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- May 21, 2021
Imprisoned Pastors and Locked Churches
Episode Stats
Length
14 minutes
Words per Minute
190.89264
Word Count
2,743
Sentence Count
130
Hate Speech Sentences
4
Summary
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Transcript
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Hate speech classification is done with
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A few names for you that you should certainly know by now.
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Artur Pawlowski, James Coates, Tim Stevens, three Alberta pastors who due to a myriad of
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COVID regulations have found themselves behind bars in Canada, a country that we think values
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freedom of religion. And even in Ontario, we are not immune from these issues. Two churches
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in particular, Trinity Bible Chapel and Church of God, have had their doors locked by order
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of the court at the request of the Ontario government to prevent the assembly of worshippers,
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prevent congregations from gathering and worshipping as Christians again in Canada in 2021. I want
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to talk about the state of these specific cases, the church lockouts in particular, but also
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the broader implications of this. We've seen more of these circumstances than we can count.
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I know it's been a big challenge for the lawyers who are taking up these cases. The Justice
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Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, if I understand correctly, had to actually hire several lawyers
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because there was such a volume of cases that were needing to be fought in court to stand
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up for people's liberty. Lisa Bildy is a staff lawyer with the Justice Centre of Constitutional
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Freedoms, and a tremendous one at that. I should put in a plug. She represented True North and I,
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as we fought against the federal government. Lisa Bildy joins me now. Good to talk to you,
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Lisa. Thanks for coming on. Thanks for having me, Andrew.
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So the volume of this is so key here. I mean, any one of these cases in a different parallel universe
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without COVID would have been, I think, a significant thing. And now we have numerous,
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numerous of these, and they continue. Well, that's the thing too. And once something
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that crosses a threshold happens in one case, then the threshold is new. And now all of a sudden,
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we're not as shocked by the next thing that happens. And then, you know, suddenly now,
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instead of issuing warnings and tickets, they're going straight to the enforcement measures because
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they know they can get away with it. So it has been a little bit shocking that how comfortable
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people have been with that moving threshold. I was covering a couple of weeks ago the case where
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the provincial government was trying to extend its lockout of Trinity Bible Chapel, which is in the
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Waterloo region. And you laid out, I thought, a tremendous case. Unfortunately, the judge didn't
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see it that way as these things go. But you were talking about really a very symbolic, I mean, it's real
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in the sense that the church is locked out. But for the country itself, a symbolic turning point
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when government is chaining up church doors. Right. And to be fair, I really was making a plea for what
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this means in the broader context. But knowing full well that in these circumstances, there was very
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little that the judge could do other than, I mean, I suppose they could have ordered a conditional
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sentence and not opted to lock the doors. That was possible. But remember, the government gave itself
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the power in the Reopening Ontario Act to impose these, almost on a unilateral basis, I mean, they can
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do it without notice, to impose these enforcement orders. And then when someone breaches it, it's not
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just getting a ticket anymore. Now we're into the contempt of court process. And the courts are, of course,
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very concerned about making sure that the integrity of the judicial system is upheld by not letting people
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flout their court orders. And so they have to send a message. And that's unfortunately, you know,
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I was making those pleas to hopefully encourage the courts to be, to remember their, the broader
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constitutional context, the fact that we live in a liberal democracy and, and that people have
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fundamental rights and freedoms that we ought not to be just discarding so readily. But yeah,
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they weren't buying it.
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Let's talk about the length of time we're dealing with here, because the nature of
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any charter right violation, as I understand it being a layman, is that it has to be as narrowly
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limited as possible in scope and also in longevity. Yet we seem to be heading towards
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indefinite lockouts, indefinite suspension of religious freedoms.
