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- December 16, 2021
Humour is the best weapon in politics
Episode Stats
Length
27 minutes
Words per Minute
168.76903
Word Count
4,656
Sentence Count
184
Hate Speech Sentences
3
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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What can we learn from studying political theory and how can we use wit and humor to
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persuade people but also to save our society from the march towards the woke tyranny?
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I'm Candice Malcolm and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning in. If you're watching this video on YouTube right now,
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to this podcast over on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts or wherever you enjoy your podcasts,
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don't forget to subscribe to The Candice Malcolm Show and if you like the show, please leave us a
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five-star review. Okay, so sometimes when you're watching the news, and this happens to me so often,
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I'll see a headline on the CBC or I'll read a report and sometimes it's just so absurd,
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so ridiculous, so offensive, you don't know whether you should laugh or you should cry.
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Well, my guest on the show today says that you should laugh and that when we look to political
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teachings, when we look to the ancient Greeks, people like Aristotle and Plato, when we look at
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the New Testament, when we look to philosophers and writers like Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Hobbes,
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Mark Twain or even modern-day comics like Norm MacDonald or Jon Stewart, they all use humor and
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wit as a helpful tool to navigate the world, to warn us on the dangers of tyranny and to persuade an
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audience. So my guest today on the podcast is Travis Smith. Smith is a professor of political
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theory at Concordia University in Montreal. He completed his master's and doctorate in political
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theory at Harvard University and he was recently a guest on my show. Now, while I was preparing for the
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show, while I was prepping for the interview, I came across an amusing essay that Travis wrote
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called Thomas Hobbes Comedian and I really enjoyed it. When I reached out to him to ask him about it,
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he sent me another essay that he wrote called An Introduction to the Politics of Wit, A Symposium,
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which was also a great read. And so I've invited Travis back on the show to do another deep dive
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into political theory. So Travis, thank you so much for joining us. Welcome back to the show.
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I'm really glad to be here today. Thanks for having me on the show today, Candice.
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Okay, so let's talk about comedy. Let's talk about the use of comedy in writing about politics and
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thinking about politics. Can you first tell me about these essays and just basically the idea of
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wit as a political virtue? Right. So whether or not there's any sort of humor in our politics is maybe
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a sign of its health, right? When politics becomes absolutely humorless, we know that things have gone
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horribly wrong. And tyrants in particular are renowned for lacking a sense of humor.
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So when we see parliamentarians, you know, getting their jabs in, when we see, you know,
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op-eds written with some wit. When we have, you know, media personalities and comedians who are able
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to sort of help us not only stick it to the people we disagree with, but also help us, you know,
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understand things a little bit better, make us think twice about things. Those are all signs that
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things are going a little bit better for our polity. And when things become too dour or too angry,
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it's a sure sign that something is really amiss.
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Well, and we see that, I would say, especially in the last 10 years or so, the rise of the sort of
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nighttime comedy, it was really big and powerful, say, in the era of George Bush when he was president.
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Then Barack Obama came around and I feel like comics had a tougher time with him. They didn't
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really know how to make fun of him. And part of it was because so many comedians are on the political
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left and they saw Obama as an ally. They see Justin Trudeau as an ally. So you don't see them poking fun.
