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Juno News
- May 10, 2022
Election Season: Analyzing the vote in Ontario, Alberta and the CPC
Episode Stats
Length
29 minutes
Words per Minute
199.40266
Word Count
5,942
Sentence Count
287
Hate Speech Sentences
4
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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Ontario voters are heading to the poll next month. Who are the contenders and what are
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the top issues? I'm Candace Malcolm and this is The Candace Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning in. So it is now election time in Ontario. The
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roots are all drawn up. They were drawn up last week and the election hearing is officially
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underway. We're hearing from the candidates. We have Doug Ford with the Conservatives looking to
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regain or maintain their Conservative majority government and the NDP and the Liberals are sort
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of neck and neck in trying to catch them. We're also just days away from learning the results
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of the United Conservative Party Leadership Review in Alberta. We're going to find out whether Jason
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Kenny will remain on as leader, remain on as Premier of that province. And we're also in the midst of a
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very hotly contested leadership race for the Conservative Party of Canada. So who better
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than Hamish Marshall to join the show to talk about all of these various elections? Hamish is a
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partner at One Persuades, which is a government relations and strategy firm based in Ontario in
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2019. Hamish served as the Conservative Party's national campaign manager and he ran Andrew Scheer's
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winning leadership campaign. Prior to that, Hamish worked for Stephen Harper as his manager of
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strategic planning and a pollster during the successful 2008 federal election. And finally,
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back in 2021 during the federal election, Hamish worked for us here at True North as our in-house
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pollster. So Hamish, thank you so much for joining the show. It's great to have you back.
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It's great to be here, Candace. It's fun.
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Okay, so let's talk about Ontario. So, you know, we're now have this election underway. It seems like
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Doug Ford is in a good position to maintain his election. If you look at the polls, it looks like
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he's up by anywhere between three and eight percent in the polls, which is a pretty solid lead. So
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what do you make of the election so far? What is the sort of main issue that is driving the vote in
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Ontario?
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Well, right now, it's a bit of a snoozer election. Not a lot's happened thus far. And I think that's
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frankly the way the PCs like it. I mean, I think Doug Ford is running on his record. He's arguing it's not a time
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for change. And having a very exciting election does not seem to work with that. So you want to
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he wants to emphasize continuity and change and things are things are fine. And as you say, he's
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got a lead, you're very pulling, pulling companies, but he's got a significant lead. And the consensus
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is that he's on track for another majority government. Although as we've got the first debate
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and things can change as well. We see over the time where and where we have been seeing is a little
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bit of growth in people warming a little bit. Stephen Del Duca, the liberal leader, which is
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which is makes things a little more interesting.
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Right. Well, he's sort of relatively unknown in the province. And some of the things I've heard
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from him have been, I think, a little alarming, a little offside. I know he made a pledge that he
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would add COVID requirements for students in school, making it part of the mandatory
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vaccine requirements for kids coming to public schools. And I think that's still a pretty divisive
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polarizing issue, whether or not to vaccinate little kids, what the benefits are for that
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outweighing whether they outweigh COVID, which doesn't really affect kids. Do you think COVID,
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you know, COVID vaccines, the reaction to COVID, the way that Premier Ford has handled the COVID crisis
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is that going to be sort of the major issue in the election or is it something else?
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You know, I think the liberals and the NDP are going to try to argue that COVID was mishandled
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by Ford. I think one of the reasons why Ford's still on track for majority government is that
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the general consensus, certainly amongst conservative accessible voters, is that the handling of COVID
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was probably fine. And it doesn't mean they're okay with everything, every decision that was
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made, but generally speaking, they're okay. So I think it's going to be very difficult in this
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springtime election to make the case as COVID numbers continue to drop, to make the case that
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handling of COVID is going to be the determining factor. And I think that it would be much easier
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for liberals and NDP. If we were in an environment where COVID cases were rising, perhaps, you know,
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if the election had been held last fall or something like that, when we were coming into
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whichever wave it was then.
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Right. Well, I think that there is still, there are still people in Ontario that are very concerned
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with COVID, people that were very unhappy with the lifting of restrictions. Hamish, it seemed to me
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that in the beginning part of Doug Ford's premiership, he faced a lot of criticism from the media.
