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- June 02, 2020
Is regulation the answer to Big Tech censorship?
Episode Stats
Length
16 minutes
Words per Minute
182.47137
Word Count
3,039
Sentence Count
173
Hate Speech Sentences
1
Summary
Summaries are generated with
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.
Transcript
Transcript is generated with
Whisper
(
turbo
).
Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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Last week, Donald Trump had a standoff with Twitter,
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his preferred mode of communication,
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having not a great amount of confidence
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in the mainstream media to get his message out.
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He had labeled tweets.
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That was what happened.
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Twitter had labeled his tweets at one point,
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misinformation at another point,
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put a big old warning label in front of it.
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This was the straw that broke the camel's back
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as far as Donald Trump's tolerance for big tech.
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So he threatened and delivered an executive order
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that would aim to remove some of the protections,
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some of the liability protections that social media companies employ.
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The basis of this is that they identify as platforms
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rather than publishers
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and should be basically subjected to a level playing field
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in that they shouldn't have to be accountable
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for what users post on their platforms.
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And the goal of this is to force them to not censor content.
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Conservatives oftentimes very critical,
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myself included, of an anti-conservative bias from big tech.
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But the problem is, I think the cure is worse than the disease
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when it comes in the form of government regulation.
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So how significant is this platform publisher divide?
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And more importantly, is the big tech oligopoly,
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if you will, a justification for government to crack down?
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I want to talk about this with Reason.com editor Robbie Suave,
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author of a fantastic book,
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Panic Attack, Young Radicals in the Age of Trump,
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and also has another book in the pipeline on big tech itself.
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Robbie, good to talk to you.
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Thanks very much for coming on today.
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My pleasure.
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Good to speak with you.
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You and I had talked about this very briefly
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in a social setting a couple of months back,
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and I had shared with you something that I know you've dealt with yourself,
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which is this frustration with people on the right
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who are in every other area, anti-regulation, anti-government crackdowns.
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But on social media, they tend to not only turn a blind eye to it,
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but as we're seeing in the last week,
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actively encourage government to intervene
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in what are ostensibly private companies here.
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What's your response to this executive order last week?
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Yeah, I mean, I think the best thing you can say
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about the executive order is that it won't have any practical effect
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because it was sort of empty.
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It really just asked Ajit Pai to look into the issue,
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didn't compel him to do anything.
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Again, you would actually have to have Congress look into this
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to seriously do anything.
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The president only has so much authority
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to unilaterally command investigations and compel new regulation.
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Yeah, so like you said, you would think you could fall back on principle
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to be the reason conservatives shouldn't take this series of steps against big tech.
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But principle isn't the only one.
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Practicality is another.
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It's like, it's simply not true.
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So of course you can find examples of mistreatment of conservative speech
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by the tech platform.
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Certainly you can.
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But it's not true.
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I don't think it's true.
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On the whole, that social media has been bad for conservative speech
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or conservative media.
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On the contrary, it's frankly the opposite.
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I mean, Facebook is routinely a place where conservative news websites
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like the Daily Wire, Ben Shapiro, for instance,
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they perform terrifically on that platform.
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The kind of gatekeeping of the traditional media,
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which is much more hostile to conservative views,
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you get around that by being able to air your views on social media.
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So that's not to say they're beyond reproach
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and there aren't some legitimate criticisms.
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But I'm just, I'm really astounded at how easily and quickly
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and automatically people like Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley, etc.
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are reaching for government intervention as the solution here.
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Yeah, and I mean, I would take a bit more of a critical look
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than you tend to of social media companies
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because I do think there is an anti-conservative bias.
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But at the same time, I do take your point.
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And you look at Donald Trump and Twitter, for example.
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I mean, up until last week,
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Donald Trump has had quite a positive relationship with Twitter.
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In fact, in many cases, Twitter can be linked to his rise to the presidency.
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So you can't say that the conservatives
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are being completely stonewalled on these platforms.
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I guess what it comes down to is that a lot of people on the right
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are saying that, okay, it's not that we want government to regulate.
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We just want a level playing field, this platform publisher divide.
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And I know that there is a protection carved out there for platforms.
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But I also think people tend to overstate the importance of that distinction.
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Right.
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So this is the Section 230, the law that has to do with this.
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It's a confusing issue.
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A lot of people, right, think that it was explicitly,
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and conservatives often speak about it like it was this.
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What the law said is you have to be a platform or a publisher.
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And if you're a platform, you get all these special protections from liability,
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from being sued for having false statements or something like that,
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appear on your platform.
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Whereas if you're a publisher, you're doing some kind of moderation,
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some kind of curation the way like a book publisher or a library would do,
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and then you would be liable.
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So conservatives are saying, well, they're acting like a publisher
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because they're taking action against some speech or in a politically non-neutral way.