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as much. And the same thing can be said about Joe Biden today. We still see so much of the political
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humor being aimed at the right. So when you had Trump come along, in some ways it was easy for
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them, but in some ways it was also the bar was so low that you just saw so many comics kind of going
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out of their way to bash Trump that it wasn't funny. It was like watching amateur pundits that didn't
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really know what they were talking about. So is it possible sometimes that humor can be used the
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opposite way and it can undermine political discourse? Sure. Right. Well, I mean, with President
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Obama, there were humorous things about him. Some comedians got really good at doing doing
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impressions of his very particular peculiar cadence. You're right. Previous president was a target of a
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great deal of comedic attack or late night comedy sketches and bits. There is a lot of meaning going
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on about the current president as well. But right during the past little while, what I tend to think
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really was the sort of the downfall of a lot of this was the Jon Stewart style of comedy in which almost
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every Jon Stewart joke for years had the same punchline and the punchline was some version of
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can you believe these guys or what a bunch of idiots or look how stupid they are with always being the
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sort of think about how smart we are being the joke night in night at night out nonstop and it's tiresome
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and it's and it's cheap. It's easy stuff. And that became the mode of of of that kind of comedy. Now,
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a lot of late night comedy is also what they call punching down of that kind. Right. We have contempt
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for the people that you are making fun of. And you're just, as I said, trying to show how stupid they are,
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how bad they are. And, you know, when you look at a classical conception of the role of wit in politics,
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there's an understanding that there's something very unseemly, you know, very base, vulgar about
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just punching down, you know, taking the targets that you think are contemptible and just showing how
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contemptible they are. And so it's a it's a sign of, again, the health of things when you have a kind
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of respect for the people that you're also poking fun at or. Right. I mean, on the other hand,
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punching up can also be something that you need to do when you have something that's gone horribly
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awry and you've got people who are behaving oppressively when the wit can be used in order
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to try to take down the very powerful when you have almost no other weapons and you have no almost
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no other weapons. Sometimes humour is the thing that you can make recourse to, especially in order to
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get people to to realize that things are are need to be called into question.
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Well, and so reading reading some of your essays on the use of comedy and wit throughout sort of some
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some of the classic political theorists and contemporary political theorists, a lot of it seems to be
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aimed at sort of the aristocracy or the religious leaders, like, for instance, with Benjamin Franklin,
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that he he poked fun at the the ideas around religion, not because he wanted to abolish religion,
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but sort of because he wanted to save it. So can you walk us through a little bit, either of the
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classics or the more contemporary thinkers, some of the best uses of comedy to help persuade an audience
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or prove a point? Right. Well, that's that's that's sort of the thing for about when when the people
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make fun of those in power. Sometimes that's the only sort of weapons they might have, but also it can
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be effective for piercing their conceits and exposing to people that they aren't quite as smart or as
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virtuous or as righteous or as pious as they pretend to. And therefore, you might use wit in order to call
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their legitimacy into question. And so, right, in early modern times when the democratic revolution
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was really getting underway, a thinker like Thomas Hobbes was, you know, had lots of fun pointing out
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how ridiculous aspects of the regime of the aristocrats or the rule of the church had been.
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And so that was an important sort of weapon in his philosophical arsenal. Hobbes is famous for claiming
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that he's just offering, you know, a purely scientific mode of thinking, purely rational,
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purely materialistic. But despite those claims, he is constantly using literary devices, rhetorical
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devices, especially wit, in order to communicate and persuade people of the claims that he's making,
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the accusations and the criticisms that he's offering. And wit is something that, you know,
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is one of the things that Aristotle and classical political science recognizes one of the highest
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social virtues. He puts it in his list of virtues just before justice. So it's not higher than justice,
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right? Justice is sort of the pinnacle of the political virtues. But it's the one he discusses right
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before justice to indicate how important it is. And my interpretation of that is he knows that because
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we don't ever actually live in a condition of perfect justice. And the natural reaction to injustice is
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anger. But excessive anger is itself a condition that's unlivable, that we need something to temper
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anger in order to render living in an imperfect world tolerable, right? And wit is one of the things
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that we have in order to help us cope with and also cope with injustice, but also help us fight for greater justice,
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especially in the face of abuses of power, in the face of people whose claims to expertise, wisdom,
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righteousness, so forth, are exaggerated and pretentious and deserving of ridicule.