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There were a lot of protests, there was a lot of anger at sort of another conservative government,
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and they were sort of making it out to be this really boogeyman that was going to like cut all
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our services and get rid of all these unions. That didn't happen. And it seems that that kind of
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criticism has really gone away. That the sort of centrist sort of base of the party and base of the
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province is actually pretty happy with Ford and the way that he managed things. The sort of most
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the biggest criticism that I see comes from the political right, people who are very unhappy with
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the lockdowns, people who didn't like the fact that Doug Ford wouldn't engage in some of the
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culture issues, like he was very quick to denounce the truckers, he didn't provide any support or any
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compassion, any empathy, any understanding of them. We saw this really very ideologically left-wing
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CRT, critical race theory proposal coming from the Department of Education, really pushing the sort
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of worst of the worst of the woke ideology. Do you think that Ford faces the risk of sort of losing
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the base of the Conservative Party and sort of not being able to motivate his Conservative base to show
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up for him?
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Yeah, I mean, I think that's always a concern when you're in government, you have to make compromises.
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I think his approach to that is going to be to raise the threat of the Liberals and the NDP,
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and he's going to say to these voters, you know, you might not be enthusiastic about every choice
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that I made, but these guys are going to be a whole lot worse. And, you know, the point you made
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about Del Duca talking about mandatory vaccines for all school-aged kids, well, anybody who thinks
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that vaccine mandates have gone too far, Doug Ford simply has to say, I'm not for that. That is too far
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for me. That's, you know, it's that Del Duca wants to do that. And what are people going to do? They're
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going to, you know, vote for the, they're going to vote for, they'll rather see Ford in power than
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Del Duca. I think it is, and the other interesting thing that's happened is that there's a whole bunch
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of these sort of other small splinter parties on the right. You know, there's a bunch of MPPs that
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have left his caucus for a variety of reasons, some of them related to this, and some of them started
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new parties. There's the True Blue Party that Carrie Helios has started. There's a sort of a
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provincial version of the PPC, but because they've all splintered and there's, there's multiple of
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these parties, there isn't a single focus for that feeling. There's no leader who can get into the
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debate. You know, if all those, those MPPs that sort of joined together and said, we're all together
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in one caucus and we're running with one party that's going to have 120 candidates on a, on a
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anti-vaccine mandate platform, they can make the case, well, we've got a couple of MPPs,
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three or four MPPs, and therefore we should have our leader in the debate. And they could
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really have been there to, to perhaps siphon off some of that support. But I think with
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this splintered environment, we've got two or three of these little parties, plus some
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independents. There's no singular focus for that, that, that, that, for that sentiment.
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And Ford's the big winner because of that.
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That's a, that's a really good point. And I'm just wondering, I don't know if this is too
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into the weeds, but why is it that, that, that the sort of anti-establishment conservatives,
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people who didn't like the lockdowns, people who didn't like the handling of COVID, why,
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why do you think they're so disorganized? Why, why, why aren't they united with a singular
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focus in, in the way that we see single issue parties on the left, like the green party?
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What, why, why do you think that these parties don't do as well on the right?
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Well, I think, I think typically if you're, if you're a libertarian party who, who wants to
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engage in these sort of debates, there's the, the appeal of have a following and making compromises
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with the other parties that maybe you agree with them on 98% of things. These are people who have
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split away and they're, they have a sort of splittist mentality. They're going to do their
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own thing. And if they were in favor of consolidation, they, many of them would have stayed
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with inside the Ontario PC party. You know, same thing we saw federally with, you know,
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Derek Sloan, not joining the DPC, but going and doing his own thing. And if you people have a sort
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of a splittist individualist ideology, that's going to continue through how they, they, they
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organize a party. And it's perhaps one of the reasons why the liberal part, the libertarian
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party of Canada has never had a breakthrough and why there's no anarchist party. Anarchists
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are very bad at organizing things. And while these people aren't anarchists, they generally
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are, you know, they, they have, they have their own specific views on things and don't want
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to compromise in any way, shape or form. Compromise is why they left the big parties.
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Right. No, that makes total sense. Okay. Well, I just wondering, quick question. What, what
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do you think Doug Ford has to do to maintain his majority? What, what, what is his strategy
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in this campaign? What does he have to do for the last three, three or four weeks here to,
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in order to win?
