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- February 23, 2023
Did Trudeau win the public inquiry? (ft. Christine Van Geyn)
Episode Stats
Length
16 minutes
Words per Minute
166.07242
Word Count
2,717
Sentence Count
137
Summary
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Transcript
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).
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2,000 pages, ultimately a finding that the federal government was justified in invoking
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the Emergencies Act. That's what came away on Friday from the Public Order Emergency
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Commission and Commissioner Paul Rouleau. Not a slam dunk, not a complete vindication,
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but on the core idea of whether the Emergencies Act was justified, the Commissioner sided with
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Trudeau, and really on the core ideas of how the Emergencies Act was used, the Commissioner sided
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with Trudeau. And there were a couple of little criticisms he made that I think were significant,
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but generally speaking, he supported the bank account freezes, he supported the conscription
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of tow truck drivers, and he supported the overall use of the act itself, albeit with the caveat that
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in his words, another reasonable person could reach a different conclusion. So there are two
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big takeaways here. Number one is that this is not the end of the road as far as Emergencies Act
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accountability goes. There are still federal court challenges, and as we talked about on Friday,
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there's still the political dimension of this. Voters have not yet in any formal way
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had their say on this chapter of Canada's political history. And then there's also what the report really
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said, and going through with a fine tooth comb, now that we've had a little bit more time to do so,
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and start extracting what was actually said here, what was actually found, and whether it stands up
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to scrutiny. And for this, we have one of the best legal minds in the country, certainly when it comes
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to matters of liberty, Christine Van Gein, the litigation director for the Canadian Constitution
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Foundation. Christine, I don't even want to ask how your long weekend was, because I assume it was
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in large part consumed by a bulk of this 2,000 page report.
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Yeah, it's 2,000 pages when you include the appendices. So it's not all, it's not, you don't
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have to read every single one of those pages. But yes, I've spent a lot of time going over this.
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It doesn't get better. But you know, this, as you said, is not the final word. This is not the end of
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the fight over the Emergencies Act, because we do have a federal court judicial review that we brought
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separately, independently. This report by Commissioner Rouleau was brought by, it was
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called and convened by the government, funded by the government. And this judicial review is
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completely independent, and will, will hopefully reach a different conclusion. So we have a hearing
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scheduled out for that in April. So just on the scope of that judicial review, let me ask for people
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that aren't as familiar with the case. Are you challenging the invocation of the Act, the emergency
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orders and emergency measures that flowed from the Act or both in that challenge?
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It's both. So it's sort of two things, really. It's that the Emergencies Act was invoked illegally,
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that the statutory threshold to invoke it was not met. And we can talk about what that statutory
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threshold means. I have a very different interpretation of that threshold than Commissioner Rouleau does.
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And that my interpretation is more in line with what most legal scholars across the country view as a
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correct interpretation. And the other thing that we're challenging is the regulations that were enacted
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under the Emergencies Act. Those would be the measures that froze bank accounts and that created
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prohibited public assemblies. And we are arguing that those are unconstitutional. So sort of two
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two approaches, two things that we're really arguing.
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So when we talk about the statutory threshold, this was obviously a key part of Commissioner
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Rouleau's report as well. And do I understand from that that this is not a constitutional challenge?
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It's not about the moral value of the Emergencies Act. It's about whether they satisfied that test that
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is spelled out in the Emergencies Act and by extension, the CSIS Act themselves?
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Yeah, so that's closer to what you would say is the way statutory interpretation operates. So it would
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be an illegal use of the Act. That is what we are arguing that if you use this legislation when the
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threshold is not met, the use is illegal, and that therefore the regulations under it are
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unconstitutional. But the threshold was important to know for a public order emergency, there's like
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the legislation has all these different parts, and they all kind of are interconnected. That's how
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legislation usually works. But the important thing for your listeners to know is that for the legislation
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to be invoked, there needs to be a threat to the security of Canada. And that is a defined term in the
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legislation. It's defined through reference to another piece of legislation called the CSIS Act.