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Okay, let's take that sort of idea from Aristotle and try to apply it to today's political left,
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because some of the themes you were talking about, the sort of excessive anger, like,
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sometimes the left will criticize something, and you kind of say, okay, they have a point,
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you know, they found something that is unjust, they pointed out something about our society that can be
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true. But it's just that their solution to the problem is usually, you know, either completely
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changing the system and proposing something that's impossible, never been tried, or you just see
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their sort of righteous anger, you see it in the environmentalist movement, in the sort of woke left
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and the quote, unquote, anti-racist movement. But also that aspect of humorlessness, like they don't,
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they don't use humor, they cancel people for trying to use humor, hence why comedians don't even bother to
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to go to university campuses anymore. So I want you to try to help us understand what the left,
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perhaps, could learn from using more, more wit and humor, what they could learn from trying to pick
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up on what Aristotle was trying to teach. Okay. I'm going to, I'm going to be sort of less ready to just
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accuse one side of the political spectrum of being guilty of this problem myself, Candace. But that said,
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let me say that, right, you mentioned something about designs for trying to transform all of society
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as if we could, through sufficient reason, sufficient willpower, sufficient imagination, we might be able
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to impose ourselves upon the social system and re-engineer it and reconstruct it in accordance with
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what we know to be right and true. And we could fix everything and treat society and treat human beings
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as an engineering project, to be reconstructed, overhauled, recreated. And what it requires are,
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as I said, the very virtuous and the very wise to take charge and repair it. And this isn't something
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that I'm willing to sort of accuse any particular movement of being exclusively guilty of. This is
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something that dates back, concern that dates back even to Plato's Republic, in which the idea of
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philosopher kings was first pitched as what would be necessary in order to achieve the just society,
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with an understanding that Plato knew that we actually could not do that. Any effort to try to
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manufacture the just society would be something that would not only be monstrous, but humorless. Plato's
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writings are full of humor. And he loves telling stories and using irony and jokes. And so, right,
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part of why there's the susceptibility to this in modern times, however, is that, you know, you've heard
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people talk about seeing modern times as a kind of secularization of Christian ethics or a Christian
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conception of history. And that put human beings in the role of imagining that we could save ourselves,
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and we could manufacture a heaven on earth. As I said, if only we had enough willpower, enough
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imagination, enough material means and powers at our disposal, and sufficient righteousness and wisdom
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in those in charge. And that's an attempt to imagine that we could use our reason to manufacture
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what is actually a comical outcome, right? Comedies are always when there's a happy ending. Comedies are
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when, despite all appearances, things go well. And even people who are not really up to the task succeed,
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you know, beyond belief. And people who might not even deserve great happiness all get it, right? And
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that's comedy. I'm a reader of comic books. I wrote a book on superheroes a few years ago.
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And comic books are rightly called comic books in some ways because, you know, the superheroes triumph
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over supervillains that try to take over the world and impose themselves on us all. Of course,
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the supervillains tend to often believe that they've got some very rational design. If only everybody did
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what I said that they should do, and I had all the power and I was in charge, and I imposed my will,
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then, you know, the world would know all the love and joy that only I can bring to it. You know,
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as soon as somebody thinks like that, they're a madman. They're crazy. They're deserving of ridicule.
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And so, you know, we have a society that loves our heroes that, you know, defeat our
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super villainous types. But in politics, we have this idea that maybe some great extraordinary
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leaders might be able to transform the world and abolish all the injustice, if only they had all
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the power and all the trust of the people. This idea that we can manufacture comedy through the
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imposition of technological reason is, however, from a classical point of view, prone to tragedy.
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That's not something that works out happily like, you know, the victories of superheroes in comic books.
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That's something that the classics would tell us that we should fully expect to go entirely awry.
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And so, right, we've seen efforts of a great variety of kinds, especially over the last hundred
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years, in which people have believed that on account of their nobility, on account of their wisdom, on
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account of their piety, on account of their righteousness, on account of their virtue, they
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could fix the world. And I ended that book I mentioned with a claim that, you know, global
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governance is for super villains. Anybody who believes that, you know, they could fix the world
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in that way is somebody we should not trust and ridicule.
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Well, I appreciate you answering the question that way, because you're right, that the anger,
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the righteous anger, it doesn't just come from one side of the political spectrum. We do see it
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on both sides. It's just that, to me particularly, the side that I'm concerned about right now
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is the left. But I agree that when you think of the world in terms of, you know, what the biggest
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threat is to us, the idea, as you mentioned, I have a son and he's reading a little Spider-Man
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kids comic book. And in it, the bad guy is just named evil doctor, the evil doctor.
