by misrepresenting facts relating to it. And just to finish with a fact
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here, Waleed, remember, zero graves have been found. Survivors and their families deserve to heal from
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this intergenerational tragedy and be free from violent hate. And we cannot allow their safety and
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well-being to be put further at risk. All parliamentarians must stand firm against all
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forms of damaging hate speech, including the denial of the tragedy of the residential schools in Canada.
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So, Waleed, what were the main issues advocates have raised with the proposed ban on, quote,
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residential school denialism? We've had coverage on the past at True North. An interview with a former
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political science professor at the University of Calgary, Tom Flanagan, said the bill C-4813,
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which was the proposed NDP bill about criminalizing this last year, even though there are some
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qualifications in the text, these qualifications that you'd have to demonstrate in a trial. Tom
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Flanagan, a former political science professor at the University of Calgary, spoke to True North last year
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when he said that the proposed law at the time was a very grave threat to freedom of communication in
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Canada. Even though there are some qualifications in the text, these are qualifications that you have
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to demonstrate in a trial. He continued on in saying, if nobody ever went to jail because of it,
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it has an enormous tendency to harass writers and historians. Most researchers don't have the funds to
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do that. The very existence of the legislation is a dark cloud hanging over free historical inquiry in
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Canada. And as you said, Isaac, towards the end of your commentary, there has not been proof of these
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mass graves after these four years. So going after an unproven crime with such penalties involving up to
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two years of jail time would have a chilling effect on free speech, as Mr. Flanagan and others have said in the past.
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That's it for today, folks. Thanks for tuning in. You can stay on top of new episodes every weekday by
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subscribing to The Daily Brief on iTunes and Spotify. Also, while you're at it,
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