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He's got to keep people who are broadly happy with his government on side. He's got to, and
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most importantly, he has to try to keep the liberal and the people in split. You know, right
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now the liberals, it depends on the polls, the liberals should be pulling away a little
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bit from the NDP, but you know, the dream scenario for Ford is that, you know, he gets
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sort of somewhere in the high thirties, 38, 39% of the vote and the liberals, the NDP each
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get like 26, 27%, something like that, that kind of split produce a very nice, large, large
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Ford majority. The, where it gets a little more difficult is there's consolidation on the
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left. Whereas if, if either Horvath or Del Duca can become the anti Doug Ford candidate
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and consolidate that vote. That's when it starts getting a lot of, of, of seats begin to start
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falling at that point. And it comes a little more tight for, for Doug Ford. It's interesting
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to note that Del Duca seems to be wise to this. He's already been campaigning in a whole bunch
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of NDP held seats and is trying to pick up those seats on, on, on his road back. And
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he seems to be pulling away a little bit. And I've noticed NDP strategists whining on
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Twitter that how dare he can campaign in NDP seats. They should be focused on taking out
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Doug Ford. And, and, you know, Del Duca is doing what's best for him as opposed to what's
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best for the NDP. Not a surprise to really anybody, but NDP strategists.
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It sort of kind of reminds me of the 2015 federal election where you had, Harper was sort of had
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a pretty comfortable lead and, and the liberals in the NDP were sort of splitting the opposition
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vote and neither Trudeau or Thomas Mulcair leader of the NDP at the time were, were really presenting
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themselves as, as a sort of premier and wait or prime minister and waiting. And then all of a sudden
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at some point, Thomas, Thomas Mulcair sort of misstepped. I think it was to do with hijabs and
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niqabs in Quebec and, and, and just sort of his support caved all of a sudden, like midway
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through the election, Quebecers sort of turned on him and Justin Trudeau was able to ride that
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wave. Do you foresee anything like that happening? I know, I know Andrea Horvath is, this is what her
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fourth time running for the NDP. She's pretty stable hand, but Del Duca is pretty new at this.
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What do you think about that?
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Well, I think, I think, I think the big difference is this isn't a change election. There isn't an
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overwhelming desire for change. And, you know, in 2015, I think the election came out of sort
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of an audition between Trudeau and Mulcair about who most looked like change. And Mulcair
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ran a bit to the center to try to soften some of those NDP hard edges and looked not different
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enough. And, you know, Trudeau young and vibrant with a platform that was really throwing some
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hand grenades and doing things that were quite bold, looked like change and captured that vote.
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You know, and I think we're starting to see that with Del Duca now. Del Duca has, you know,
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not a lot is punching through. I haven't seen a lot of policy punched through in the last
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week, last 10 days of the campaign. It's not, it's not getting into the public. The only thing
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that I've seen really punched through has been Del Duca's promise to make all transit fares,
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$1 everywhere in Ontario for, I think it's two years, which is a bold policy. I mean,
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it's going to cost an arm and a leg and it's, I mean, this includes even go train fares. So it's
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a huge, massive increase in subsidy, but it is, it has punched through a little bit. So he's trying
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to do that. But again, they're fighting against a problem where they're still having to make the
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case for change. You know, after governments in power eight or 10 years, you don't really have to
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convince people it's time for a change. People just believe that you're fighting over who's going to be
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the change agent. Right now, both the liberals and the NDP are trying to say we have to change and
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we're the best method for that, which is, which is just a tougher argument to make.
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And forward really profits for most people saying, yeah, things are, things are, things are pretty
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good. These are fun. Good enough. Right. All right, let's move on to Alberta. So we're about a week
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away here from, I think, I think we're about a week away from, from learning the results of the
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leadership review. I know they've changed it a few times, but I believe it's coming down next week. So
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interesting. I was in Calgary last week and I didn't really hear a lot of people grumbling
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about Kenya. I heard a lot of people who were pretty happy with Kenya and pretty supportive. I
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think it perhaps correlates with a stronger economy, higher price of oil. But I wanted to get your
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thoughts on the leadership review and what you expect from that, from that vote. Sure. I mean,
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I think, I think there's been, if you compare this to say six months ago, I think two fundamental
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things have happened for Kenya. Number one is that overall UCP's polling against the NDP,
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has situations dramatically improved. Six months ago, it looked like a Kenya-led UCP
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would be defeated by the NDP. And that was driving a lot of desire for change, as you can imagine.