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And what's fascinating and a huge problem is that CSIS found that under their legislation,
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there was no threat to the security of person. This is, there was no threat to the security of
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Canada. And if CSIS found that under their legislation, there was no threat, and there was
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no separate threat assessment done, how could cabinet reach a different conclusion? It's not reasonable in
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our view, for them to reach a different conclusion. The thresholds are the same, the definition is the
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same. It's completely a strange interpretation, sort of this Hail Mary, let's see if we can make this
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argument, this novel legal argument and get it to stick. And somehow, they convinced Commissioner
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Rouleau of this strange interpretation.
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Yeah, and I know that we've spent a lot of time on the show talking about this, but I think it is
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important. And ultimately, it became increasingly clear near the end of those hearings back in October,
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November, that this was going to come down to a debate about the technicalities of the statutes,
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and not about the fact scenario, not about, you know, whether there was this previously unrevealed
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threat that was very explicit. It came down to what cabinet believed and what these thresholds were.
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And when you look at the CSIS Act, which I've had the misfortune of doing a number of times now as
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I've covered this, it doesn't make any distinction between the different applications of it. You know,
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when it's used by CSIS, there's this threshold, and when it's used elsewhere, there's a different
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threshold. And the Emergencies Act, similarly, does not put a caveat there. It says, this is the
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definition. It's spelled out right there. So what was the argument that the commissioner found
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compelling for why CSIS could find there was no threat to the security of Canada, but the cabinet
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could? It was this notion that different decision makers may rely on different inputs. But in our
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view, the words of the statute mean what they say they mean. And for cabinet to reach a different
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conclusion, when, in fact, cabinet was lacking a significant amount of information, they did not
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have a separate threat assessment from CSIS. CSIS had concluded there was no national security
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threat. Cabinet had not even been briefed on this novel legal threshold. Cabinet had not been fully
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briefed by Brenda Luckey about the existence of additional other laws that could have been relied on
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to resolve this situation, that that the Emergencies Act was not absolutely necessary, which by the way, is
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another part of the statutory threshold. So cabinet reached this different conclusion, even though they were
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further removed from the situation, and had less information than than CSIS did. So in our view, it is not
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reasonable for cabinet to have reached a different conclusion, even if they could rely on different inputs, they
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actually had worse, worse, worse information than CSIS did.
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And I should also point out that even if that threat to the security of Canada is found, there are still additional
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layers for the Emergencies Act to be justified, that threat has to be creating a national emergency, which has its own
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definition. And it also has to be outside of what existing authorities available under law are capable of dealing with this. Now, I
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know your colleague Joanna Barron had a great piece in The Hub that really spells out some of the these legal
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articulations here from the Commissioner's report. But the one thing that I found particularly not compelling from
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Commissioner Rouleau's findings is that he he really conflates what police failed to do or didn't do, and what
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bureaucratic infighting and, you know, this sort of territorial control between different agencies did, and what the act itself
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says, which is cannot effectively be dealt with under any other law of Canada. So there seemed to be this this conflation
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of can't do and aren't doing.
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Yeah, I mean, that word effectively is carrying a lot of weight in this report. Because what essentially, I mean, one of my friends,
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Aaron Woodrick from the McDonnell Laurier Institute has written in the National Post is using this interpretation that, you
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know, police not doing a good job disorganization, lack of communication, that is just kind of typical of government, that's, that's a
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policing and governmental failure. And incompetence is not the legal threshold for using one of the most powerful
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laws in Canada, a law that allows cabinet to create new criminal law by executive order, you can't just hand cabinet
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that power, because the police were incompetent. And look, there were a lot of policing failures, no one is disputing
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that we saw that we saw in the commission, we actually saw it throughout the the the protests
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that the police were not doing a great job. I'm not a police officer. So I mean, I know it's a very difficult
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job. But there, there's a lot of consensus that the police failed here. But that is not the threshold
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that what they needed was more help from other police, not this extraordinary sledgehammer that is the
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emergencies act, that in fact, they didn't even really rely on the tools in the emergencies act to
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resolve the protests. They were relied on the criminal code. So no one asked for this. It wasn't
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necessary. Things were ultimately resolved using existing law. And the threshold of national threat to the
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security of Canada, that threshold was not met. So I have a lot of problems with this report that mercifully, we
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do get another chance in federal court.
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And just as a peripheral note on that, to my knowledge, there were never any charges laid under the emergency
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orders, were there?
