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- December 09, 2024
Do the Indigenous ‘Land Back’ activists HATE Canada?
Episode Stats
Length
18 minutes
Words per Minute
175.44267
Word Count
3,273
Sentence Count
173
Hate Speech Sentences
13
Summary
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Transcript
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).
Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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Radical Indigenous activists in Canada have become far more brazen in recent years about
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what their true intentions are. When they say land back, what exactly does that mean? When
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they accuse you of being a settler, when they accuse Canada of being a genocidal state,
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what does that mean? Many of these radical Indigenous activists seek to delegitimize
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Canada as a nation. They seek to delegitimize your rightful presence in Canada, your
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Canadian identity by labeling you as a settler on stolen land. And what is land back? Well,
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land back at its core is the idea that these activists seek to have a racial ethno state
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in Canada for their own tribe. And yet none of this is seen as a concern or an issue by anyone
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with any political power in Canada. It should be even more concerning when these same activists
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describe terrorist attacks in the Middle East, like what we saw on October 7th as decolonization
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and what they seek to do in Canada is to decolonize Canada. Are you concerned about any of that yet?
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Well, you might be after you hear what our next guest has to say. Well, joining us now on the
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Faulkner Show is author and tradesperson from Winnipeg, Michael Melanson. He recently published
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this story in C2C Journal, the Indigenous land back movement, a landmine for Canadians. Michael,
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thank you so much for joining us on the show. Thank you for having me. So just walk us through
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what land back is, what this movement is, and why Canadians should be paying attention to it.
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It's more of a political sentiment than anything else. It's not an organized movement.
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Within land back, there's various factions. Some of them are very militant. More or less,
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they're trying to get land back one way or the other, either jurisdictionally, politically,
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or just taking over like in Oka, for instance, or Caledonia.
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Right. And where does this idea originate? Is this Canadian or does this come from other places?
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It originated in America in around 2010, I believe. I think it started with somebody trying
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to get the Mount Rushmore back, the National Park back to, I believe it was Blackfoot, Blackfoot or Sioux.
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Right. And why, you know, what are your concerns about this movement specifically?
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I think it's racialist. Generally, they want to kick out people who own the land,
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anybody they identify as several colonialists. Theoretically, it would also include tribes that,
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other tribes. Interesting. So these, these advocates, you argue, are, are advocating for
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ethno-nationalism and racial nationalism and, and taking land, you know, taking land for their
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own people. Are there indigenous voices that oppose this?
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If there are, I can't name any offhand. No.
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So, so it seems to be quite prevalent, at least, you know, this, this, this idea has,
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has a lot of influence among indigenous activists.
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Yes, I think so. Especially at a grassroots level, there are some academics who support the
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movement, but it's a, is a populist movement.
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In your opinion, you know, we, we've talked about some of the more hardcore indigenous activism
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that, that clearly is anti-Canadian, right? They, they label Canada, a settler colonial,
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a colonialist state. They, they, they are demeaning towards Canadians, labeling us as settlers.
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You know, just to be blunt about this, do these activists hate Canada?
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I think so. I mean, if they call Canada genocidal enterprise, how can you not hate such a state?
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And, and so this idea, right, this idea that, you know, Canada's genocidal, it seems as though,
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Michael, they're trying to undermine Canada's existence and, and basically argue that Canada has,
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has no, no basis to exist as a country because we've been built on genocide, right? We've been
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built on, on colonialism. Is the idea that they're trying to tear down this country and, and perhaps
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rebuild it into something else? Yeah, I, I entirely agree. I think the first step for the
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aboriginal, aboriginal nationalism is delegitimize Canada and then worry about the fine details of
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creating a new nation state. And is it, is it just so politically dangerous for politicians to stand
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up to this? Um, or, or, or is it that politicians look at it and say, oh, this is quite fringe. You know,
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we're not going to, we're not going to waste political capital opposing this. I say that because
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I believe it was an NDP member of parliament, Leah Gazan, who, um, in 2022 put forward a motion that
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basically labeled Canada, a genocidal country, uh, labeled the residential school system, a genocide,
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and it passed unanimously. Not a single conservative MP voted against that motion. I'm just curious. We're
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like, is this, is this too politically dangerous for, for politicians to oppose and stand up to this
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and say, no, we are absolutely legitimate. This is absurd. What these activists are saying.
