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- June 25, 2021
Liberal “hate speech” bill is anti-speech, anti-expression, and anti-technology
Episode Stats
Length
9 minutes
Words per Minute
160.98021
Word Count
1,535
Sentence Count
81
Summary
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Transcript
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).
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Let me bring into the show Christine Van Gein,
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who is the litigation director for the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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which has said this is a bill that will limit discourse.
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No two ways about it.
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Christine, good to talk to you.
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Thanks for coming on today.
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Thanks for having me on, Andrew.
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So we have a couple of things here that I think are very important.
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And one has been, I think, the most predictable discussion about this bill,
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even before it was introduced,
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and that is how is government going to define hate speech?
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And the bill does include a definition of it here,
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which just for context is, quote,
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the content of a communication that expresses detestation or vilification
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of an individual or group of individuals
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on the basis of a prohibited ground of discrimination, unquote.
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And that's, you know, race, gender, gender identity,
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all of these things that we know are protected grounds
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in the Canadian Human Rights Act.
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And it also adds to that that it doesn't meet this threshold
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for detestation or vilification just because it, quote,
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discredits, humiliates, hurts, or offends, unquote.
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And I've seen a lot of people talk about this in the context of,
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oh, it's, you know, trying to make sure it's not just going after speech
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that has the potential to be offensive.
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But are these things really clearly defined
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from what we know about this bill now,
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as far as when something crosses that threshold
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from discrediting and humiliating to vilification?
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I mean, all of these things are just inherently subjective.
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And that's the problem with trying to create a statutory definition
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for a subjective concept like hatred.
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And, you know, there's a lot of existing case law
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that has dealt with the difference between these two notions,
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the detestation and vilification versus hurt feelings and things like that.
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But one of the things that is so notable about this bill
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is it's brought back the civil remedy,
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which means you can, as an individual,
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bring a claim to a tribunal
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about someone who has used what you believe is hate speech.
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So if the definition is as it is,
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which I think has a huge amount of subjectivity in it,
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you're asking the public at large
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who can make use of this tribunal mechanism
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to understand the real nuanced difference
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between what is and isn't hate speech
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under this statutory definition.
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And if you and I are struggling with it,
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and we are pretty deep into this stuff,
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I think your average Canadian is really not going to know the difference.
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You're going to have a lot of frivolous
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and disruptive claims brought under this new civil remedy.
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Yes, and that was exactly what happened
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when the Section 13 1.0 was around prior to 2013.
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You had people that were using it.
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They were shopping complaints to the Canadian tribunal
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and to provincial ones.
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They were going after columnists they didn't like,
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bloggers and authors.
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And in seeing this,
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the one glaring issue here
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when you talk about the civil remedy
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is that the threshold for a civil wrong
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in the eyes of the law
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is lower than it is for a criminal wrong.
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So the hate speech definition that we have in criminal law,
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which is very high by design as a threshold,
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is necessarily lower in this, is it not?
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I believe it would have to be.
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I haven't reviewed the bill in detail,
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but it is a civil remedy
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which would suggest a civil standard
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rather than a criminal standard.
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But, you know, that old remedy,
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this old civil remedy,
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Section 13 of the Canada Human Rights Act,
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was repealed for a reason.
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The reason was that the government of the day
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believed that that remedy was being abused.
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It had been highly politicized
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that the remedy was being used
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to target certain types of speech
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and not other types of speech
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based on sort of like a political correctness standard.
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And I think that there was a good reason
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to have removed that remedy.
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This government is bringing it back,
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proving once and again,
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and expanding its scope
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to now include all kinds of online content.
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So they're proving once and again
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that they are one of the most anti-speech,
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anti-expression, anti-technology governments
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we've ever seen in this country.
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And I think that this type of arrogance
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by this government
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on imposing their views
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about what Canadians should
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and should not be allowed to say
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and how they should communicate it
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and creating even more government overreach
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and how to monitor it,
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Canadians should be very concerned.
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I would agree.
