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- October 07, 2024
How Pierre Poilievre STOLE the youth vote from Justin Trudeau
Episode Stats
Length
21 minutes
Words per Minute
162.12679
Word Count
3,468
Sentence Count
162
Hate Speech Sentences
3
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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Justin Trudeau came to power in 2015 with a majority government riding high as a young,
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charismatic, popular, progressive leader. He had the support of an overwhelming amount of young
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voters in Canada as he pranced around the country extolling the virtues of gender diversity,
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immigration, and marijuana legalization. Now close to 10 years later, that support is gone.
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Young voters in this country now consider themselves to be conservatives gearing up to
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give Pierre Polyev a majority government of his own. But what happened to Justin Trudeau's youth
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base? And why are young voters in this country not willing to put their support behind Jagmeet Singh
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instead of Pierre Polyev? Joining us now on The Faulkner Show is Dr. Michael Bonner, a Canadian
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communications and public policy expert, as well as the author of the 2023 book In Defense of
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Civilization. Last week in the City Journal, you published this piece about Canada's new
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young conservatives, in which you explained the phenomenon of young voters abandoning the Liberal
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Party and the socialists and embracing Pierre Polyev's conservatives. So to start us off,
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can you explain what is behind this new sudden shift in Canadian politics?
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Of course, Harrison. Thanks for having me on your show.
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Yeah, I mean, I think in Canada right now, nothing is more tired and stale than Justin Trudeau's
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Liberal Party. And, you know, it's no surprise to me that the constituency that brought him to power
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originally have moved along. He isn't talking their language. It's just sort of one identity,
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political nostrum after another and sort of various sort of niche preoccupations that don't really
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speak to the needs of millennials and Generation Z and so forth. And, you know, as I say, I'm not
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surprised that that portion of the electorate have left him. And of course, it isn't only them,
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but they are by far the least likely coalition that you might think, you know, would have moved
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along. You mentioned that one of the reasons for this is that the Liberals have injected identity
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politics and the claims of racism into every element of political life and really of Canadian life,
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looking specifically at the military and of our history. So it seems that, in your opinion,
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the cultural policies and the use of specific words that the Liberal government have adopted,
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specifically Justin Trudeau, that's played a significant role in their downfall.
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Yeah, I would say so. I mean, I think it's kind of a substitute for actually doing something. I mean,
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it's, you know, we, that kind of hypocrisy, we, you know, when I was younger, we didn't really have a
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name for it. Now we call it virtue signaling. It's virtue signaling on steroids. It's become extremely
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annoying. And, you know, as I say, it doesn't do anything. I mean, we are not a country that has no
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particular problems or in which nothing important happens. You know, we have a great deal of challenges
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not the least of which is housing, the sort of uncontrolled or barely controlled mass immigration
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that the Liberals now favor, inflation, you name it. We've got a lot of, we've got a lot of different
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problems. And, you know, talking about, talking about these sort of obscure niche issues or what have
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you, I mean, they just don't, they don't do anything to address them. And, you know, they,
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there's only so long the public can put up with that for now, I don't know what it is that, that
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prevents the Liberals from, from taking any kind of action, you know, that's really sort of up to them.
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But, you know, talking endlessly about these, these things is, is no solution to anything. And,
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you know, I'm, I'm sick of it. I suspect you are. And I think that many, many of the people who,
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who probably, you know, gave Justin Trudeau, a great deal of goodwill back in, in 2015. You know,
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I think that they're, they're disappointed. And Canada is not alone in this, right? I mean,
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we've seen this in the UK, we see it in the United States and across Europe, young people are moving
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towards the right. They are moving in the direction and showing support to charismatic,
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conservative leaders, populist leaders. So do you think that Justin Trudeau is also
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almost a victim of this global trend as well? Because we know that the, the, the global left-wing
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politicians and the powers that be, they look at Justin Trudeau as a, as a figurehead of their
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movement. They see him as someone that represents the, that sort of globalist open borders ideology.
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And this seems to be a global shift. So what do you think is behind that, that this is not just
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in Canada, but it's happening seemingly all over the Western world?