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Yeah. Yeah. I think it's definitely part of that. Um, politicians are afraid of the fallout.
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If they say there was no genocide, then they get labeled a denialist and there's no political win
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for any political party. Um, I think the Gazan's bill who is my MP by the way. Oh, is that right?
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It was a catastrophe for Canada. I mean, I don't know how we ever come back from that. It'd be great
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to see some party. We can't throw support for the bill, but that's not forthcoming at this point.
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I agree. You know, it's one of those things that these motions are symbolic, but that symbolism
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matters a lot. And for the Canadian government to, uh, to find itself guilty of genocide when the
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evidence is not there to support it is shocking. Really. I couldn't agree more. There needs to be
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more attention on this. I'd love it if the next government, um, you know, goes in and tries to
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reverse that motion going forward. You know, in this article, you draw parallels between the land
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back movement and Hamas in Palestine because of their direct support. In many cases, many of these
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indigenous activists openly supporting Hamas. This, this to me is the most dangerous part.
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Uh, absolutely. Uh, after October 7th, a lot of movements characterized, uh, the Hamas attacked
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as decolonization. Um, that's kind of an umbrella term, but it can mean that kind of barbaric violence.
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Right. And so I, I guess, I guess you could play it out this way, right? If, if, if that's what
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decolonization means in their eyes, these indigenous activists, what, what happened on October 7th,
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and they use the term decolonization in Canada to advocate for their own means,
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I guess the, I guess it would logically play out that they believe what happened in October
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and October 7th was justified as a means of, of, of fighting back against settler colonialists.
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The same thing they accuse Canadians of being, I mean, that is insanity. Surely that, that should be,
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be a major concern from, from most Canadians, you would think. Uh, I, I would hope so. And at that,
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at that point, I wonder if some politicians just think it is a fringe movement, try and be dismissive
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of it. I, I think that's a little dangerous. I, I, I think it's a very volatile movement, very volatile
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politic should not be underestimated. And I guess, you know, it, it means that these people would be
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willing to use violence to achieve their own, uh, their, their own ambitions to achieve that ethno
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state that they're trying to get right. I think there's a great potential for that. Um, one blessing
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we have accidentally is that it's not organized yet. Uh, God help us if it ever does get that kind
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of organization. Absolutely. We we've seen, we've seen confrontations and violent confrontations at
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that between police, the state in Canada and indigenous people. You brought up the Oka crisis.
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Um, we've seen it also in Caledonia in the early 2000s. We saw a little bit during the Wet'suwet'en
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protests. What do you think? What do you think the Canadian government, perhaps a new Canadian
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government, as it appears, this one is, uh, on their last sort of their last few months? What
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do you think needs to be done to try to mend the relationship between indigenous Canadians
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and the Canadian government? It doesn't, in my opinion, look as though where we're going is
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sustainable. It's not sustainable. I, I, I'm afraid Canada has got itself into a point where they're,
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they can't come back from it. They can't, they can't diffuse this. Uh, I'm really afraid. Uh,
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if I was, you know, probably if I don't know what he can say about this,
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I'm hopefully he's thinking of something, but I don't know what that is at this point.
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You know, I, I, um, we talk a lot about the residential school, uh, debate, uh, and, and the
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idea that there were these 215 bodies that have never been discovered and the damage, in my opinion,
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that has done for indigenous and non-indigenous relations. A lot of Canadians look at that story and
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say, well, there's no evidence to back that up. And yet we were, we were kind of beat over the
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head with this story for years and it's left a really, it left a big hole. But I look at the
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situation with indigenous Canadians and, and I do feel a lot of sympathy there. The amount of crime
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that takes place inside of these reserves and off reserve, the domestic violence that has taken place.
