Legacy Media bias EXPOSED by Juno News analysis. You’ll never guess the worst offender!
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Summary
In this episode, Candice talks with Hamish Marshall about a new report from One Persuasion on the biased media coverage of the 2019 election campaign by legacy media outlets, including the Globe and Mail, CTV, CBC, and the Globe & Mail.
Transcript
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Hi, I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show. I hope everyone had a wonderful
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long weekend. I don't usually take long weekends off unless they're like religious holidays,
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but given that Easter happened during the election, we didn't really take any time off
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around here at Geno News. I took the day with my family, and I have to say I'm feeling
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very refreshed and energized to start the week, and great to be back with you. Now, folks,
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you know this, and I know this. The legacy media is lying to you. They are lying to you. They are
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pretending that they are neutral, that they are the arbiters of facts and the truth, but they're
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not. And so we decided here at Geno News to do an analysis. We actually worked with ChatGPT,
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which is an AI search engine, and had ChatGPT analyze all of the news stories by the legacy
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media during the election and assign them a score. And I'm going to walk you through this report
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today on the show, and you will be surprised. I was surprised by who the worst offender, who the
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absolute worst, most biased media outlet is in Canada. We're going to get to that very shortly.
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First, I am pleased to be joined for this episode by my friend Hamish Marshall. Hamish is a director
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at One Persuasion, which is a polling company and a government relations firm based in Ontario.
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He was our in-house pollster during the 2021 federal election. Before that, in 2019, he was the national
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campaign manager for the Conservative Party, and he ran Andrew Scheer's winning leadership campaign.
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This time around, we had his colleague, David Murray, also of One Persuasion as our in-house
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pollster. And I know we all very much enjoy having David's insights during the campaign. But
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Hamish, it's great to have you back on the show. How are you?
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It's great to be here. Fantastic. It was nice to take the long weekend away with the kids as well.
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Great. Well, I want to walk through this report that we just put out at Geno News, because I think it
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tells us what we all knew, which is that the media lies to us. The media is biased. And so I'll just
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explain what we did. We worked with the search engine, the AI search engine, chat GPT, and had
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them look at every single article that was published by the legacy media throughout the
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course of the campaign. And we had them assign a score. So they looked at the stories that
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focused on Mark Carney. And if the story was very favorable to Mark Carney, he got a plus two.
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If it was somewhat favorable, plus one. If it was neutral, zero. And then if it was critical,
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they got minus one and very critical, minus two. And so, and then they did the same thing
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for Pierre Polyev. So first I'll talk about CTV. CTV came in third place, the third worst offender
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in our list here. And overall, looking at all the stories in the campaign, Carney had a score of plus
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three, whereas Polyev had a negative nine. So you could just tell just from that, that Polyev was
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viewed much more negatively by CTV. Carney much more positively, plus three. Second place,
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second worst offender was CBC. And this may surprise you. I would have assumed that they
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were the worst, but they're not. They're the second worst. So they had Carney, Mark Carney plus
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five and Pierre Polyev negative 11. I don't think that would surprise anyone that Polyev was painted
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in a negative light for more, more often than not. In fact, when we looked at the stories,
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we couldn't find any examples of positive, of very positive coverage of Pierre Polyev.