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And, you know, it's kind of weird, Travis, because, you know, in today's world, we're told to trust
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doctors, that doctors are good. Doctors are the authority that we should trust. And then yet,
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interestingly in this, and it's an old Spider-Man book, it's probably from the eighties or something.
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You know, it's the idea that the villain is an evil doctor, which I sometimes chuckle at when
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I see the latest news of some doctor imposing these ridiculous rules and or advocating for
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endless lockdowns. And I kind of chuckle about the idea of an evil doctor. I want to change gears a
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little bit and just take a step back and talk about the purpose of political philosophy. I remember when
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I was an undergraduate at the University of Alberta, my first day walking into a political
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philosophy course or a history of political philosophy course, and my professor saying,
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you know, why should we bother reading the Greeks? What could we possibly learn from a bunch of old
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white dead guys? And, you know, the point of the course was to show that there was some purpose
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in reading someone like Plato or Aristotle. This is what you do day in and day out. So maybe you could
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talk to us a little bit about the relevance of reading political philosophy and what we can learn
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from from that today. Right? Maybe I can tell you about how I approach it when I'm teaching undergraduates.
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And so I started off as an engineering student, right? And so when you when you go into engineering
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classes as an undergraduate, you're going to be treated to, you know, calculus and organic chemistry
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and heat transfer and fluid dynamics and that sort of thing, where the professor is the expert. Back
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when I was there, they're still sort of throwing up blackboards, endless blackboards for 75 minutes
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straight in which, you know, matters regarding which there's we reckon no dispute are authoritatively
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put in front of you and you are like a student, like a machine to figure out how to add this
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knowledge to your toolkit to solve future problems. And you're measured on your ability to acquire
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certainty and exactness precision and the application of this kind of knowledge.
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And every student that's in an engineering classroom is someone you are training to be an engineer,
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even if they don't end up being an engineer and, you know, working in sales for a technology firm,
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you know, you still train everyone to be an engineer.
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That's not how you teach political theory. You don't you don't look at a room of 100 students
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who've been put into your intro to political theory class because, you know, it's a requirement
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for their degree as if they're all going to become professional political theorists.
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You know, even when I get one student who says I'm thinking of going into political theory,
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can I get a letter of reference for a graduate school letter? Can I get a letter of reference?
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I'm like, why do you want to go into political theory? And they'll give me some answer. Often it's
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because, well, I want to spend my time reading and writing, right? I really love to read. And I like to
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say, well, if you really love to read, get a job as a night watchman or something. You know, if that's
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what you really care about. You know, the study of it from a professional standpoint is one thing,
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but what is it for as part of, you know, citizen education? What is it part of the liberal education,
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human education? That's how I sort of tend to think of it. And part of it is when you are, you know,
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fortunate enough, lucky enough, privileged enough to get to be in university, you know, in the prime of
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your life, when your mental sort of abilities are there at the prime and when you actually are still,
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you know, capable of, you know, thinking quickly and absorbing new ideas and still adapting to the
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world. Exposing students to, you know, ideas that are in some ways familiar but also different and
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should get them to think a bit more broadly and gain some historical sense and get some theoretical
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breadth so that you're not just caught in the politics of the day and the news cycle and the
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Twitterverse and the hashtagging and the us versus them and try to be able to sort of step back and
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try to perceive things from perspectives that are altogether foreign, not only to you maybe, but to
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the discourse that prevails today and the back and forth between the parties that are preeminent
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presently and be able to sort of, you know, reflect on the human condition more broadly and your place
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in society and your place in the world and the status of the things that you care about and the
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things that you value. There's a real luxury to being able to do that and so unlike the sort of the
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training for an engineering career that undergraduates in that program are engaged in, and rightly so,
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I mean that makes perfectly good sense, when you get to be in a course in which you're assigned old books
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to read, this is not to train you to solve a problem, right, or to fix anything or to become the expert
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that will dictate to others what to do, but it's a human activity of just becoming more self-aware
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and thoughtful and part of that is what I really like to emphasize in the classroom because we don't
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do this in politics, we don't do this on the Twitterverse, we don't do this on YouTube even very
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often, which is learn how to, you know, really give a generous reading to the people that we disagree
00:22:33.280
with, try to understand why they're coming from where they're coming from, and abstract away from
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yourself a little bit, and to gain those kinds of skills. Now of course those kinds of skills can be
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practically useful because you can always criticize something more convincingly if you do it from the
00:22:54.880
inside rather than just have a straw man that you attack and caricature and so forth. If you really
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ridicule something, go back to saying about wit before, you can really ridicule something if you
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you know, explode it from the inside on its own terms rather than just lob grenades at it from the
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outside, and so there are practical benefits for an education in, you know, philosophy, rhetoric,
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literature, and so forth, but I still, I guess I'm a bit old-fashioned in this way that I think that
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politics is not actually the most important thing, and politics is not everything, and that we're
00:23:28.160
human beings before we're citizens, and that we're neighbors before we are members of parties,
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and that there's an essential purpose to be filled by retaining, maintaining, communicating education
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in things like philosophy, literature, old books, that's humanizing, and reminds us
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of that we're more than our party identity, and we're more than our commitments and our sides in
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one or another debate of the day. So that's part of how I look at it, Candace.