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Clearly, whatever we were trying to do as, as the Canadian, whatever the Canadian government was
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trying to do over the past several decades, the results have not worked as something I think
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new needs to happen. And I'm hoping, you know, you live in Winnipeg where there is a much larger
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indigenous population. There is where I live in Toronto. What does the situation look like
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on a day-to-day basis in your city? Do you see a lot of, a lot of poverty in the indigenous community
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and a lot of crime in the indigenous community in Winnipeg?
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Yeah, massively. It's, it's, it's kind of the moose in the room that nobody wants to talk about.
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It is, it's gotten so bad that some people are starting to become brave enough to discuss
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the obvious demographic. There is a lot of indigenous crime. Like if you, a lot of the encampments
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downtown, it's mostly indigenous. Now we can pretend that's not the case or try to rationalize this,
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something to do with colonialism. I, I think the problems go way back to not,
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just, well, the section 25, uh, sorry, section 35 of the constitution, making a, a different, uh,
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aboriginal rights, creating a whole different sort of area for, uh, a special class of people.
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Yeah. Well, that's another thing too, right? If the Indian act, um, that's, people are now talking
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about, you know, abolishing the Indian act or trying to somehow rewrite this because whatever,
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whatever those rules are, um, you know, it is, it has not resulted in, in, in better,
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in a better quality of life, it appears. You mentioned that Leah Gazan is your MP and Leah Gazan
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is, is really becoming notorious in Canada for a radical stance on many of these issues. Um, you know,
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pushing these genocide motions, uh, you know, pushing for criminalize, criminalizing residential
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school denialism. Does Leah Gazan talk about indigenous crime? Not that I know of every now
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and then I get flyers from her as a constituent, but she never mentioned that. So, so she's not
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really interested in trying to, um, raise the alarm about her own community having these issues.
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There's no, there's no, there's no real leadership that is saying, look, we need to kind of figure this
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out. Um, and we need to call our own people out for some of the, some of this crime, some of these issues.
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I think Gazan is ideologically committed and will not speak about the, the Aboriginal community in
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those regards. If, if anything, she's going to say it's a false colonization, intergenerational trauma,
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you know, the list goes on of things more or less white he's done to the, you know, Indians.
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Well, let me ask you this, you know, you, you're not very optimistic about the future of indigenous,
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non-indigenous relations. I don't blame you. I think as you've written in the article and,
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and as has been discussed, it appears as though the situation is bad. What do you think happens
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regardless of whoever takes over the government? What, what do you, what do you think happens in
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10 years with this movement? Let's say they do get organized. Do you predict violence in the next 10
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years? I, yeah. One of my worst nightmares is, is a riot downtown Winnipeg. Some incident happens like
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a police shooting of a native, and then there's a another blockade on Portage of Maine that just becomes
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violent from, you know, just by accident. And, you know, we, we've seen, you know, police,
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police kind of get, get nervous to interact in those instances. They, they, they are concerned
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about how their actions might be used to justify more violence, more riots. It, it, it, it does seem
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to me to be a big concern. I will say the first time I, I heard about Landback was part of this idea
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the, the, the Landback Lane, 1492 Landback Lane, I believe it's called, in Caledonia, just probably
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two hours south of Toronto. And, uh, they were, they were involved in the toppling of the Egerton
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Ryerson statue while I was a student at Ryerson University. They taunted our student club with the
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head of Egerton Ryerson statue on a, on a pike. Um, and they basically, they were, they were celebrating
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the fact that they, they had done this and nobody stopped them. The police didn't stop them. Nobody
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got in their way. Why, why do you think it is that some of these activists appear to have, uh, appear
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to be able to do whatever they want to do, but the police don't seem willing to actually stop them.
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Uh, that's a head scratcher. I think it's just maybe the police are afraid of the political fallout.