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But the worst offender, Hamish, was the Globe and Mail. The Globe and Mail. They're seen as the
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national newspaper record in Canada, like to put themselves as being, you know, honest and sincere
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journalists. But they had Mark Carney at plus nine and Pierre Polyev at negative 15, which was the
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biggest delta, the biggest difference, the most negative coverage. So Canadians that are consuming
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their news from these outlets, I would say these are probably the biggest, the most popular
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one CBC, CTV on television. And then the Globe and Mail is still probably the most read newspaper in
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Canada. All of them would have given you a very negative impression of Pierre Polyev, positive of
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Well, I mean, I'm not entirely shocked. I would have thought the CBC would be worse as well. But
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the Globe and Mail, Mark Carney is the Globe and Mail's sort of liberal. You know, he hearkens,
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he presents himself, of course, as this pragmatic, business friendly liberal, and not the eco radical
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that it's pretty clear from his book that he is. So he's a sort of liberal that they would have
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loved to support. And I think we can see in the in the in these figures that have come out that
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that's clearly where their minds at. The thing that maybe helped the CBC not get the worst place prize
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was that what I found in the election is if there was a story that was bad about Carney, something had
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happened, he had to fire a candidate or something objectively bad happened, the CBC just wouldn't
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cover it. So they wouldn't even write a story that was they wouldn't try to make a bad story look a
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bit better or put a positive spin on it. They just simply wouldn't mention it at all. So I wonder
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how much that had an impact on the on making the CBC and not appear quite as bad as as the Globe and
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Mail. Well, I think that there's also been like a decade of preconditioning for the CBC or probably
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longer, right? But the one thing I noticed throughout the entire Trump era, the first time around his
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first presidency was that the CBC lead story would always be Trump related. Like it didn't matter how big of a
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scandal Justin Trudeau had gotten himself into how horrible something horrible that he had done for
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our country. The lead story on the national news for CBC was always orange man bad Trump terrible. So
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you're right, in some ways, it's like they don't even need to cover the Canadian election in a certain
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way. It's just the choice of what stories they covered. And I'm sure that that happened during this
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campaign where they were, you know, lead story was something horrible about Donald Trump, which would
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make we've made Canadians who were watching feel fearful without even mentioning the Canadian
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election. And this is something that we have. And so overall, we did something called the tilt
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scoreboard. And so this is a number from one to 10. So if you're a one, you were tilting heavily
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towards Mark Carney. If you were a 10, you would have been tilted heavily towards Pierre Poliev. A five
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would be neutral. The Globe and Mail score tilt score was a one. CBC News was somewhere between a two or
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three and CTV was three. So none of them even close to neutral. They were all markably heavily pro
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Carney in this campaign. And, you know, in some ways, it's predictable, but it's such a disservice
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when you look at how close the election was. I haven't had you on since the election results came
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in. We had the conservatives coming in at around 41 percent, the liberals coming in at around 43 percent.
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You know, that's a close election. Even if it didn't translate necessarily that way, it looks like
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Carney's going to find a way to edge as close to a majority government as possible. But with such a
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close campaign, I think it's clear that the media was the deciding factor in this campaign. What do
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you think? Oh, I think they were absolutely a huge asset in Carney's arsenal. No question. I think it's
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also interesting that these most biased media are, you know, in television and newspapers. And it was
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a skew there towards older, older viewers and older readers, older people. We've seen that there was a
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huge age difference in this campaign where younger people supported the conservatives at a much higher
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level and liberals were much more likely to be over 55, over 65. And I think it's not a coincidence
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that as, you know, I don't know anybody. I'm 46. I don't know anybody my age who has cable anymore.
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I don't know people who watch CBC news anymore. But, you know, my who are my age, my parents do.
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And I think the demographic of people who still watch the legacy media is very much older. And I
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don't think there's a coincidence. That's a coincidence. It's a bit of a chicken in the egg.
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Perhaps they gave their viewers who are already leading that way something that they were expecting.
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They played to their audience. But on the other hand, it probably also influenced a large chunk of
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their audience to, you know, give Carney a second look or to give them reasons not to vote conservative.
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So, but the great news is that as this process keeps happening, as this mainstream media becomes
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less and less relevant as time goes on with each passing week.
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Well, I want to visit the polls with you because I know you're a pollster and we here at Juno News
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are quite critical. Actually, we're still skeptical, Hamish, of the legacy media that that's why we decided
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to do our own Juno polls throughout the campaign. We worked with David Murray.
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And we had our own look. So, like, when I talk to friends, people are like, oh, were you surprised
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or disappointed by the election outcome? I'm like, no, that's pretty much what I thought would happen
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because we had the polls and the numbers that David was giving us is pretty much exactly what it turned
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into on election night off by a point or two. But I did notice that the legacy media and their
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mainstream polls, and specifically the polling aggravators, did not get things quite so accurate.