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Well, first of all, I, I, I do think that there are, there is something to the trend that you
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mentioned. Yes. There's something different in Canada though. And the, you know, all Canadian
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politics is, is always going to have a populist element to it. Every party has a, a populist wing
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or a, you know, we, people talk about prairie populism as being the origin of both the NDP and,
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uh, uh, and the conservative party. What's, what's distinct though, is, uh, I, I think that Pierre,
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uh, uh, Poilievre is a, is a, is a, is a far more substantial, uh, leader than you might, uh, think by
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international standards. He talks the language that, that, uh, youth need to hear. He's squarely focused on
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the problem of housing, on inflation, on the, um, um, budgetary deficits that Trudeau promised would be
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gone, um, by now, that sort of thing, you know, real, and he makes them, uh, uh, he, he makes them
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clearly relevant, uh, when he talks. And, you know, that's, I think, I think, uh, abroad, that's, that's
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often a sort of missing element. So in addition to the, you know, the, the sort of general malaise or upset
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or discontent that people might be feeling against a government that's been in power for so long,
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you know, there are, there are real solutions that seem to be, uh, uh, on offer. And, uh, Pierre is
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also a young man. He's, uh, he's 43, if I'm not mistaken. Trudeau is 50. Uh, you know, uh, 50 is not
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exactly old necessarily. He's not, he's not exactly geriatric, but it's, he's, he's older. He's no longer
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the young, uh, phenomenon that, uh, he seemed, uh, 10 years ago when he was, um, you know, when,
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when, when he was much more popular, both here and abroad. So, you know, some of, uh, I was going
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to say some, a lot of that sheen has come off the, the, he, you know, he's, he's tired. The government
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seems kind of paralysed. It doesn't make, you know, it's sort of incapable of acting, uh, decisively.
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And as the problems of the post COVID world, uh, close in on us, you know, uh, and arguably even,
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you know, something of a winding down of globalization and so forth, you know, people
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are looking elsewhere. Um, people are looking for, you know, something, uh, something new
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and real solutions. Just to almost play devil's advocate in a way. Um, we know that Pierre
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Polyev isn't exactly jumping off the charts when it comes to likability. There was recently
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a national post, uh, Leger poll that basically put Trudeau and Polyev on the same likability
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level. I believe the question was, I have it here. It was about, uh, which national party
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leader would they least like to sit next to on a long flight? Polyev and Trudeau managed
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to come out evenly on that. Um, and the same was, uh, I think there was another question
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like that. Um, and we've seen governments switch before and, and go from liberal to conservative
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and conservative back to liberal. And many people just say that this is part of the Canadian
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system, which is Canadians vote governments out and not necessarily vote them in. Do you
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think that there's something to that, that this is just Trudeau past his Dubai date and
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Polyev has come along at the right time rather than Aaron O'Toole or Andrew Scheer, who tried
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to jump the gun a little bit? Well, yes. I mean, I, I think that there is a certain amount
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of truth to that, that, that, you know, the, the, the, the popularity of the next government
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is inversely proportional to how much the previous one was hated. Uh, but look, you said, you made
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a very important point about leaders, you know, not every leader obviously has the, the
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same, uh, qualities you generally get some mixture of just sort of agreeableness or likeability
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or whatever you want to call it. Uh, and something more like empathy and then something more like,
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uh, you know, like, uh, cerebral qualities, you know, a guy like Pierre Trudeau, the prime
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minister's father, he was a very cerebral guy. He struck people as, you know, sort of,
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uh, you know, you wouldn't want to get into an argument with him, but not particularly, you
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know, empathetic or, or nice. Uh, Reagan, you know, Ronald Reagan, uh, highly, uh, agreeable,
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you know, uh, jovial, friendly, that sort of thing, but not necessarily a very, uh, you know,
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not, not really a brainiac. Thatcher, you know, sort of more on the, on the, on the,
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on the intellectual side also. I, I think that, I think that Pierre has more of that intellectual,
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uh, tendency to him. You know, I, I, I know him somewhat. I've worked with him, uh, in,
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in Ottawa, uh, back in the day. I, I, I found him agreeable, but certainly, uh, he, he has that
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sort of intellectual, uh, quality. He likes, uh, he likes a good verbal sparring match and he likes
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an intellectual problem. Um, I don't get the impression looking at the current prime minister
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that he enjoys, uh, intellectual problems or that he is particularly, um, you know, uh,
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motivated by, uh, verbal sparring matches or arguing about things or whatever, but he does,
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you know, a lot of people thought that he was, he was, he had some kind of
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charisma or he was dynamic or something. Maybe some people think he's empathetic. I don't,
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I don't particularly see that myself, but you know, there are different qualities that appeal to
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different kinds of people. And I think that the kind of world that we are in now, or that we are
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entering calls for more of the type of person who's going to take a problem, uh, take the bull by the
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horns and wrestle the problem to the ground and, and, you know, examine it from every angle and,
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and, and come up with, uh, come up with some kind of solution, not someone who's going to say fine
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words. Right. And I think Stephen Harper is someone that falls into that category of someone who's not,
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not very charismatic, but people looked at him as a competent leader and he struck them as one.
