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- May 07, 2020
Conservative MP Garnett Genuis on Liberal "conversion therapy" ban
Episode Stats
Length
16 minutes
Words per Minute
165.10141
Word Count
2,719
Sentence Count
116
Hate Speech Sentences
1
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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Welcome back to the Andrew Lawton Show here on True North as we talk about what life is going
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to look like after the pandemic. We also have to look at what some of the things on the political
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agenda were for Canada prior to the lockdown and which of these may come back. And one that I saw
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a lot of headlines about and a lot of outrage about, and frankly, I hadn't looked into it too
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deeply because there were other things going on that I was focused on, is a ban from the federal
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liberals on conversion therapy. And we know that conversion therapy has a very dark history. People
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that are forcing or have historically forced those who are gay or have a sexual orientation other than
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being straight into compliance with being straight if that's not who they are. And it's very terrible
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that this has happened, but that isn't what's being banned in this legislation. And if you look at the
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fine print, you see, as the old saying goes, that the devil is in the details. So I want to talk
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about this with MP Garnet Jenis, who has written a great piece in the Epoch Times about it. Conversion
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therapy bill could have far-reaching and unexpected consequences. The Sherwood Park, Fort Saskatchewan
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MP joins me on the line now. Garnet, good to talk to you. Thanks very much for your time.
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Great to be here, Andrew, and thank you for the opportunity. Hope you're doing okay under the
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quarantine conditions here. Yes, likewise. The bill that is really at stake here, I find to be
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very interesting. And I mentioned to my listeners earlier, I hadn't really looked too much in depth
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at it because I think like most Canadians, when they hear conversion therapy, they have a vision
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in their mind of what that is and they're against it. And you've raised a number of scenarios that I'll
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get to here, but this isn't actually about conversion therapy, at least insofar as how people define
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that term in their minds. Yeah, let's just hit this very clearly off the top so there's no ambiguity.
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And all of your viewers, I'm sure, would agree with this. Conversion therapy is bad and we're
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against it. And it's legitimate for the state to take action on it, as long as we are understanding
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what we mean by conversion therapy when we say that. There's this history around using abuse,
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violence, degrading treatment to try and compel people to change their sexual orientation.
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Not only is that ineffective, not only did it not work, but it's contrary to human dignity,
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to grading treatment, violence, bullying in any kinds of context. What I'm concerned about is that
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this legislation actually uses a definition for conversion therapy, which is so broad as to be
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at certain points incorrect and would call conversion therapy things that I think everybody would accept
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are not conversion therapy. The definition is expansive such that it includes efforts to
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reduce a person's sexual attraction or behavior. So if a parent, if a mentor were to say to a 16-year-old
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or a 14-year-old, maybe you should wait until you're a bit older before you become sexually active,
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or maybe you should dial back a particular relationship, maybe you should not be behaving
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in certain contexts at a certain age in a way, that that, as an effort to reduce sexual attraction or
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behavior, could be read into this law as being conversion therapy. The interesting thing is that
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you know, the communications around the release of the bill, the government said it doesn't include
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private conversations, it doesn't include all these things they said it doesn't include
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in the legislation. The text of the bill itself, not the accompanying communication, but the text of
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the bill itself, which is what would become law, doesn't contain those exceptions. So, you know,
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we're all against conversion therapy, but there's, I think, a need to understand and amend and fix the
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definition here. If the definition isn't fair, it leaves the door wide open for parenting
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conversations, for casual discussions, as well as, you know, legitimate things that parents might say
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to their children to be perversely read into the definition. Yeah, and there's actually a petition
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that you link to in the article, which has, as you just note, fixthedefinition.ca, and we'll put that up
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on the screen there for people to see it. Fix the definition. So is it just a matter in your mind
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of wanting this bill clarified and that definition fixed, or is it that you think the bill itself
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should be scrapped? Well, I think the definition is the issue. I would be very happy to support
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legislation which clearly addresses the issue of conversion therapy, as everybody, or I think as
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most people kind of understand the term to be, and as it comes from terrible practices. It's about the
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definition. It's about the need to fix the definition. This should be an area on which there
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is consensus. I think there is consensus. Maybe it's just sloppy legislative drafting, and we've seen
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various cases from this government of sort of trying to rush something out and not doing the
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legislative drafting, right? Or maybe it's something more insidious. Maybe it's an effort to
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use an expansive or incorrect definition to create a political wedge when really there's no need for
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that. I mean, there's agreement on this, but I think there would also be agreement that parents
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should be able to give instruction to their children about sexual behavior, that mentors,
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that faith organizations can teach things about sexual behavior in a dignity-affirming way,
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and that that shouldn't create sort of questions about legality.