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And so I, you know, we talked about this on the show before that many of the legacy media outlets
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were projecting that it was going to be a big liberal blowout, that the liberals were going to
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get historic numbers. Some of the polling at the very end had the conservatives polling in the sort
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of mid to upper 30s where they ended up getting 41 percent. I don't think anyone accurately projected
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the numbers as they came in. I'm curious, though, what's your perspective? Are you as skeptical
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about the pollsters as I am? No, I look, I'm a professional pollster. So I and I believe most
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not maybe not all, but most people in this industry are trying to do their best to get the right
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numbers. There's parameters, there's things that make that difficult. But I think they're coming
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there with the intention of being accurate. What I will say is that the on average, when you look at
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the final results, and you look at what the what the pollsters had conservatives, they were down about
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on average about 2 percent lower than what the conservatives actually got. I think it worked
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out sort of 39.7 or I'm not sure. So it's 39 point something. If you look at the final poll of-
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I have the final vote based on the aggregate from 338. So they had the liberal party at 42,
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they projected the conservatives would come in at 39, NDP nine, block six, green two. Compare that to
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what actually happened was that the liberals finished at 43.8, conservatives 41.3, NDP at 6.3,
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block at 6.3 and green at 1.2. So yeah, they look like they got the conservatives wrong by
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2.3 percent and the liberals by 1.8 percent. Yeah. So like that's pretty accurate. These
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polls often have a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percent. So those numbers are not,
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they're not, I don't think that's the indictment of the industry. And they got there in the end.
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It's also a bit systematic. If you go back and look at the last two elections, conservative votes,
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the final projections before the election, they always underestimate conservative vote by an
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average of about 2 percent, but it's not like it's 8 percent. There's a couple of pollsters that are
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way off, of course, but on average, the numbers are, especially if they were down by the liberals,
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by a couple of points, it's not that bad. What I think happened and what I saw in the campaign was
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that we obviously saw polling that in some cases earlier in the campaign, a couple of weeks
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into the campaign showed the conservatives down 8, 10, 12 points, depending on the pollster. And we were
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hearing from conservative campaigners this incredible response to the door. And there was this dichotomy.
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What ended up happening is that, first of all, a couple of things happened. One is I think
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as the last three weeks of the campaign, the conservatives ran a very good campaign in the
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last three weeks of the campaign and made up a lot of votes and actually gained momentum throughout the
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campaign. And if the campaign had got another week or two, I think the results could have been very,
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very different. The other thing that happened is that conservatives at the doors
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were getting good results because we were, we were seeing the conservatives were finding support
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of the doors at a level higher than they're ever used to being. To get 41.4% of the vote,
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as the conservatives did in the end, that's a higher level than any party in Canada since 1988
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federal election. So there's no concern, any conservative that's been involved in campaigning
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at any point since say 1993 has been, has been used to seeing lower results of the doors overall.
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This felt very good on the ground. And we heard anecdotal stories. I know your reporters found
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anecdotal stories of lots of people out supporting conservatives because conservatives did far better
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than they ever had historically. They got 8 million votes. I mean, no party had ever gotten more than 7
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million in the past. And frankly, what Carney profited from more than anything else wasn't the strength
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of the liberal party with the complete under collapse of the NDP. This is, you know, I think
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Pierre Polyev said it after the election, if conservatives have gotten 41.4 in any other
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election in the last 30 years, it would have been an absolute blowout. And the circumstances were
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different and obviously it didn't work out this way. But the coalition that has been built that in the
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end, I think it was, is extremely exciting and extremely powerful. And if Polyev can build on that
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into the next election, he's going to have an incredible base.
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Well, it's true. I remember talking to some friends who were out campaigning,
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specifically in Toronto in the GTA. And I said, I don't care what the pollsters say. This feels
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like a winning campaign. It feels like we're winning. And I was looking at the numbers and I was saying,
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yeah, that's because it's possible that Polyev will get a higher percentage of the vote than Stephen
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Harper ever did and still lose and still lose to a majority liberal government. I'm just pleased that the
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conservatives were able to hold Carney to a minority, although it looks like it's getting
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pretty close and pretty tight. So overall, Hamish, what is your analysis? Do you think that Polyev
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ran a good campaign? Is he going to stay on as leader? When do you think the next election will be?