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And we can talk about the subjectivity
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of fomenting detestation or vilification,
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but there's another word in there
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that was in the original section 13
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and is back,
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which is likely to foment detestation
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or vilification.
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And when you hear likely to do something,
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it brings up images of minority report to me
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and prosecuting people for things
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that haven't even taken place,
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but might take place.
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Yeah.
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So I think that that's a big,
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another part of the problem
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is this vagueness standard in the law
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and the whole subjectivity.
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And there's also another portion on this
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that has even more to do
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with this sort of minority report aspect,
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which is this conditional,
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I forget what it's,
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the word is slipping my mind now,
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but it relates to youth.
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But there are restrictions on conduct
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before they actually happen.
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I'm sorry, it's slipping my mind.
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Oh, is this the peace bond section?
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Yes, it's the peace bond.
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Yeah, it's the peace bond aspect,
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which is really, really troubling
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for a lot of civil libertarians,
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this notion of peace bonds,
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which restrict conduct
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as a condition of release
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for a criminal act.
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So, but this is something
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that a lot of civil liberties organizations
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have raised concerns
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over this new peace bond.
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And this is something
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that's also included in the legislation.
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Yeah.
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And just for context,
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so someone can go
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if they're concerned
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about someone's speech,
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theoretically,
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to a court
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and apply to have a peace bond applied.
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And if you have one of these applied to you,
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I was looking through this section,
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you could have lawfully owned firearms taken away,
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you could be forced to do drug tests,
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you could be as well subjected
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to wearing a monitoring bracelet.
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So you have very real limitations
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of your freedom.
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And you're right,
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based on a crime or an offense
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for which you have not been convicted
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or perhaps even charged.
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Yeah.
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So this is why there are a lot of concerns
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with peace bonds,
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like sort of generally,
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but in this particular context
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where it relates to expressive activity,
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it's extreme,
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seems like extreme government overreach.
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I apologize,
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the word slipped my mind.
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I don't know how that happened.
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No, at least I trust me,
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I try to get these things out of my mind
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as quickly as they can.
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So no judgment on that.
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I guess the question
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that I would ask you,
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and I know we're getting long
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ahead of ourselves here
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because a bill like this
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will not even be debated
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in Parliament before summer.
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And if there's an election,
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it completely goes away
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and would need to be reintroduced.
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But are things like this,
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in your view,
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likely to be struck down
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as unconstitutional?
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Or is there enough of a wiggle room
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from reasonable limits
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and other forms in the jurisprudence
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that suggest something like this
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could actually be upheld?
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Well, I certainly think
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it will be challenged,
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but I will say that the hate speech,
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the criminal hate speech laws
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have been upheld
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and it's a decision called what caught.
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And then there was a challenge
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to the previous Section 13,
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the civil remedy,
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which was also upheld.
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So I do think that this bill is different.
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It's more expansive.
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And I also think
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in the revised version of the bill,
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we're likely to see something related
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to takedown orders for platforms
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that makes it different as well.
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That doesn't appear to be included
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in this bill,
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but I do think that that is likely to come
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in perhaps a revised version of it
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that we may see later.
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But I think that there's going to be
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a big interest in challenging
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this legislation.
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And I will say that, you know,
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I view hate speech as abhorrent.
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I view racism, homophobia.
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These things are abhorrent.
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And these are ideas
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that are nasty ideas
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that we should explain
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why they're nasty ideas.
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And if you have people
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just lurking on the internet,
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secretly sharing terrible ideas
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and concepts
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without confronting them
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and explaining
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why those notions are wrong,
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you'll never end up
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with a better society.
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Instead, you'll have a society
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that criminalizes teenagers
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for burning pride flags.
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And that's not a good direction
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for society.
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Very well said.
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Christine Van Gein,
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Litigation Director
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for the Canadian Constitution Foundation.
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Christine, thank you so much.
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Always a pleasure.
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Thanks for having me on.
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Thanks for listening
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to The Andrew Lawton Show.
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Support the program
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by donating to True North
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at www.tnc.news.
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