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Um, how much do you think immigration plays a role in the sudden change we're seeing?
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It feels just from my perspective, as a young person talking to other younger Canadians,
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immigration is the topic that everybody's talking about. Everybody's paying attention to it.
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Pierre Polyev isn't the strongest on this issue. It's not something that he is, you know, really
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grabbing by the horns, but the, but the Trudeau government seemed to be backtracking heavily
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now on immigration. Do you think that the sudden shift in Canadian public opinion is part of this
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shift towards Pierre Polyev's conservatives on, on immigration in particular?
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Undoubtedly. I mean, as I've written, um, in, in previous pieces,
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the, um, you know, the Canadian pro immigration consensus was in place for a long time.
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We never had, you know, there, there were always people who, who thought that there were extremes.
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They, there were some people who thought that immigration should be so high that eventually
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we should have, uh, you know, a hundred million Canadians, uh, before the end of the 20th century.
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You know, there was even a book in the seventies about that, you know, that was kind of weird and
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extreme, but there were people who thought that. And then there were people on the other side who
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thought there should be no immigration and the exact opposite extreme, but not a very popular
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idea. Most people were right down the middle. Most people were happy for a long time with a
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moderately high level of immigration that kept the, uh, uh, kept the population up and that selected for,
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uh, people who knew English or French, people who were young and people who were, uh, people who had
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a job offer. There was, there was sort of an economic, uh, emphasis on it and that kept the consensus
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strong. The liberals have completely destroyed that. Now, I don't want to speculate on what they
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thought they were doing or, you know, why they thought this was good. Some people have said, you know,
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that they, that, that, that it was just a cynical electoral ploy, or, you know, maybe they genuinely
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believed that, uh, that this was, you know, bound to produce some sort of great economic benefits for
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everyone. Um, whatever it was, it hasn't worked out and we don't have the infrastructure or, or even the,
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um, uh, we don't, we don't have the public infrastructure or the housing to accommodate
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the, the, the, the huge, uh, uh, uh, influx of, of people and very little thought seems to have, uh,
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gone into that. Um, I, I don't think that Canadians are xenophobic. I don't think that Canadians are
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naturally disposed to disliking, uh, other people. I think that this is a very different kind of
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phenomenon from what has taken place in, in many European countries or arguably in the, in the United
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States. Uh, but the consensus is gone. People want to see lower numbers and the liberals know that
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there must be polling that they have that reflects this very clearly. And so the numbers are coming
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down. However, I think, you know, I, I don't have much insight into what goes on around the liberal
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cabinet table, but the way they're going about it is completely boneheaded. If you ask me, I mean,
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things like, uh, like if, if, if you ask me things like international students or whatever,
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you know, that that's low hanging fruit for them. That's very easy to, to, to, to, to chop off
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and reduce the numbers, but it's terrible. Uh, if, if anything, if anything, bringing in highly educated
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people who have been, you know, uh, chosen by a unit, highly competitive universities, because our,
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our universities are outstanding, the universities have chosen these people. They have agreed to pay,
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you know, higher fees than, than domestic students do. And the, the, the, the, the colleges and the
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universities are plugged into our industries. They're plugged into the local labor market. You know,
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this is, if there's one element of the economic immigration file, that's, that's bound to, you know,
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to, to actually have some kind of beneficial effect for it. It's that, and that's the first
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thing the liberals cut. I think that's a huge mistake. The, the, the sort of thing that needs
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to go is the non-economic stuff. Uh, the, the endless family reunifications and chain migration
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and all the rest of it. We're kind of getting into a different subject here, but you know, this is a mess.