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Now it looks like a fight and some polls actually have them ahead. So we're looking like it's a very
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tight fight, but there's clearly a path to victory for a Kenya-led UCP. The other thing that's happened is
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that, you know, with various people announcing that they will run for leader, if Kenya is defeated in
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this, it's no longer Kenny versus anybody's sort of dream perfect leader. You know, it's, you don't
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like Kenny and who's the person after it. You can be anybody you want. You can imagine the ghost of
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Ralph Klein or whoever it is to come back and they will be the dream candidate. Now with Brian Jean
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saying he's going to run and Daniel Smith saying she's going to run. You know, look, Brian and
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Danielle both have many things that are positive about them, but they're not perfect people. They have
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negatives. And now it's Kenny versus somebody else who is not a perfect dream candidate. Those things are
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working. The other thing that's happened, I think, for Kenny with a chunk is that some of the anti-Kenny
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forces really overplayed their hand. And there's a group of people now who are saying if those types of
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people are attacking Kenny, maybe I'm more for him now. So I think the situation has radically evolved and
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his decision to put off this vote until the spring is looking like a very, very good one. Moving to the
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mail-in ballot, I think, was the right one to do. The in-person convention would have had so many
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people, it would have been absolute pandemonium. And a mail-in ballot, I think, seems like the best
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option. So I think what he's done is done very reasonably well. And as to your point, the economy
00:15:32.420
has improved a lot, putting him in a better position. So I have heard criticism sort of from
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both sides. Some people say that, Kenny, part of the problem is that there is these few dissenting
00:15:44.500
MLAs who are very unhappy with Kenny, and Kenny's kind of given them too long of a rope to voice
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their complaints and to, you know, voice their dissatisfaction, kind of giving them too much
00:15:55.060
freedom. You know, he should have had more party discipline and booted those. Others say that,
00:16:00.260
you know, he's muzzling his back bench and that he's not providing them the right opportunities to
00:16:05.220
have their input. Do you think there's a bigger problem, you know, even if Kenny does survive this
00:16:10.340
leadership race, which it looks like he will handily. But do you think that he has a problem
00:16:16.340
just in terms of keeping this united Conservative Party united, ensuring that sort of the back bench
00:16:21.940
or rural MLAs or rural Albertans who don't feel that Kenny's done a good enough job with the pandemic
00:16:28.500
and, you know, he's made a lot of mistakes that aren't being addressed. How do you think Kenny can
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keep this big tent, big party together? Well, number one, I think kicking MLAs out of caucus
00:16:41.060
is a very serious thing and should be done only in extreme circumstances. And I think Kenny was right
00:16:46.980
not to kick them all out. Kicking them all out could have formed a wrong caucus, could have given the
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reborn Wildrose, I think it's now the Wildrose Independence Party, you know, maybe they could have
00:16:56.820
joined that, they could have created something new that would have been a focus for anti-Kenny opposition.
00:17:01.940
By putting everything through this leadership vote, he can now say to the caucus members,
00:17:07.300
put up or shut up. You know, if after, you know, assuming he wins the leadership vote,
00:17:13.140
he can say to any caucus members, you had your choice, you went and signed up people, the membership
00:17:17.540
voted, the membership decided, I'm still the leader, I'm still the premier, I'm giving you one last
00:17:23.220
chance. If you're on board now, fantastic, you can be a candidate next year, let's move forward. But if
00:17:28.340
you're not right now, it's time, the time's coming for the parting of the ways. And I think he will
00:17:34.100
be able to position anybody who still wants him gone after successful leadership review is not
00:17:41.300
respecting the will of the membership, and therefore removing them as an MLA, as a candidate for the next
00:17:46.340
election is entirely justified. So I think, yeah, he's given them some ropes, he certainly enhanced their
00:17:52.100
criticisms. But, you know, if he pulls off a significant win in this leadership, it gives
00:17:57.300
them a much, much more leadership review, much, much stronger hand, and he'll be in a very good
00:18:01.780
position to tell them to get on board or to leave.