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Do you think Carney will be able to put together a majority here? Or do you think that we'll have
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a minority that typically lasts, you know, 18 to 24 months?
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Oh, there's a lot of that. Look, I think the campaign was well run. I think the campaign,
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especially the last three weeks really came together. Polyev's performance in the debates,
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I think were a very strong asset for him. He did very well. And I think that we saw over that time,
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the conservative base grow and got them out to vote in a good way. Obviously not enough,
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more needs to be done. But I think the campaign, especially the part, particularly in April,
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was very, very good. I think that Polyev should and will stay on. I think he's got the support
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of the vast majority of conservatives. And, you know, even the people I know who didn't support
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him in the original leadership when he ran it, when he won three years ago, are now saying things like,
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well, last thing we need is more leadership turmoil. We've been dumping leaders after each
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election. Let's have some continuity. Let's build from here. So I think he's going to stay on as leader.
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And I don't think Carney's going to get to a majority. There's two seats left to be recounted.
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The Liberals are on paper ahead in one, and the Conservatives are on paper ahead in the other.
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The one the Conservatives are ahead in, I think, is by enough that it would be very,
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very difficult to be overcome in a recount. The one the Liberals are ahead in is only 12 votes.
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Anyway, we'll see what happens there, but I don't think he's going to get to a majority.
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Look, the biggest thing for him, for Carney's ability to stay on, comes down to the revival of
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the NDP. The Bloc, we'll see what they do. They said they don't want an election for a year. They
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need to raise money. If their polling number, if the Bloc's polling numbers get good in Quebec,
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I think we'll see them going on the warpath, but that's not enough. It's going to come down to the
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NDP, or what's left of the Greens, I suppose, depending on what the actual numbers are in the
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end. And the NDP leadership, I don't think it's going to be that quick. I think we're going to see the
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NDP take a year, 18 months. And I don't think there's any chance of there being an election
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until the NDP have a new leader and have maybe shown some signs of life and stop polling in
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single digits. Well, we showed this image on the show, I think last week, that in Canada,
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I think that the rebate, you get a rebate from the government, taxpayers subsidize political parties,
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if you get 10% of the vote in a riding. And I think the NDP missed that in the overwhelming
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majority, like 85% or something like that. So we've talked about this a lot at Juna News and on
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the Candace Malcolm show that the NDP has financial problems and they take on a lot of debt to run
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these campaigns. And part of the reason, I know part of the reason why Jagmeet Singh never triggered
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an election was because he wanted his pension or because he wanted to be in that power seat.
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And he said that he was doing everything he could to block the conservatives from getting into
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government, which is not really his job. But anyway, I think a big part of it that is unspoken
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is that the finances of that party are in shambles. And right now they don't have a leader. So
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I don't see any incentive whatsoever for them to try to force another election when they just
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aren't organized and don't have that. I do want to talk about Pierre Polyev though,
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because it seems like we're going to have a parliament without Polyev at first anyway.
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CTV was reporting that the clock starts ticking on the by-election of Polyev as he hopes to return
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to parliament. So according to federal law, Damian Couric, who stepped aside so that Polyev could
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take a seat, they're saying that he must sit as member of parliament for 30 days before he could
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tender his resignation. After that, the Speaker of the House of Commons would have to report the
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vacancy to the chief electoral officer, at which point the government would have 11 to 180 days to
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call a by-election. By-elections can last a minimum 36 days. So the soonest that Polyev could
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be elected would be early August. There's of course a holiday in early August. So we might not be talking
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until the second week of August. Now Mark Carney had previously said that he won't delay and that
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he'll get Polyev the opportunity with a by-election as fast as possible. We have a clip of him saying
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that. Let's play that. I've already indicated to Mr. Polyev that if it's the decision of him and the
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Conservative Party to trigger, if I can put it that way, a by-election, I will ensure that it happens as
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soon as possible. No games, nothing, straight. Yeah, so the CBC was like applauding him and
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cheering him on last week saying what a great guy. He's not even being partisan. He's just letting
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Polyev have a seat right away. But then of course these convoluted rules step in and it looks like
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we are going to have a summer without Polyev in the House. What do you make of all this strategically?