00:24:11.120
Well, that's excellent. I mean, there's so many things that I could pick up on there, but the idea
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that sort of politics in some ways has crept into every aspect of our lives, and this is more of a
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U.S. phenomenon, but you see politics infused now in things like hockey. You know, hockey used to be
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something where you would go to escape politics and just go and enjoy something lightheartedly, and now
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it's like, you know, we hear the woke hectoring throughout sports, entertainment, movies. It's sort of
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non-stop, and that's also part of a problem. And then the idea of social media, you know,
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in some ways it's an opportunity to use wit. You can reply to someone, you can say something funny,
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but at the same time it's also set up for straw man arguments and really putting the worst possible
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spin on what your political opponent is saying. And for me, I've taken a little bit of a break from
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Twitter because, you know, you could find yourself getting too deep into that. But my final question
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that I wanted to ask you, Travis, is, so back to myself as an undergraduate reading political
00:25:14.880
philosophy in Edmonton, I remember I was carrying a copy of Alan Bloom's Plato Republic and a security
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guard in the building, not at the school, the apartment where I lived. He asked me what I was
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doing reading that. And the security guard was from India. He was a political philosophy
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teacher in India. He just moved to Canada and he was working as a security guard. And
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I said, you know, that I'm a political philosophy student, or actually just political science,
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and this is a requirement. And he was like, you know, you're too young to be reading that book.
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You don't understand it. He's like, teachers should be assigning books about philosophy for you to read.
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You shouldn't be reading the original text yet. You can read that later. And I thought that was kind of
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interesting. And sometimes I did feel like I was reading it and it wasn't really computing. I wasn't
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really understanding what I was reading, but I appreciate it nonetheless. And I like reading
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about political philosophy as much as I like reading or trying to read political philosophy,
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although I'm pretty slow when it comes to reading philosophy. But all that is just to say, Travis,
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is there a book that you recommend someone who doesn't really have a background in this stuff?
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What's a good place to start? Who's a good thinker to start in a journey of trying to read and
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understand political philosophy? Can I just ask, did you did you get to take a class on Plato with Leon
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Craig? No, it wasn't Leon Craig. It was Heidi Studer. Oh, I remember Heidi. What book do I recommend?
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You know what? Let's just go with ones that everybody used to read, even just in high school,
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and maybe they aren't anymore. If you haven't read your brave new world, read your brave new world
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right now in late 2021. That's not a bad start. I'll go with that. It's something that everybody,
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if they haven't read it, they should read it. And if they have read it, they should reread it.
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Okay. Well, that sounds good. That's our required Christmas reading here on the Candace Malcolm show.
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And Travis will have to have you back in the new year and you can, you can talk or we can, we can,
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we can do a little book review on it. Sure. That sounds great. Candace,
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thank you very much for having me on the show today. All right. Thank you so much to
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Travis Smith for joining the show and thank you everyone for tuning in. I'm Candace Malcolm,
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and this is the Candace Malcolm Show.
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