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Well, under the emergencies orders, certainly there were accounts frozen. What do you mean by charges?
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No one was criminally charged specifically using any tool that wasn't already in the criminal code, I guess is the question.
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Well, I don't believe so. I believe that the charges were for things like mischief and maybe resisting
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some resisting arrests. But certainly the power to freeze bank accounts was used.
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Yeah. Well, and that, I mean, as we've talked about in the past, didn't need charges and any other
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recourse or anything like that. Yeah.
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And that the tow trucks ultimately were, could have been used. There was a lot made about the
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availability of tow trucks and that all could have been done using existing powers as well.
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The word that Joanna Barron used in her piece in the hub that I think is a sadly accurate word is deferential.
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And we've seen throughout a lot of the COVID related cases that have gone before courts, a lot
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of deference to government, a lot of, you know, use of section one of the charter to say that, you
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know, the cessation of rights, you know, in section two, for example, are subject to these reasonable
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limits or so-called reasonable limits. And in the case of the Emergencies Act, is there a legal ability
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ability for the government to use this report as a substantive part of its argument, or does it kind
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of exist in a box on its own and can't be brought into a JR as justification?
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No. So this is not a finding of liability. This has no legal weight. I mean, it certainly has political
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weights, but I would encourage the prime minister, if he popped any champagne, to put the cork back in
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because we're coming in federal court. And we are using a lot of the evidence that was, that came up in the
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inquiry. So that's one way that the inquiry is relevant to the federal judicial review. There was, there's
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a lot of evidence is being incorporated into the JR.
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But the government can't just table this report and say, listen, it was very reasonable. They've already
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found it out here.
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No, and they can't bring new evidence at this point anyway.
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So explain to me where you think the strongest argument is in critiquing the Emergencies Act. Do you
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think it is on that idea that the threshold wasn't met, there was no emergency, it's, it's, and you
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know, we don't even need to get into the orders because the orders were illegal on that basis alone?
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Yeah, so I think that my, one of the big focuses that we have in our material, we actually do spend
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a lot of time on, on the orders, because the orders are a big problem, right? The notion that the
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government can seize your bank accounts because you are involved in a protest that they disagree
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with politically. That's a huge problem. And anyone who supports that type of conduct, I think you need
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to ask yourself how you would feel about it if it happened to a protest that you support from a
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prime minister who you don't support. Because that's, that's really what's at stake here. This
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is a huge tool that gives the government a tremendous power to use against protests that they disagree
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with in the future. But yes, I think that the main, the big thing that we're going to be arguing in
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federal court relates to the threshold, and whether the threshold was met, whether existing legal tools
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would have been sufficient to resolve the protest, we think that they would have been. And the question
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of what the legal threshold is, which is threat to the security of Canada, as defined in the CSIS Act,
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not as defined in the subjective opinion of this prime minister, and then examining the constitutionality
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of the measures enacted under those, under the emergency declaration of emergency, once that's been
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found to have been illegally invoked.
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And what's the timeline for that case? What's the the next key date or key step or date in that?
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So we filed our factum last week. The government, I think, is trying to bring some new evidence from the inquiry,
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but we are resisting that. And there's a hearing scheduled for the first week of April. So I'm going
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to be in in Ottawa, looking forward to heading back after those, those weeks I spent there in November,
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I miss it already. So I'm going to be back and I'll be live streaming, following the hearing to explain
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what happened every day. So if you guys go on YouTube and subscribe to the Canadian Constitution
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Foundation's YouTube channel, you can watch my daily summaries of the hearing that will take place
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over three days in Ottawa.
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I dare you to say under oath that you miss Ottawa. I don't think anyone could ever do such a thing.
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I'm not going to be doing that.
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Yeah, exactly. Is there a trial date set or a time you're anticipating it being?
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Yeah, so it's it's the hearing date is April. Let me check my calendar. April 3rd, 4th and 5th.
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Now that is subject to change. These things can change. But that's currently when I'm planning on being in Ottawa.
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All right. Well, we'll look forward to that. Christine Van Gein from the Canadian Constitution Foundation.
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Always a pleasure and keep up the great work.
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It was great chatting with you, Andrew.
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Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show. Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
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