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Well, it certainly feels like that. And we've been saying this now for a year,
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that, that the response should be targeted, it should be a minimal impairment. The legislation
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requires that, the constitution requires that. But, you know, we've, when people are afraid,
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you, it's remarkable how much you can get away with. And the governments know that they are,
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you know, it's not just the churches that are being impacted. Although I will say that we've
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certainly seen, there's a lot more lenience in terms of enforcement when the political cause is,
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is more favorable to those who are in charge. You know, it's, we may very well at the end of all
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this say, well, that was all a bad experience and go back to treating religious freedom the way that
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we have in the past. But we have in our minds probably moved on and crossed that threshold,
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as I was saying, to paraphrase justice learned at hand from the United States, when liberty dies in
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the heart of men and women, no constitution can save it. And we have seen how readily people are
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willing to give up their, their freedoms when they're worried about a virus. And I, so I think
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it doesn't bode well for the broader principles of fundamental freedoms.
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Yeah. And, and I don't know, I don't want this to be taken the wrong way by people listening. I've had
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less of an issue with fines because a fine is something that you have an immediate recourse for.
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You can either pay it or you can fight it. And as you go through that process of fighting it,
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you don't actually have to pay it. So there's a little bit more of a due process there. Whereas
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if your doors are locked, even if you are eventually successful, you can never get that time back that
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you were locked out of your church. Right. That's exactly, that's exactly right. And there's no
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opportunity in any of that process to be able to raise those constitutional arguments. I mean,
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I was trying to, to raise them just so that they would be on the mind of the court,
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to how significant all of this was, but really the, the process of getting that order,
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the enforcement order, and through the contempt proceedings, that is not where the constitutional
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arguments are raised. Now the government is supposed to be weighing all of that before they act,
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before they implement these kinds of things, but they clearly haven't been. And when they have been
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pushed in the past, sometimes they've walked back their, their overreach to some degree, but,
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um, but not in every case. And so, of course, it's much harder to get your case before the court to
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argue the constitutional aspects of it. And in the meantime, yes, all these restrictions continue
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and people are locked up to their churches and, um, and they won't be, they may be vindicated down the
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line, but they will not be able, as you say, to recover the fines and the, and, and just the lost time
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in their, in their facility. I know we have churches that in some cases are saying, listen,
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we believe we have a constitutional right to assemble. That's the case we're making. Would
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it be different in the court's eyes, in your view, if you had a church that said, listen,
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we are going to put up, you know, we're going to put six to eight feet between seats. We're going to,
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uh, rigorously enforce masking. We're, we're going to do all of these things. And if they laid out a
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really comprehensive plan or, or is none of that really factoring into these decisions to lock
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people out of their buildings? It really isn't. I mean, if you remember, there was a church just
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before Christmas that brought an application, it was an injunction. So they had a heavier onus on
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their side, uh, as to why it should be granted. That was the Toronto International Celebration Church.
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And they, uh, to my knowledge, were in fact trying to, um, incorporate measures to socially distance
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and all that sort of thing. And many other churches have as well. And that is not,
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it's not taken into account. And remember too, that public health policy historically was more
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about education than enforcement. It was more about at least, at least, um, you know, that,
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that was the normal, uh, approach that you, you sort of think, think about things holistically.
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Um, you recognize that going to church is in fact important and, and, um, a matter of health for a lot
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of people, you know, for their, for their mental health, for their spiritual health. And so you don't
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come in with the stick right off the bat, you try to educate and you try to encourage people. Um,
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but it seems like in a lot of cases, they came out with the stick first and the church of God in Elmer
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was one of those examples. If you recall all the way back to last spring, they had decided to try and
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meet with drive-in services. They saw that a congregation in Saskatchewan had done it and they
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demanded the rules out there and, uh, and tried to do it in Ontario. And the police initially said that
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it was fine. But then when somebody complained, which is another big factor in all of this is
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how much the population has taken it upon themselves to be like Stasi, like informants
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against churches. Um, but somebody complained and the police immediately went to enforcement
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and showed up and started threatening tickets and charges. And, uh, um, you know, that set the tone
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for that particular conflict. And it's really unfortunate that they went that route.
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So when we talk about the long-term implications of this, I think there are two issues. Number one,
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these, uh, court cases and challenges are mounting to such a point where there is a judicial backlog.
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And I think the church of God and Trinity Bible chapel cases are set for October, if I'm not
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mistaken, correct? Yes. And, and we have other lockdowns, uh, lockdown tickets for businesses,
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fines for individuals. The church battle is by no means the, the only battle in this area.