1.00
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What do you think Polyev should be doing? Well look, I think these are the rules. The reason they have to
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wait 30 days is that 30 days is the time that someone can legally challenge the outcome of an
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election. So in theory, if the election, if someone could file a challenge saying Damien
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Keurig cheated and therefore shouldn't be the MP, then he wouldn't be allowed to resign. So they have
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to wait for that 30-day period to be gone in order for him to allow to resign. Look, I frankly think
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that it's going to be a very short session of Parliament starting next week or whenever it is.
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Very soon. It'll be over in three or four weeks. You know, Mr. Polyev I'm sure will be
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around the House of Commons. We'll still be able to scrum in front of the House of Commons as he
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always did. And we'll have a few last clips of him in question period. But he'll be back in the House
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for the return of the House in September, which is when, you know, things will start getting really,
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really interesting. I think, you know, Carney and most of his MPs are probably still finding their way to
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the washroom right now and around the House of the Commons. I don't expect this
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first session to be particularly exciting. So I don't think it makes a massive difference.
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Of course, we'll have, as I said, a few last clips of Polyev tearing the Liberals to shreds
1.00
00:18:50.540
in the House. But I think we can all manage for a few weeks. So I don't think it's that big of a deal.
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And it gets an opportunity for Polyev to spend the summer out
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doing the barbecue circuit as well. So I don't think it's a big problem.
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Now, so one of the big news stories to come out of last week was that the Carney Liberals will not
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table a budget this spring. They claim that they don't have time. And so instead, we won't get one
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until the fall. Of course, we didn't get one. I mean, the fall economic budget, it was kind of in
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shambles. That was right when Chrystia Freeland was resigning. And it seems to me we don't have
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any sort of financial accountability right now. And, you know, given that Mark Carney said that he's
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here to help manage the crisis, that this is a crisis that we're dealing with with the tariffs,
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it just seems wildly irresponsible for someone as professional and grown up and mature as we're
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told that Mark Carney is, he's the man for crisis, that he can't even get a budget put out. So his
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finance minister, Francois-Philippe Champagne, basically just said that the world has changed
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in the last six weeks and that Canadians understand that, therefore we don't need a budget. Let's play
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that clip. I want to ask you explicitly, will there be an actual budget in 2025? There will be a fall
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economic statement when we're coming back. How are we as Canadians to hold your government accountable
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for what you're promising if you're not going to be transparent about it for six months or so? And I
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take your point about the timeline, their own speech, there's still another month. And I would
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say this is a new government. So let's start, if we're going to start, this is a new government,
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new legislature, new prime minister. So the direction is very clear. But you're still the
00:20:32.380
finance minister. Yeah, I'm still the finance minister. And I would say the world has changed
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also in six weeks. So Canadians understand that. What? What do you make of that, Hamish?
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I mean, I think it's outrageous, right? I think one of the most important things we always have
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to remember about Liberals is what they say and what they do is different. And we should always
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measure them on what they do, not what they say. Because they often say things that at first glance
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seem very reasonable or smart and actually end up doing terrible things. Carney has come up with this
00:21:01.340
whole brand of being this responsible fiscal manager. And instead, we get this idea that, you know,
00:21:06.060
we might not have a budget all this year. He's now backtracked a little and indicated there might be one,
00:21:10.380
but he'll just rename the fall economic statement as a budget. The fact that he thought that it would
00:21:16.780
be acceptable for him to get elected claiming to be all new, all different as a new type of liberal,
00:21:21.660
and then not have a budget on his supposed strength and economics shows that he's actually not a new
00:21:26.380
type of liberal. He's very, very much in the vein of Justin Trudeau and everything we've seen in the
00:21:31.260
past. And that sort of arrogance and dismissal of the way the government's supposed to work,
00:21:37.260
of the accountability that Canadians desire, I think is going to become a real ring around his neck.