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Yeah, and I just want to rhyme off very quickly some of the situations you include here,
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which I think fall outside of the parameters of that stereotypical and historic definition of
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conversion therapy. You cite a 17-year-old who could be struggling with severe addiction to pornography,
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and he enters a course of psychological counseling to manage that. So in that case,
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it would be consensual seeking of treatment. And another one that we're seeing more commonly,
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especially with a case out in BC, gender affirmation, a grandfather telling a six-year-old
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girl who thinks she's a boy, no, you're a girl, there are girls and boys. So these are not even cases
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of therapies that would be a foul of the law. These are private conversations. And you're saying that
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when the liberals have promised those are not included in the bill, they actually are.
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Yeah, and I mean, I will say, I think the definition is ambiguous, right? And the concern is,
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you know, I think probably some of these situations would run afoul of the law as it's written.
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But there's also a chilling effect where if it's ambiguous, you know, am I allowed to say this to
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my child or not, that creates, you know, potential issues when you're trying to have these conversations.
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And, you know, whatever you might think of the choices of parents in some of these situations,
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you know, I think these raise real issues, you know, the pornography example, right? We know that
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younger and younger children are being exposed to sometimes very violent pornographic images on
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the internet. And, you know, counselling around what some of the effects of those things may be
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is an important thing for us to be thinking about. If you have 12 and 13-year-old boys that are seeing
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violent sexual images, and they need to kind of think about sexual attraction and behavior and try to
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kind of reorganize their thinking around some of those, obviously, that's very important.
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You're right to point out as well, Andrew, that the legislation doesn't define this as sort of purely
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in a therapeutic context, right? It includes any practice, right? I mean, what's a practice, right?
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It very much could include private conversations, I think. And although the government's communications
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said it doesn't include private conversations, there's no such exclusion in the legislation itself.
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So if a group of friends are having a conversation about what they think about transgendered issues,
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you know, I think whether people might agree or disagree with some of the things that are said in that
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conversation, I think it's sort of common sense that the state shouldn't be policing the things people
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might say to each other as friends in casual conversation about their views on gender identity.
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And it stands to reason that someone going to, and I'd say especially someone going to,
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some sort of a spiritual leader, a priest, a rabbi, a minister, that would be under the microscope under this.
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You know, I think you hear some of the discourse, people promoting this idea that, you know,
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we've got to clamp down on religious organizations, supposedly.
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I do want to be clear, like, I don't think there is any religious organization,
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certainly that I'm, no churches, mosques, synagogues, that want, I think you'd find general
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agreement from faith communities as well, that conversion therapy as properly defined is unacceptable.
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But yes, of course, in a religious context, there are also conversations about sexuality,
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where people are saying, you know, you should conform your sexual behavior to ways that align
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with the teachings of your faith. And if people don't like the messages they're receiving,
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they're, of course, welcome to seek out spiritual fulfillment in the context of a different faith
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community that has a different approach to these sexuality issues. But it would seem to be a big
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overreach if the implication of this is that the state is saying that the faith communities can't
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teach ideas about sexuality that may reflect their teachings, but may not be sort of in vogue with
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the assumptions about sexual behavior in our modern society.
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Douglas Murray, who's a great writer and author and a gay man himself, has said that his issue with
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a lot of these conversion therapy bans that have been proposed elsewhere around the world,
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not about this one specifically, is that they don't often allow for people that might have a
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discomfort with something in their own life to seek it, even if it's completely voluntary.
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And is that your reading of this bill that if someone and I'm not talking about a gay person
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that is trying to turn straight, I think we've all agreed that that's not within the parameters of
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what anyone in society should be advocating. But you know, should there be or is there under the
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bill as it's written now, something that would allow someone who is personally interested in changing
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an aspect of their life to seek out a service that does that? Or is that gone as well?
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Well, there's this, as part of the definition, there's this kind of exception afterwards that
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says it doesn't include people that are exploring aspects of their identity.