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How much of this down the road do you think will, will really just end up being torn apart? These
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tickets and citations and fines based on what you know about precedent and constitutional law and,
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and all of these things, and also judicial economy with how many of these, the courts will have to
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deal with in the coming months. Well, I think when it comes to those tickets and charges, a lot of
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them probably will be disposed of, uh, by the, by the prosecutor. If they don't think they can get a
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conviction, if they think probably, you know, it's too much effort to have to defend each of these
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unconstitutional grounds. Um, you know, I, I wouldn't start with the assumption if you're
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going out to, uh, you know, to, to protest or to, to go to church against the rules to assume that
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your ticket's going to get torn up. But I think that that is, well, that will be a likely outcome
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for a lot of them, particularly if there are some precedents that are set in the superior court
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to suggest that the government was, uh, you know, was, was acting out of line on any of these
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restrictions, but that remains to be seen. Um, so far, uh, I would say that most of the courts have
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given a fairly wide berth to the government on, on, um, on these restrictions. We haven't had a lot
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of cases on the merits yet. There was one out in Newfoundland. We had one out in BC, which was a
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judicial review. Um, so a little different, but, um, you know, there was one argued last week
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about outdoor gatherings, Roman Baber's, uh, application. Um, there'll undoubtedly be others
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along the way before ours is heard in October. I don't know how they'll turn out, but, um, um,
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I'm certainly hopeful that the courts will remember their role is, is also to be that
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sober second look at what the government is doing and, and, uh, you know, they, they aren't
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there to rubber stamp government decisions. It's easy for us to look at the world we're in
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right now and think this is just a, you know, a once in a million, uh, period. We're
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in a once in a lifetime at the very least situation. How concerned are you about future
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implications of these suspensions of freedom? And what you, I think very adequately
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characterized earlier is this internalization by people that this is all okay.
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Well, I, I view this as a continuation of what has already been going on in our
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society, which is particularly in Canada, which is a collectivization, um, in our, in our
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views of things that people, uh, now have to have consensus of opinion on so many things
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and lockdowns just fed right into that existing political climate where, you know, anybody
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who thinks differently from the, the, the, um, you know, for want of a better term, what
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the, what the elites say we should be believing and thinking is a bad person. And we, you know,
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we actually see them saying that, that people who are protesting against lockdowns are bad
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people. Um, so when you start with a climate that's as politically charged as ours was and
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throw this into the mix, I, I don't, the, the new normal that we're going to end up at,
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at the, at the end of all of this is, is very, um, it's very concerning to me. I, I, I think
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that we will be in a new constitutional era, uh, where people who want to exercise their fundamental
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freedoms under the charter, um, will face a lot of resistance from others in the public
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and from, you know, the, the legal establishment and so on. Uh, I hope I'm wrong, but I, I have
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to say I've, I've been pretty disheartened over this last year.
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I realize you're in Ontario, but just looking at Alberta for a moment, this is very unique
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in the sense that on one, on one hand, we view this as being the, the most free province
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and confederation, uh, historically in the political discourse, but we all, we also have
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had three pastors that have been arrested and put behind bars there. Is there a reason
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that Alberta has been the, the province to go in that direction, either in, in the laws
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that they have on the books there, or is it simply a direction that they're taking that
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we're not seeing in other provinces?
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Honestly, I don't know. I think probably people are more shocked by what they're seeing in
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conservative, particularly conservative provinces. Uh, there's certainly been a heavy
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handed approach, not just in Alberta, but in Ontario with the conservative government
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and in Manitoba. And, uh, and you, you sort of wonder why that sort of traditional, um,
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support of individual rights and freedoms and, and, you know, self-sufficiency and people
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being able to make decisions for themselves, those sort of, uh, usual conservative tenants,
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small government have just been disregarded and tossed out the window. I can't explain it,
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uh, other than to, to think that perhaps the conservatives worry that if they misstep, that they
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will be judged far more harshly than any liberal government would be.
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Well, very well said. I appreciate that you are on the front lines of this battle,
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you and your colleagues, Lisa Bility with the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms.
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Thanks very much.
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Thanks for having me, Andrew. Bye for now.
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Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show.
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Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
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