00:21:49.660
I think we're going to discover that Bloom is going to come off this guy very, very, very fast.
00:21:53.500
The smartest thing he ever did was call that election as fast as he did. You know, I've seen,
00:21:59.340
remember Stephen Harper getting elected in January of 2006, and there was still a budget in March.
00:22:05.900
They managed to do that. I don't know why Mr. Kearney couldn't have a budget in June. I'm not
00:22:09.980
saying he has to have one this week, but he could have one in June sometime. That's a perfectly amount,
00:22:14.540
a reasonable amount of time. He's got a platform full of things he thinks are great they should do,
00:22:19.740
that they can cut and paste that in large parts into a budget. It doesn't have to, you know,
00:22:24.460
this is something that is doable. He just didn't think he needed to do it. He isn't actually planning and
00:22:28.620
delivering the change he promised. And I think that's a real problem for him. And, you know,
00:22:33.900
Canadians have every right to be annoyed and disappointed.
00:22:36.940
Well, you're right. I think that to a lot of Canadians,
00:22:40.460
clearly, they felt that Kearney was the change that the country needed. They felt
00:22:44.140
satisfied with the change within the Liberal leadership and said, you know, we'll give Mark
00:22:48.540
Kearney a chance. And I think last week should have been a real eye-opener for many of those Canadians,
00:22:54.300
because sure, Kearney's totally different than Justin Trudeau. He was advising behind the
00:23:00.460
scene for some period of Trudeau's tenure. But still, you know, he has his own experience,
00:23:04.540
his own person. He steps in and he does represent some kind of change. But then for him to release
00:23:08.940
that cabinet and introduce all of the same characters, like, how is it that Canada is going
00:23:14.780
to turn around its fortunes when he still has Melanie Jolie, Stéphane Galbault, Chrysia Freeland,
00:23:21.660
and yes, Francois-Philippe Champagne running the show, right? Like, we're supposed to be impressed by his
00:23:28.380
resume and his Rolodex and all of his connections. Like, where are all these high profile, you know,
00:23:34.540
globalist types that could step in, right? Why isn't he pulling people from Scotiabank and RBC or,
00:23:40.380
you know, London and New York and Goldman Sachs and all of these, like, impressive people who have
00:23:45.660
saved companies and built empires? Like, why aren't any of them stepping in? Why do we have this same
00:23:50.700
pathetic group of people that were standing side by side with Justin Trudeau and destroyed the country?
00:23:56.540
That's a bit of a rhetorical question. I want to point out that Mark Carney was in Rome. He was
00:24:00.940
speaking to reporters and he said that there's not much value in a budget, that Canadians just don't
00:24:06.620
really need to know not much value. Let's play that clip. There is not much value in my judgment,
00:24:12.620
and it's considered judgment, and it's judgment based on experience, that there is not much value
00:24:18.620
in trying to rush through a budget in a very narrow window, three weeks, with a new cabinet,
00:24:28.780
Effectively? No. Champagne was a finance minister before the election as well, and it's a new cabinet.
00:24:34.220
No, I mean, there's one or two new faces. I mean, there are some new faces. Many of them will be
00:24:39.100
familiar. Someone like Evan Solman is a new face, but he's a longtime liberal insider. Same with Gregor
00:24:44.780
Robertson, the longtime mayor of Vancouver, who was an abject failure in that role, and now he's a
00:24:49.740
housing minister. So, you know, you have sort of a new cabinet, but not really. Most of them are
00:24:56.060
Trudeau era liberal cabinet ministers. The new faces are not that new. What do you make of all that?