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But there is sort of loaded ambiguity here that raises that question.
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You know, people that are, and I've, in sort of thinking about this issue, I've talked in detail
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with gay friends of mine, some of whom are involved in faith communities, some of whom are not at all.
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And, you know, they would, I think, all agree that conversion therapy, as it's been historically
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understood is, is deeply problematic. But that there are also issues with this definition.
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And part of that issue is, you know, the liberty of people who are LGBT to have conversations
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within their own, within their own faith communities, as they try and explore, explore
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these aspects of their identity. I think we should be concerned about when people are subject to
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bullying, degrading treatment. But if, if people are hearing sort of a range of different points
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of view about, about sexuality, about theology, whatever the case may be, view in a, in a way
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that's, you know, in a way that's respectful, that affirms their, their human dignity, it would
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be, it would be strange for the state to say that, that they have to somehow protect people
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from, from those kinds of conversations.
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And of course, right now, the government is focused on anti-coronavirus approaches and
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policies and all of these other things. So I know this is not front of mind right now, but
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it will be coming back. And certainly, I think everyone can agree, we don't want bills that
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are deliberately or unintentionally ambiguous. So the website with the petition, fixthedefinition.ca.
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Just before I let you go, Garnet, I mean, what's your take on the return to Parliament plan
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that we have now? I know that we've had Skyping in of parliamentarians for the first time in,
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in Canadian history. Well, not Skype, but the, the parliamentary service. Do you think that
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there is an effective way to get things done through the, the method that's been proposed
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and implemented now?
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Well, I, I think we should have more in-person sittings on Parliament Hill. We, we have one a week
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and we're able to do that in a way that's, that's safe and practicing social distancing
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in, in the chamber. And there, there's no public health reason why we couldn't have a few more of
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those a week, given that, again, we're already doing one, one a week. And the government's approach
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to this is, is quite inconsistent. They allege that, you know, oh, we got to keep people off
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Parliament Hill because it's not safe. And then they send a whole bunch of ministers to the Hill
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to do a, a press conference, uh, uh, in terms of the, the gun ban. It's like, it's, it's, uh,
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it's, it's safe for ministers to come and, uh, announce sweeping orders in council. Uh, but it's
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not safe for parliamentarians to come, more to ask them questions. So, uh, look, we, we, we need to,
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uh, do everything we can to ensure that parliament is working during these challenging times. Uh, the
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government is spending a lot of money. They're making expansive decisions. And I mean, part of
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the reason why it's important to talk about C8 and fix the definition, uh, is the government has
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shown us with their order and council on firearms, uh, that they are, are willing to, uh, aggressively
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advance other aspects of their agenda and try to use the potential lack of scrutiny to do so. So
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in addition to all the issues around the money spent in the, in the COVID-19 response, uh, there's a
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question about advancing other, other aspects of, of, of their agenda. Um, Andrew, nobody thinks
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that we should have 338 MPs in the chamber at once, uh, shoulder to shoulder. Uh, you know,
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there, there, there's, there's no one proposing, uh, sort of a, a pure business as usual. Uh, we can,
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we can, uh, find adaptations and we've, we've found them already. Uh, the, the, the, the digital
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sitting so-called, uh, I don't think you could have a real virtual parliament that would actually
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respect the rights and privileges of members. What we have right now is a little bit of a
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workaround where it's, it's a special COVID-19 committee. It does some of the things that would
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normally happen in the chamber, but it is formally a parliamentary committee, uh, which, which means
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that there aren't some of the same limitations and requirements. Um, so, so, uh, and still there's
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technical problems with that. So let's, let's, let's use the chamber more in person. That would be my,
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uh, my suggestion. Yeah. I've seen how many ministers of the crown haven't actually been
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able to unmute in TV interviews. So I wasn't optimistic in the virtual parliament going off
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without a hitch just based on user error. So I appreciate that answer and appreciate your time
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today. Sherwood Park, Fort Saskatchewan, MP Garnett Janis joining me on the line. Thanks so much,
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Garnett. Good to talk to you as always. Thank you. Great to talk to you and your viewers as well.
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Thanks for listening to the Andrew Lawton show. Support the program by donating to
00:16:24.500
True North at www.tnc.news.
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