00:18:05.060
Interesting. Yeah, I think that's a very good strategy, and probably very likely how it will
00:18:10.180
play out, Hamish. I want to, while I have you online, I want to ask you about the conservative
00:18:14.660
race, because as you know, I moderated the debate last Thursday, it was really fun,
00:18:18.820
great opportunity to sort of get to know each of the candidates a little better. Unfortunately,
00:18:23.060
Patrick Brown was a no show, but we did get to know some of the other candidates. So I'm just
00:18:29.220
wondering, I'm, you know, what's your take on the leadership race? How do you think it's going so far?
00:18:34.180
Well, full disclosure, I'm supporting pure poly. I've been actively helping him on his campaign. So
00:18:40.180
and these remarks represent my views, not the campaigns. So take them all. If you're not,
00:18:46.100
if you're not a peer fan, take this all as perhaps a biased perspective, but that's,
00:18:50.580
that's where I am. Yeah, I agree. I think the debate was a lot of fun. I think we got to see
00:18:54.580
who everybody was, what was important to them. And, and, you know, what I look for in debates
00:18:59.940
is surprises, you know, people performing about what the way I expect or the way they've performed in
00:19:05.380
the past isn't news. It's what's different, what new things do we learn? And, you know, I think,
00:19:10.900
I think we, you know, the thing that struck me that was really new was that was how angry
00:19:17.620
Jean Chouret was. I was surprised by that. I didn't expect him to be angry, but he seemed
00:19:22.660
really maddened to have to share the stage with some of the candidates. And, you know,
00:19:26.900
that was, I think, very disappointing from my perspective.
00:19:29.940
I, I, I didn't see it as anger. I saw it as passionate. I heard him make some very passionate
00:19:33.940
pleas that he, you know, he loves Canada and he supports it. I know that there were a couple of
00:19:37.700
things that he said that did not go over well in the room. At one point, he said that he thought
00:19:41.060
that the trucker convoy was illegal and that got him a whole room full of booze. It was interesting
00:19:46.260
to me because Roman Babber, who, he's a provincial MPP in Ontario. He was one of the ones that we were
00:19:52.100
just talking about that got kicked out of Doug Ford's caucus and went as an independent. He was
00:19:59.380
really resonating with a room full of conservative sort of activists and insiders. And I, you know,
00:20:06.500
obviously a lot of people support Pierre because he's got the momentum and he's charismatic and he's
00:20:11.540
been on the ground sort of fighting against the Trudeau government every step of the way since Trudeau
00:20:17.300
was elected. But, but I, I was, I was a little bit surprised by how much Babber's message resonated
00:20:23.860
with conservatives. Do you think that the, that the, that this, this issue, the trucker convoy,
00:20:30.340
the mandates, the sort of pro-feetum voice, do you think that's going to be one of the defining
00:20:35.140
issues of the campaign or do you think that there's something else that's more important?
00:20:38.020
Yeah, no, I think, I think it's a big litmus test. I think, I think conservatives are looked,
00:20:42.020
I think at core conservatives are looking for someone to make them feel good about being conservative.
00:20:46.740
And I don't know anybody who agrees with everything that was said by everybody in
00:20:49.540
the trucker convoy. I don't think that's physically possible. There's lots of people
00:20:52.260
saying all sorts of different things, but at core, there was a message. There was,
00:20:56.740
in the freedom convoy, it was, it was a message of frustration. There was a message that was a huge
00:21:01.060
chunk of Canadians. They're not being hurt by this government. And respecting that as, you know,
00:21:07.860
as, as, as Pierre Polyhev has done and, and as Roman Babber has done is very, very important.
00:21:14.340
And I think conservatives want to feel good about being conservative again. They don't want to be
00:21:17.140
lectured. They don't want to be told that they're bad Canadians. They don't want to hear that their
00:21:20.420
views are somehow out of date and awful, which is what we, you know, while he may not have said that,
00:21:27.060
sometimes he did in so many words, but certainly what was the overall theme of the Aaron O'Toole
00:21:30.900
leadership. And, you know, that's why I think one of the main reasons why I think
00:21:35.300
Pierre Polyhev is winning is he's making conservatives, he's speaking to their hearts, he's making them good about
00:21:39.620
themselves and showing a positive vision about how, how we can be pro-freedom and be popular.
00:21:47.540
Look, I think, I think Mr. Babber did very well. I, I didn't have very strong impressions of Roman
00:21:51.620
Babber before the leadership debate. And I think he, he proved himself to be likable and interesting.