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Uh, in Winnipeg, we saw, you know, a similar situation on, I believe it was July, well, Canada
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day, 2021, where they toppled statues on the legislative grounds, hundreds of them, police
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stood by and just watched. There, there are no arrests from that event. Um, I think it was a terrible
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signal to the rest of the city that these activists, you know, militants really can get
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away with whatever they want. There's no pushback. Let me ask you about your premier,
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Wab Canu. I will have to say he's quite a good order. He knows how to talk. He, you know, he,
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he knows how to, how to play the politics game for sure. But he also, uh, what is his stance on these
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issues? Is, is, is he more of that radical, uh, activist when it comes to indigenous issues or is
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he more of a moderate? Uh, I think mostly he's an opportunist. He'll flip flop depending in which
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way the winds are blowing. Um, I personally, I can't recall any statement he made regarding the
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statue toppling on July 1st, 2021. Do you think, do you think that he would be, uh,
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you think that he would, he would be much more sympathetic to a violent indigenous led riot
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in the name of land back in Manitoba? Um, or do you think that he would, he would look at the
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situation and say, as premier, I have to get this under control. Like my concern, you know,
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is that maybe he's sympathetic to that idea and he actually views Canada as a, as a settler colonial
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state. Do you get that impression as, as someone who, as someone who lives in his province?
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I'm a little concerned that he's an activist first and foremost, and you know, Manitoba comes secondary
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for him. Um, he's a hard guy to read that way. And I think he'll just change his opinions on things
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depending on which way the winds wind blows. Yeah. Well, I, I will say, you know, he, I think it was
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during D day, the D day anniversary or in the lead up to a remembrance day, he spoke quite, uh, quite
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well about the importance of, of the military and Canada and our story as a country. I was surprised
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about that because as someone not who doesn't live in his province, I thought this guy strikes me as a
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classic NDP activist politician who, who, you know, plays these games and, and demeans the country.
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Um, why do you, let me ask you this. Why do you think it is that, that these issues today are,
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are being, you know, litigated and advocated for at, at, at sort of a larger volume,
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a louder volume than, than they have been in the past? Why is this coming up now?
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I think part of it has to do with the, you know, the president of federal government,
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Trudeau is very sympathetic towards these things. I think he sees there's a lot of political capital
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he can make off for promoting those issues. Um, I, I, I think activists and Aboriginal activists
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just see this as a great opportunity for them to say anything, do anything.
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Rejecting a $40 billion child welfare package, for instance, like that's, those numbers are
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astronomical and they rejected it. Like, you know, sky's the limit as far as they're concerned.
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And this may be a little speculation, but you brought up land back. You, you, you, you've
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connected this movement to Hamas and, and some of the, the violence that we've seen in the Middle East
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with the church burnings across our country. Do you think that perhaps this is, this is part of
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the, this land back may be part of that, uh, that, that string of church burnings? I know
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the question is speculative, but I feel like I have to ask. Yeah, I've definitely, I think there's
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a sort of a, a general militancy that comes with it. Burning churches is a politically symbolic act.
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You know, it's, it's really, especially since the church is blamed for sailing Canada,
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it's a way of seeking retribution symbolically and physically.
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Well, I mean, if they could, if they, if it is connected, I think that would,
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that would send a loud message to Canadians who are not sympathetic with this idea,
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as you rightly point out of, of really a, a racialist, ethno-nationalist perspective
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from a lot of these activists. And, uh, I, I hope as I'm sure you do, Michael, that, uh,
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we can, we can hear some indigenous voices speak out against this because, um, it is deeply
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concerning, uh, what they are, what they say they're going to do. Uh, we'll leave it there,
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but the article in the C2C journal, which is linked to the description of this video is
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the indigenous land back movement, a landmine for Canadians. And our guest, Michael Melanson
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is the author. You can find that article in the description of this video. Michael,
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thank you so much for joining us. Thank you for having me.
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