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- March 09, 2024
Lawyer reacts to Trudeau’s latest censorship scheme (ft. Christine Van Geyn)
Episode Stats
Length
12 minutes
Words per Minute
160.38167
Word Count
1,989
Sentence Count
106
Misogynist Sentences
3
Hate Speech Sentences
5
Summary
Summaries are generated with
gmurro/bart-large-finetuned-filtered-spotify-podcast-summ
.
Transcript
Transcript is generated with
Whisper
(
turbo
).
Misogyny classification is done with
MilaNLProc/bert-base-uncased-ear-misogyny
.
Hate speech classification is done with
facebook/roberta-hate-speech-dynabench-r4-target
.
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As promised, we have our long-awaited legal eagle herself, Christine Van Gein, who is the
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litigation director for the Canadian Constitution Foundation on the program. Christine, always good
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to talk to you. Thanks for coming on today. Yeah, thanks for having me on, Andrew.
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So, I mean, we've covered a lot of, I think, the basis of why I'm concerned as a non-lawyer
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free speech advocate on this. But let me just ask you about that point that Chris had alluded
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to there and that I spoke to earlier, which is that the government has gone after a lot
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of things here that most people would assume, rightfully so, are illegal. I mean, even on
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the non-consensual images stuff, I understood a lot of that already existed in law. Certainly
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on hate speech, we already have a criminal prohibition on hate speech, which applies to the internet.
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So this new definition has a lower threshold. Am I missing anything here?
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So I think that the definition, the statutory definition they're proposing seems like it's
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the same definition as exists in the what caught decision, which is where that previously the
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definition came from. The problem is that it's by its very nature amorphous that they are increasing
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the penalties and they're creating a standalone offense of an offense motivated by hatred and
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that it can apply to all federal laws. So all federal statutes are included. So anyone who
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breaks any other federal law motivated by hate can be found guilty of a hate crime and subject
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to a maximum life sentence. So that's not just limited to the criminal code. They're also increasing
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the statutory maximum for the crime of advocating genocide up to a maximum of currently five years.
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They're increasing that to life imprisonment. And look, obviously the problem with criticizing this bill
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is that advocating for genocide is abhorrent and terrible. There's a lot of political challenges in
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criticizing legislation like this. A big part of it is that for some reason, politically, the government
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has tied completely unrelated things to this bill. So they're trying to solve completely unrelated problems
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of sexual abuse imagery, whether that's sexual abuse of children or the non-consensual disclosure of
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intimate images, two things that are already criminalized, are tying that to hate speech,
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which is a inherently amorphous and subjective problem. And obviously hate online is wrong and bad,
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but the way the government has proposed tackling this is unconstitutional. I think that this law is
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going to be subject to an immediate charter challenge. And we don't want the parts of the bill that deal
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with sexual abuse to be struck down. If this government actually cared about sexual criminals,
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they would not tie increased penalties or improved reporting for sexual abuse to a constitutionally
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vulnerable proposal. Explain to me if you're able to, because I know a lot of this would come
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from regulations that would have to be passed after the bill is passed and enacted, but how this would
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even work when you're talking about the relationship between these regulations and internet platforms like
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Facebook or Twitter, because they would have under this an obligation to remove content that would
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be in violation of this. But I mean, what would that mechanism even look like? My fear is that Facebook
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is either going to do the non-compliance thing that they did with C18 and say, you know what,
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it's too much of a hassle. We're just shutting down our platform to Canadians. There's no point in
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being the adjudicators. Or if they want to play ball, the worst thing is, all right, well, we'll come
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up with these terms of service to encompass what we think the Canadian government is after. And all of
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a sudden you have Facebook preemptively zapping content because they don't want to deal with the
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digital safety commissioner of Canada. Yeah, I think that's absolutely right. It's going to create
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a chilling effect where content will be preemptively or proactively removed when it doesn't actually meet the
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threshold that's being outlined in this proposed statutory definition of hate speech. And look,
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it's because the definition is inherently subjective and I specialize in expression and freedom of
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expression law. And it's difficult for lawyers like me to explain where that line gets drawn. So I think
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it's going to be incredibly hard for regular Canadians who now will, the bill proposes this automatic
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reporting mechanism. So ordinary Canadians can report content that they think meets this threshold.
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We're going to see just an inundation of reporting that comes with, if it does meet that threshold,
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huge financial penalties for the platforms. I think it's, I think it was $10 million in fines or 6% of
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global revenues, whichever is higher. And for platforms like Facebook, Meta, Google, Instagram,
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these are, that's a huge amount of money. They obviously are going to be incentivized
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to take content down proactively. And then the other part of this is that the creation of this civil
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remedy where people can complain about speech that they think is hateful to the Canadian Human Rights
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Commission, people are going to soft paddle their own speech and not say things that they, that they
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might otherwise say. And I wanted to give you a couple of examples because I think that we, we are talking
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about this in a very like high level way without actually putting our teeth in what some of these
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terms mean. So hate speech is defined in the case law. It's now going to be put in the statute as words
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like detestation or vilification. It doesn't include speech that is just offensive or it has to be at a
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higher level, even though these are kind of synonyms. Yeah, more, it has to be higher than disdain.