00:21:58.580
And I think, you know, for someone like him, who's, you know, definitely playing catch up
00:22:02.100
compared to the other big contenders, I think he did very, very well.
00:22:05.460
It's sort of one of the other things that struck me is that there sort of appears to be a fault
00:22:11.300
line of the old split of the party. Like when I look at the six candidates, I see Jean Charest,
00:22:16.980
Scott Aitchison and Patrick Brown, which very much fall in line with this sort of the old school PC,
00:22:21.860
progressive, liberal light brand of conservatism as popular in places like Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa.
00:22:27.620
And then, and then, and then you have more of the sort of grassroots populism. I don't want to say
00:22:34.260
reactionary, but, but sort of really in touch with the concerns of everyday Canadians and conservatives,
00:22:40.180
which would be Pierre Polyev, Dr. Lesson Lewis and Roman Babber. And it sort of worries me a little
00:22:47.860
bit that, that whichever way this party goes, the other faction of the party won't be satisfied. Like,
00:22:52.260
I can't, I can't imagine that Jean Charest and Patrick Brown will line up behind Pierre Polyev if he
00:22:57.700
wins. And likewise, I can't imagine people in Western Canada and people who are very dissatisfied
00:23:03.380
with the status quo and with lockdowns saying, okay, I'll, I'll support a Patrick Brown or Jean Charest,
00:23:11.060
given, given their, given their records. Is this something that concerns you? Or do you think I'm,
00:23:15.620
I'm sort of being oversensitive to that split?
00:23:18.340
Oh no, I mean, I think, I think there's always, there's always a danger of splits. And I think
00:23:21.460
what we've seen, you know, the, the, the, I always like to say the conservative movement is sort of
00:23:26.420
deeply Protestant in character. It's not to say there aren't just Protestants in the conservative
00:23:29.780
movement, but there's sort of a splittist tendency that, you know, when things aren't going the way we
00:23:34.020
want, certain factions will break off. And I think that, so I think, I always think there's a danger of
00:23:42.420
it. I generally think that, however, though, that we're going into an election where Trudeau will be
00:23:46.980
empowered for a decade, liberals empowered for a decade, and the tendency for unity in the face of
00:23:51.140
that kind of a environment is much, much, much greater. And I think there'll be a strong push
00:23:56.900
for unity, whoever wins afterwards. And, and the conservative party has a fairly good record of
00:24:00.900
pulling that together. You know, especially if we, if we have a leader who is sensitive to some of the
00:24:08.180
mandates concerns, I think even what we'll see is a greater unity with the chunk of, of PPC voters
00:24:15.620
coming back to the conservatives as well. I, I think that's right. It's, it was interesting because
00:24:21.940
I think it was Warren Kinsella started calling Pierre Paglia of People's Party Pierre, which,
00:24:27.220
which I don't think is as big of an insult as, as he thinks it is. But, but I did find it amusing that I
00:24:33.860
think both, uh, Roman Babber and Lesley Lewis took, uh, shots at Pierre and the federal conservatives
00:24:39.940
for not doing enough to defend the trucker convoy and the, uh, and, and, and being anti sort of
00:24:45.780
lockdown mandate enough. So that was an interesting, I didn't, I didn't, uh, I didn't agree with much
00:24:51.780
that the media said about the debate afterwards, but there was one, um, thing that I did, I did agree
00:24:56.660
with. It was written in the hub, which, which is a policy sort of, uh, more of a wonkish publication,
00:25:02.020
but, um, there's sort of complaints that the debate didn't feature enough big ideas and it
00:25:07.060
wasn't policy oriented enough. And then they didn't really put down anything in terms of what
00:25:12.180
they believed in and what their vision for Canada was in specific ways. Um, do you think that's just
00:25:17.220
because it's too early in, in this race? I know we're not going to determine the leader until
00:25:20.660
September. So it's, it's so early. There's so much time. Um, but, but do you think that the debate and,
00:25:25.940
and the conversation so far has been lacking when it comes to public policy?