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It's a mess that they made. They're cleaning it up in, in, or trying to clean it up, I think, in a completely
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sort of ham fisted way. And even if Canadians don't know about this, or they're not plugged into the details,
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they know that something is wrong and, you know, it, they can, they can feel it. They're, they're, they're not buying
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what the liberals are selling and anyone, you know, I think, I think that they're very clearly looking for an alternative.
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And the, many people will look back on the, the far more moderate and sensible policies of the,
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uh, of the Harper era and, um, obviously associate that with, uh, the present day conservative party.
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And that's where they will, you know, that's where the focus of their, uh, um, political interests will be.
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Right. And you, you mentioned, and I think all Canadians can agree. We look at the polls. We see this.
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If an election were held today, Pierre Polyev would be the prime minister the following day.
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Um, and the conservatives would be voted in quite clearly with a lot of the support from young
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Canadian voters, but that can easily go away. What do you think? What do you think a Pierre Polyev would
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need to do for him to lose all of this young support, all these young supporters, or do you think that
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this is a long-term trend that young people are going to stick with the, with the Tories? It doesn't,
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it doesn't strike me as potentially the way it's going to happen, but, um, what do you,
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what do you think would have to happen for that, for that to be the case?
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That's a good question. I mean, what it reminds me of to be frank is like, I don't, I don't know how
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many times in my life I've heard this, this sort of truism about how young people are naturally left-wing
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and that they get more conservative as they age. Okay. Let's like, first of all, that's like, I don't
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think that that's necessarily true, but even if it were, even, even if it were, you know, you're faced
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with this population that gets older and then according to the adage, people get more conservative.
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So, you know, like millennials are getting older, you know, I, I, I, I'm, I'm from 1982, you know,
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I still remember the cold war and, you know, I'm, I'm not, I now have a family. I've got, uh, friends
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who, who have growing families or they're starting their families. You know, you naturally start to
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think about life a little bit differently when that sort of thing happens. I don't expect that to change.
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If anything, I expect our electoral politics to get a little bit, you know, maybe a little bit
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more, um, conservative, uh, as we move along, but the, the fortunes of the present day conservative
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party depend on them and the leader continuing to focus on the issues that actually matter and
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proposing, proposing, you know, workable solutions and, you know, uh, staying laser focused on, on,
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on, you know, uh, on, on, on those issues fighting, you know, and I say this in the piece, you know,
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fighting the culture war and winning the culture war, I'm all in favor of that. Okay. But as we know,
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as we can see, the Trudeau liberals are by far their own worst enemy in this regard. Like we don't
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need to like, there's, there's very little that we can do to make them look even stupider than
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they, or, or like more useless than they already are. We've got to be there, uh, ready with, uh,
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you know, talking the language that, that the electorate want to hear laser focused on the
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issues that matter with, you know, serious, uh, serious demeanors, um, looking like we're ready,
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ready to ready for government. We mean business. And, uh, if we, if, if, if Pierre and company can
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stick to that, uh, they, they will maintain their lead. I'm quite certain of it.
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Incredible. And, uh, just where, where can Canadians find you on social media and where can they see or
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read some of your work?
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Well, uh, I'm, I'm on Twitter at, uh, Dr. Michael Bonner. That's, you know, just D-R, uh, M-I-C-H-A-E-L-B-O-N-N-E-R.
00:20:44.080
Uh, you can find my book in defense of civilization in, in fine bookshops everywhere. You can even,
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uh, order it on, uh, Amazon if you must. Um, and, uh, you know, watch for me, uh, watch for me in the hub,
00:20:58.800
uh, and in, uh, the Dorchester review, uh, if you subscribe and if you don't subscribe, you should.
00:21:07.280
Absolutely. Uh, Dr. Michael Bonner, thank you so much for, uh, for your time and for speaking
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to us on the show today. Pleasure. Thank you very much for having me.
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