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But of course, the law didn't actually compel neutrality.
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It was not part of the law.
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That might be a good thing.
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So there's a little bit of like wishing Section 230 said something other than what it does say.
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I won't go so far as to say Section 230 is perfect or something.
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There are changes I would make to it if I was the one altering it.
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I think you could have more insistence on privacy protections, for instance,
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would be something I might like to see in my ideal version of the law.
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But the issue is I would be also fearful that any attempt to rewrite the law would get rid of
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these protections in a very harmful way because, look, the result of making Facebook, Twitter,
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et cetera, become more liable for speech that takes place on their platform,
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the obvious result of that would be more censorship, would be more moderation,
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more sort of borderline kind of right wing edgy speech.
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That's the stuff that would go under a I mean, there could be Trump tweets that are up now
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that would not be up under a regime where Twitter feels like it could be sued for any by anyone who's
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I mean, Joe Scarborough and that series of tweets we had we had last week.
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So it's fine to complain about the the unequal treatment, the bias.
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You know, we can talk about how we address that.
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But again, this seems like this seems like a taking taking away Section 230 in the in the kind
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of blanket way that, again, Josh Hawley has talked about.
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I don't think the consequence of that would be better landscape for conservative speech
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on the Internet, but in fact, quite the opposite.
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Yeah.
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All of a sudden you force risk aversion to become more of a priority than an open platform.
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However, you know, however many holes there are in that idea of a completely open platform
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now.
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But I guess where I would ask you about this is that we've had social media companies
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like Facebook, like YouTube, like Twitter that have gone after I'll use extreme examples
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here.
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I know they don't represent the mainstream right.
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But, you know, you're Alex Jones types.
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And I mean, maybe not even maybe that's an example that I think establishes them all here.
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And my issue with this as a free market person is I don't think that people should be building
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their business models based on other companies and based on other companies' business models.
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Because if you have a path to success that relies on YouTube getting you views or Facebook
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getting you shares, eventually you're at the mercy of those things.
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But do you think there is some truth to this idea that these companies are effectively public
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squares now?
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And it's not to say that they need to be subjected to the regulations and restrictions that governments
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are, but that their role in society is public platforms.
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I mean, obviously, they are functioning to a degree as the public platform.
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And, you know, Mark Zuckerberg has said, for instance, that he to some degree views Facebook
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as the public square.
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You know, they offer their terms of service, right?
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They outline what are the rules and procedures under which you can operate on this platform.
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I generally think they should be open, honest, and transparent about what those rules are.
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They should be clearly stated.
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I think if they take action that is outside the bounds of what those terms are, they should
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be criticized for it.
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It's still, though, it's like difficult to hold them accountable in a, like, violation of
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a contract circumstance because, again, you're not paying for these services.
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It would be a different thing if you're paying for the service and you could, you know, you could
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present some, well, this was fraudulent behavior or something.
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But, again, this is a free platform that was provided to you by a company that doesn't
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charge you for it.
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That's a tremendous, you know, that's a tremendous boon, in fact, to a lot of independent journalists,
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self-published people, conservative commentators, activists, even non-conservatives, people of
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all kinds who have an ability to transmit information, to communicate with other people.
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And I agree there is some bias.
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I think often the bias is on the part of the users, though.
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A lot of conservatives have this idea that there's some cabal, like Jack Dorsey is sitting
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in his, you know, his evil tower and deciding what speech to go after.
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Maybe that's true in some narrow cases.
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That might have been true with the Trump fact check.
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But a lot of it is, it's complaint-driven, right?
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The platforms don't do anything until someone complains.
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It might be the case that very progressive-minded people are more litigious.
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They're reporting more speech they don't like, and then actions taken against it.
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So it produces a kind of de facto bias.
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But it's actually not de jure bias.
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It's subtly different than that.
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So that's an issue with YouTube.
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You know, YouTube has, I don't know, hundreds of thousands of new hours of content, like,
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every couple seconds, something like that.
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There's no way they can moderate.
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They can check all that on the front end.
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They have to let it go up.
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And then they'll take action once there's complaints.
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So if you made them liable or responsible, I mean, how would YouTube even operate?
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They would have to review all the footage before it goes up.
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I mean, it would, I don't think, do we want that?
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I don't think conservatives should want that to be the case.
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I mean, you know, Prager University's complaints about YouTube notwithstanding,
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that seems like a recipe for disaster to me.
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There are certain areas of the Facebook and Twitter experience that are very much human curated.
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I mean, Twitter moments is one example where you've got people at Twitter that are trying
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to craft a narrative.
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And I don't mean that in a sinister cabal way, but just a narrative of tweets that tell
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a story of a news event.
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On Facebook, you have very similar things.
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We know there's some human intervention in what's trending or not.