00:25:29.860
Um, no, I disagree. I think, I think we've seen some interesting public policy proposals
00:25:34.820
around housing prices, around cryptocurrency. Um, Mr. Shray put on a big, um, uh, healthcare piece
00:25:41.780
recently. There's been, there's been a fair bit, but it's, it's, it's, they're all subs,
00:25:46.180
they're all subservient to the overall narrative, which is, you know, um, the Shray Brown approach,
00:25:52.420
which says conservatives shouldn't be conservative and they should feel bad about being
00:25:56.580
conservatives. And if only we were just liberals who were good at math, um, everything would be
00:26:00.980
fine. Uh, and then there's, um, what Mr. Polyev, uh, is showing, which is that, you know, it's okay
00:26:07.700
to be conservative. It's not just okay. It's great to be conservative to feel and to fight for freedom
00:26:12.420
and to, um, make people feel that they're part of something that is growing. And, and so I've seen
00:26:19.220
very, two very different narratives and all the policy gets assumed by that. You know, we're not,
00:26:23.780
it's very different race than it was say in 2017 where we had 13 candidates on the stage
00:26:27.780
where people needed, um, individual policies to stand out from one another. And it came about that
00:26:33.460
here. It's really a, a, a campaign of big narratives. Do you think that at this point
00:26:39.140
that any of the campaigns are really using a strategy of like, okay, my goal is to get second
00:26:45.060
round votes and I'm going to try to appeal to this person's base. Do you think that's part of the
00:26:50.340
strategy game has, has really started to play in yet, or do you think it's too early? And then
00:26:54.580
also on that, what do you think about Patrick Brown's strategy to not debate, not talk to media,
00:27:00.900
not really engage, uh, kind of stand, stand back and, and, and lob grenades while also
00:27:06.020
sort of working, uh, with, uh, diaspora communities and, and immigrant communities to try to
00:27:12.260
shore up support amongst people who probably have never voted conservative before.
00:27:16.340
Yeah. Look, I mean, I think both the Shrey and Brown campaigns have a similar strategy, which is,
00:27:23.460
you know, do well enough on the first ballot to keep, um, uh, peer under a 50% and then get most
00:27:30.340
of the seconds of the other, right. They're both assuming that, that they will be ahead of, of each
00:27:35.140
other and that they can profit from that. And that's their path to victory. Um, so I think that that very
00:27:39.700
much exists, uh, on, on that side of things, um, you know, Mr. Brown has been, it's been described as
00:27:46.260
he's running a, uh, submarine campaign, um, which I think is good. I think he's, you know,
00:27:50.740
I think you're right. He's sort of firing the odd torpedo, but he's generally keeping under the,
00:27:54.580
under the, uh, under the radar. Um, and he, he's running a campaign very much about signing up
00:27:59.700
people in very specific, um, communities. You know, he came out and said that he was in favor of, um,
00:28:05.380
taking the Tamil Tigers off the terrorist list. Um, you know, which is an explicit appeal to
00:28:11.620
people who are supporters of Tamil Tigers. Um, he's a, he's come out and said, you know,
00:28:17.460
his reporting came out and said that he's against moving the Canadian embassy, uh, in, uh, in Israel to
00:28:24.740
Jerusalem. Um, he's very much targeting very specific communities and has
00:28:29.460
explicitly said many times that he's not interested in appealing to the traditional,
00:28:32.580
to the traditional membership. Um, and, uh, he's going to do, he's going to assign up
00:28:38.100
enough people to go around them and win that way. Um, you know, it's a bold strategy, a risky
00:28:42.180
strategy. It creates all sorts of trouble. Um, you know, should he be successful with caucus
00:28:46.900
and with the party establishment and the party as it exists? Um, so I, I, you know, we'll see,
00:28:52.020
we'll see how we get far he gets with that. Um, but I think, I think actually the most, uh, dangerous
00:28:58.660
is that if he wins is keeping the party together, having, uh, one, if you, if you,
00:29:03.060
that strategy is successful, keeping the party together is going to be very, very difficult
00:29:06.820
by signing up an entirely new group of people who've never had any connection with the conservative
00:29:11.380
party. I mean, I, I can't fathom that happening. Um, but yeah, certainly an interesting strategy,
00:29:18.580
one that we haven't seen, and it will be interesting to keep an eye on that. Well, Hamish,
00:29:22.260
I really appreciate all your insights on all these various campaigns and, uh, we appreciate
00:29:26.580
you having on your show. We'll have to have you back on later to give an update on these topics.
00:29:30.900
My pleasure. Hey, thank you so much. That's Hamish Marshall.
00:29:34.100
I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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