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It can't just be disdain. Yeah. So to try to put some teeth in that, in the what caught decision
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from the Supreme Court, the court gave a few examples of what they call the hallmarks of
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hatred, speech that has the hallmarks of hatred. So an example is blaming a whole groups, a whole group
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for current problems in society, alleging that those, that group is a powerful menace. Now I can
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certainly imagine that type of language being used in a way that blames some racial group.
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But frankly, Andrew, I've been to some women's meetings where you are the problem. It's men,
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it's white men. I've been to DEI trainings where it's, those are the groups who are blamed for the
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problems of society. And look, I don't like DEI training, but I don't think it should be illegal.
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Another example is describing an entire group as, quote, pure evil. This is another hallmark of
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hatred. And certainly I can imagine examples where calling an entire race or religion
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as pure evil. But I'm not sure if you're familiar with the group, the Westboro Baptist Church. If you,
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this is a notoriously awful church based in the United States that famously holds
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signs at the funerals of war veterans, celebrating the death of those veterans and attacking other
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religious or sexual minority groups. This, this is an awful, an awful group. And if you Google Westboro
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Baptist Church and the term pure evil, you get a lot of hits. Is that hate speech? Well, it certainly
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is calling a religious group pure evil, which is a hallmark of hatred. But under C63, do we want to
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subject people who say that that church is, quote, pure evil to criminal penalty or even to civil penalty?
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I don't know that that's an outcome that we want. So these are just a couple of examples to put some
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color, some flavor to what this might look like and why it's such a problem when we criminalize
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speech. We, we want these ideas to be fleshed out and debated. And frankly, a lot of the things that
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might, you know, you can think a hallmark of hatred. Well, of course, using these terms will always be
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hateful, but it, but it won't be, it just won't. And, and we don't want to criminalize that.
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And I know that I mentioned a little bit before you came on, there's this, you know, $20,000 that
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if you're a successful complainant, you could theoretically get up to, and it's dependent on
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what you've endured on this, but, but really to make a complaint, it doesn't look like you need to
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have suffered anything from it, or it even needs to have been targeted to you. I mean, if I
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am a member of some group and I don't like your post that affects my group, even if you didn't
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direct it at me, it sounds like I would have standing to bring that to the Canadian human
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rights stars. Would I not? Yeah. I mean, some of these details haven't been fleshed out completely
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yet, but certainly that's sort of how the old Canadian human rights commission section
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act that had section 13, where you could make these civil complaints. That's how it used to work.
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And that provision was famously repealed after it was abused to bring these claims against author Mark
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Stein. So it was right for parliament to remove that 10 years ago and to bring it back now just
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doesn't make any sense. It shouldn't, it shouldn't happen. And keep in mind that these civil penalties
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will be at a, be proven at a lower threshold than the criminal penalties to prove the criminal offenses
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of hate speech. It's beyond a reasonable doubt. And under the civil penalty, it's be on a balance
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of probabilities. So, and in many ways, look, there's going to be a lot of frivolous complaints.
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I mean, I'm willing to take bets. I'm sure there's some Vegas odds on who's going to have a complaint
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first, you or me, Andrew.
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Oh, I'm getting one on day one. I think you're, you're too nice on that.
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No, people have already been saying, I can't wait to have Christine charged.
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Some tech person's going to make some script that you just like, you know, select your right wing
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hater and you do like autofile complaints. It'll be like on Twitter when you report something and
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it'll like give you 10 sample tweets. And it was like, check the boxes of the ones you might also want
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to complain about. Yeah. So it, in many ways, like these might, these complaints might not be
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investigated as, but as Chris Sims, your previous guest explained that they're going to need to
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have a whole bureaucracy to be investigating these complaints and dismissing them. And then some of
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them that perhaps aren't even close to the threshold are still going to be investigated. And once you're
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investigated, the process becomes the punishment because you need to defend yourself in that process.
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And even if it's not a criminal charge, even if you have not even risen to the level of civil hate
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speech, you still are going to pay the costs of defending yourself through a lawyer or socially,
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the costs of having your name dragged through the mud. Well, we'll certainly be unpacking this in
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more angles as things progress. The liberals have been, I mean, the thing is, it's taken them
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about three years to come up with this. So the idea that there was something they overlooked
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is very unlikely. They're very aware of what's in this. They've chosen this all deliberately. And I
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think that should be very concerning. Christine Van Gein, I know you'll have lots of commentary on this
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on your podcast over at the CCF. Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts as always with us.
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Thanks for listening to the Andrew Lawton Show. Support the program by donating to True North at
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www.tnc.news.
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