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I guess the question would be, does that make them by definition publishers?
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Because they're choosing what to amplify and what to share.
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Now, whether or not that should make a difference as far as regulation, it's a different question.
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But I do think that there is, by the company's own admission,
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a level of a human curation of the user experience.
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Right.
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And in truth, Section 230 was specifically designed to make it so that the platforms
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could do some amount of curation without being treated as publishers.
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That's what actually prompted Section 230, because there was a court decision where they
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told, I can't remember which platform it was, but they told them that, well, oh, so you're
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taking action against obscenity or something like that.
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So you're not just letting anybody post.
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So then you can be liable because you're behaving like a publisher rather than a platform.
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So then actually the law was to make it so that if they censor speech that actually everyone
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agrees would like off the platform, just kind of crazy stuff, that they're not going to be
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treated the same way like a book publisher would be treated.
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So there's some amount of good faith moderation that is not political in nature that we probably
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do want taking place.
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Like it's a good thing that this is a private company rather than a public square.
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I mean, in the public square, right, the Westboro Baptist Church can shout obscenities at the
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funerals of soldiers saying things more vile than anyone can even imagine.
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And the Supreme Court said in a not narrow decision that that's acceptable speech because it's
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the public square and it's First Amendment protected.
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So on one hand, there are benefits to the fact that Twitter is a private company.
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They don't have to let that be there if they don't want to.
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And that could be their decision.
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And you can like it or you can dislike it.
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If you really dislike it, you can find another service to use, I guess.
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But there's some, you know, there's some level of like harassment and horror that is a function
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of the Internet that they are taking action against in probably a responsible way.
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Or if you were saying they are they are truly the public square and they are bound to the
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First Amendment understanding of speech, then there'd be a lot of horrible stuff that they
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would have to allow on the platform that might make it an unpleasant place for people just
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in a nonpolitical sense to be.
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So that's that's one that's one advantage of keeping them a private entity rather than
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legally the public square.
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Yeah, that's a great point, because I know that various companies or people have tried
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to make, you know, completely 100 percent free speech friendly platforms.
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And unsurprisingly, they become magnets for the the least desirable form of speech, the
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type of people that either on principle or because they know they won't make the cut at Twitter,
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Facebook, YouTube flock there.
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And it does, I think, very much ask the question of, you know, should you be careful what you
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wish for if you want a First Amendment platform?
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And I know that I think it was Dennis Prager or PragerU had sued very unsuccessfully YouTube
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on these grounds.
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They tried to say that, you know, the First Amendment should extend to YouTube.
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And the court, I think, very correctly shot that down.
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But it is weird that all of a sudden and I don't want to take aim at people on the right
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because I am on the right.
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But but the ones who are being hypocritical on this, the same people that stand up for
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a baker to deny making a gay wedding cake, for example, are now saying, no, no, no, the
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Constitution has to apply to YouTube and Facebook.
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Yeah.
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And I'm right.
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I'm very passionate about that issue.
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I've written a lot on that issue.
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Right.
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I certainly don't want to compel a small business owner to to engage in work that violates their
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code.
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I think that violates their freedom of religion, their their free expression rights.
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So, yeah, it's it's it's very baffling to me that so many conservatives, it's the same
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principle when when when you look at some of these companies.
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And and I just also think, you know, let's say Trump loses or or in four years or whatever.
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Eventually, a Democrat is in the White House again.
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Elizabeth Warren is is the most vocal opponent of Section 230.
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She wants to aggressively regulate these companies because she thinks Facebook in allowing a greater
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level of free speech in saying, you know what, we're not going to fact check everything, make
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up your own minds, what's true or false.
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We're not going to try to go through which political ads are misleading or not.
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That's what Mark Zuckerberg has said.
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I agree with that standard.
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I think that's the correct standard to take.
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Elizabeth Warren types hate that and they want to punish Facebook for doing that.
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So they want to give the government more power to intervene in what these companies policies
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are.
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So I think it would just be so short sighted for for conservatives, for Republican senators
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to set up some kind of commission, which was really Josh Hawley's idea at one point, at
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least like conservatives should always fear the bureaucratic answer to this where there's
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going to be like a committee of government insiders to decide these.
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Like, I don't understand how anyone remotely right of center could think that is going to
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result in an outcome that is favorable to more conservative speech online.
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Like, there's just no way.
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And I think maybe the conservative movement broadly or conservative politicians will remember
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that when we no longer, when the right no longer has so much power and influence over
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government.
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Very well said.
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Robbie Suave, senior editor at Reason and author of Panic Attack, Young Radicals in the
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Age of Trump.
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Robbie, good talking to you, sir.
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Thanks for coming on today.
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My pleasure.
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Thank you.
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Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show.
00:16:34.160
Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
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