Juno News - November 05, 2022
It's becoming clear the Emergencies Act was not justified
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Summary
In this episode, Peter and Rachael discuss the collapse of the official narrative on the events of October 19th, 2015. They discuss the role of the media in shaping the narrative, and what it means for our understanding of the events that day.
Transcript
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This is a final question to you. You know, you touched upon, towards the end, you touched upon
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the official narrative, so to speak. Where do you see that today? What is the state of this
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official narrative today based on what we've heard so far from the public inquiry?
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In terms of where I think it's going, where I think it is, just help me understand so I answer
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your question better. In terms of where it is today, given that the official narrative, at least in
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large sections of the legacy media, was very, very anti-protest and that they were a bunch of violent
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insurrectionists and they were basically towing the government line on the narrative on the
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protests. But, you know, you mentioned Pat Morris. Pat Morris basically, you know, discredited this
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narrative last week when he gave his testimony. So I'm just wondering where this, I feel like that
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the official narrative is crumbling bit by bit. And, and I suspect it's just going to get worse
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for that narrative going forward. And I wonder if you share that view.
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My prediction, and up until now, is you're right again, and I'm glad we talked about Morris.
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For people who are watching us, and I hope people are watching us, for people who are watching us,
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when we're done, because you can't leave until Rupa and I are done, you really should go find
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Pat Morris's testimony. It's really worth watching. I know it's not exciting. I know it's not a shiny new
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object. But if you're really a person of deep conscience in this country, go find the clips of
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him answering those questions. To your question of where it's going. I think it is crumbling.
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I never thought it was that strong to start with Rupa. So I think we're starting with sort of a
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straw man or a glass house. Okay. So I have to say, I never thought it had constitutional or
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foundational footing. If it did, the narrative would have been much clearer. Not this Jenga mix of
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building blocks and Legos that don't match. And Peter can't speak to Paul and the right hand doesn't
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speak to the left. Remember, we're talking about an extraordinary act. We are not talking about
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something that, you know, every four or five years comes to play, or something that every 10 or 15
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years, somebody so annoying that we have to invoke this document. Okay. We're not talking about that.
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We're talking about something that was meant to be as rare as the dodo bird. And if something as rare
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as the dodo bird or the proverbial unicorn descended on Ottawa, just Ottawa on that day, where all sorts
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of police officers, we don't need the act. We've got what we need. Yeah. There wasn't unanimous
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agreement, which is why Ford's testimony is desired. Did Ford think this was an emergency or was he
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enjoying his heated snowmobile? I'm being facetious. But I never thought that this was that strong. So
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I think it will continue on the path it is. I think you'll see more of an attempt to smear.
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As it gets worse for the narrative, you'll see more of an attempt to smear the protesters.
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To your point about media, how does the narrative get out that convoy is bad, or that vaccine mandates
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are good, or that Pfizer and Moderna are heroes, unless it's on the six o'clock mainstream news
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or the front page of the Globe and Mail. I did a whole piece last week. Again, I'm not going to get
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into it. People can find it if they want. I'm not going to plug it about whatever happened to
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investigative journalism, where the whole idea of the press was to push back against power. The whole
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idea of the Globe and Mail and the Toronto Star was to push back against power and the elites and the
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ivory tower. Now, in many ways, shapes and forms, they are the spokespeople with a quid pro quo to the
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people in power. That bothers me. I'm not knocking it. I do a lot of work in that area. I think the people
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are incredible. But what would happen if the people said, look, we're not going to lose ad revenue
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if we challenge some of this. We're not going to lose ad revenue if we're not in lockstep
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with everything Justin Trudeau tells us to do. We're not going to lose ad revenue. We're already
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hemorrhaging ad revenue. We don't need to be in lockstep or spokespeople as if it's the press
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gallery. So to your point about the media, that to me, we've lost that in the last 10 or 15 years
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with the loss of local journalism, everything moving to Twitter. I hate Twitter, full disclosure,
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anti-social media. I never call it social. It's the opposite of that. Twitter, as your colleague
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Barry Weiss says, and I know you think as highly of her as I do, is the masthead of the New York
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Times. If we just got rid of the insanity, which is also called wokeness, we wouldn't be in this
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point of view. Here's the end of my answer to your question, the denouement, if you will. As bad as I
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think the narrative is, the fact that it's crumbling or mixed, maybe I'll say mixed to be
0.96
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fair, I wouldn't be shocked if Justin Trudeau turns it around. I don't think he would be as prepared,
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even though he was going to testify and should and all that. And I give him credit for this. I'm not
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a fan of his policies. I am a fan of his hair. I continue to be jealous of it. But the point of it
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is, I think he, if anybody can do it, I think people have such low expectations of his testimony
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that if anybody can turn the narrative of the previous weeks on its side, it may be him. I may
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be wrong. If I'm wrong, I'm going to be happy to be wrong. But I think that's the moment where I think
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the people following this will have their expectations affected.