00:25:02.220
Well, look, I think he's making a huge, huge mistake with putting a lot of these traditional
00:25:06.780
ministers, these old Trudeau ministers, in these senior positions of power. Because I will tell you
00:25:10.380
something. I worked in the prime minister's office many, many years ago, and the government of Canada
00:25:14.700
is a large, unwieldy beast, and it's only become larger since I was there. It's got so many moving
00:25:21.180
parts, and the prime minister can make change. If the prime minister puts his direct personal
00:25:26.860
attention on an issue, he can get the department to do something dramatically different. But it takes
00:25:31.980
force of will, and there's just too many things for any one human to do, which is why we have a
00:25:36.860
cabinet. And, but in many cases, especially if you've got weak cabinet ministers or cabinet ministers
00:25:41.580
who don't really want to do what the prime minister, you know, wants them to do, or sort of
00:25:45.500
feels, they don't feel the urgency, is that things will just drift along. The bureaucratic inertia in
00:25:51.580
Ottawa is incredible. And if you've got a weak minister or a minister who doesn't really want to
00:25:57.260
change things, things will not change. Things will continue in exactly the same path. So even if we
00:26:03.020
take Carney at his word and believe he wants to change things, which I don't, and I think that
00:26:06.780
would be a mistake, but even if we believe he wants to change things, the fact that he's got
00:26:11.180
a bunch of Trudeau retreads who don't really want to change things, and weak other ministers, many of
00:26:15.980
whom have been elected for 15 minutes, really indicates to me that we're going to see very,
00:26:21.660
very much more of the same and very, very little change. The way he's dismissive of the budget,
00:26:26.780
I think is a big mistake. Like I spent a lot of time polling Canadians and working in politics.
00:26:31.260
There's not, you know, we all pay attention to politics far more than the average person,
00:26:35.660
but there are a few big things that people pay attention to. People know that the budget matters.
00:26:39.820
They, you know, interest in politics spikes around budgets, whether provincial budget or federal
00:26:43.660
budget. That's a thing that it's a big set piece that governments see as an asset. The fact that he
00:26:48.940
doesn't even see it as a potential asset to drive his own message says a lot about him and how sort of
00:26:55.420
dismissive he is of the way that Canadians interact with politics to understand what's going on. And
00:27:02.540
his very much attitude is, things are fine. Just trust me. I've got it under control. And, you know,
00:27:10.380
Well, I think you're right. And I think that his priorities have been shown, right? Like
00:27:14.300
he got elected, he got selected leader by the Liberal Convention. And I think the next day,
00:27:20.220
he jumped on an airplane and went to France and then the UK. Here he is in Rome. He's preparing
00:27:25.740
for the G7 meeting, which I think is going to be like the highlight for him of being prime minister,
00:27:31.180
is that he gets to host this G7 meeting in Canada. And he talks about it a lot. It seems to me that his
00:27:36.220
priorities are not inside Canada, not the budget. So him not doing a budget, I think perfectly reflects
00:27:40.700
that. You know, most prime ministers, especially ones who are long serving, go through a period where
00:27:45.580
they get elected, they're very focused on domestic issues. And six, seven, eight years in,
00:27:49.580
they domestic issues are a little less interesting. They've been dealing with them
00:27:52.780
intently for a few years, and they get more involved in international politics. And that
00:27:56.780
happens to all prime ministers, the good ones and the bad ones. There's a draw of internationalism,
00:28:01.180
usually at some point, year six or seven. With Carney, it seems to start in day six or seven,
00:28:07.420
you know, instantly, you know, the fact that he's been prime minister for, you know,
00:28:11.500
eight, nine weeks, and he's been to Europe twice, is is mind blowing. And you're right,
00:28:16.940
he's going to be his greatest disappointment of the G7 is that it's being held here and he doesn't
00:28:21.180
get to go to Europe again. Well, I think he loves hosting it. I think he's going to really lean into
00:28:26.380
that. And again, yeah, he's definitely looking forward to that much more than being held accountable
00:28:33.260
in the House of Commons. Well, Hamish Marshall, great to have you back on the show. Always appreciate your
00:28:37.740
insights and your commentary. Appreciate your time today.
00:28:42.300
All right, folks. Thanks so much. It's all the time we have today. We'll be back again
00:28:45.180
tomorrow with all the news. I'm Candice Malcolm. This is the Candice Malcolm Show. Thank you and God