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Juno News
- March 10, 2024
Liberals’ hate speech bill poses biggest threat to the most vulnerable
Episode Stats
Length
12 minutes
Words per Minute
159.5875
Word Count
1,955
Sentence Count
100
Hate Speech Sentences
1
Summary
Summaries are generated with
gmurro/bart-large-finetuned-filtered-spotify-podcast-summ
.
Transcript
Transcript is generated with
Whisper
(
turbo
).
Hate speech classification is done with
facebook/roberta-hate-speech-dynabench-r4-target
.
00:00:00.000
One thing we are going to be doing this week and in the weeks and months that follow, I suspect,
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is continuing our coverage of Bill C-63. Now, make no mistake, I did a deep dive into the
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Online Harms Act yesterday. This is without a doubt, and I do not say this with hyperbole,
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one of the most, if not the most dangerous pieces of legislation, in my view, the Liberals have
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presented. It is, I believe, flawed in its premise and certainly flawed in its application,
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and it's going to have an absolutely terrible effect on free speech, not just as an incidental
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effect, but by the very design of the bill. But I want to talk about this from a number of angles,
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because it's one thing to say, free speech, good, censorship, bad, which, by the way, I agree with,
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and sadly probably summarizes my show more than I'd like. But it also is important to look at how
00:01:01.300
it is bad and why it's bad and why this bill will have, in many cases, adverse effects,
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even on the people it purports to be serving. And there was a fantastic op-ed in the Western Standard
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that was written by, well, courtesy of the Fraser Institute and University of Saskatchewan law
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Professor Dwight Newman, that talks about this. It's that Ottawa's online harms bill actually
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threatens marginalized communities. I wanted to have Professor Newman on the show to unpack this
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a bit further, and I'm very pleased that he took us up on the offer. Dwight, good to talk to you.
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Thanks for coming on today.
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Well, thanks. I'm glad to be with you here.
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So let's first and foremost talk about why it is that it does. I mean, what's your premise here on
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how marginalized communities may actually be harmed by this bill, which the government is
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claiming is there to serve them and protect them?
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Well, my focus and my comment is on particular parts of the bill. And one of the challenges in
00:01:58.040
talking about the bill is there are so many different things going on at the same time,
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because there is the piece about online harms, and that warrants its own analysis, those parts of
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the bill. But there are parts of the bill that aren't about anything online at all. And there,
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they're either sneaking through provisions on hate-related matters generally, or those matters
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are there to distract from the online part. I don't know what the story is, but they somehow
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don't fit together. But the piece on hate is what I focused on that isn't necessarily in the online
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context. And there, the creation of a freestanding offense that goes along with any other criminal
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code offense, where there's a motivation by hate, and that creates an offense subject to life
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imprisonment, is actually a very dangerous offense to create in this bill, and one that puts at risk,
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even people from marginalized communities. Now, there's another step to get there. But that's quite
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simply that if you create offenses in the criminal code, where there's vast discretion on what the
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sentence is going to be, people are going to get caught up in that, that don't have representation,
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or as much representation by lawyers, and be at more risk from those sentences, or the threat of
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those sentences in the context of plea bargain negotiations. And those will be marginalized people
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that are the very people that the government claims to be protecting.
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I wanted to go back to the the bill itself here for a moment, and just explain this. Because I mean,
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in the criminal code, again, I'm not a lawyer, but in the criminal code, you know, all of the offenses
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that are criminal in Canada have an associated sentence with them. And these sentences are created
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based on the severity of the act itself, which is why, you know, a mischief charge will have a different
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potential sentence from a murder charge. So I'm correct in my understanding that what this bill would do
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is add a separate, basically an add on component where if you've done anything else that has its own
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sentencing guideline, and it is motivated by hate, that could be a life sentence. So that am I construing
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that correctly? That's right. And so the example you gave is graffiti. So someone who commits vandalism,
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which would never have a life sentence, if it was motivated by hate, could conceivably have a life
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sentence for the motivation. That's right. So we normally draw a line between what are called
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summary offenses and indictable offenses. That's just one line we could draw. The summary offenses tend to
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have very much lighter punishment associated with them. Well, this new section of the criminal code will
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say if you commit any other offense in the criminal code, or under another federal statute, I believe,
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that you've committed also a separate indictable offense, if your motivation was one of hatred. And
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I mean, I don't encourage, I mean, hatred is a terrible thing that we should all be fighting against. But
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creating a separate offense here, that attaches on to even very relatively minor offenses, but now adds
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the prospect of a life sentence with an attached offense creates a lot of risks and a lot of problems.
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And the example I gave is sort of some young person that's old enough to be an adult for criminal
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law purposes, but still not really mature. They go and write graffiti. They're caught up in some bad
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ideas as a youth and they're accused of being motivated by hatred. Well, they're now subject to
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a life sentence, potentially, that has no relationship to the severity of writing or painting graffiti
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somewhere. There's a total mismatch that's created there. It's awful. And again, I don't want to
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whitewash what are very serious acts. I mean, we've seen in the last few months alone, we've seen some
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horrific acts of vandalism that have taken place against churches. There is the church that's been
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burned in your province. We have also instances of targeting mosques and Jewish community centers. And
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I think those should be prosecuted. Well, they should be prosecuted. But at the same time, I also have a
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very significant issue fundamentally with adjudicating motivation in this way. And this idea that the
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motivation fundamentally changes the crime in that disproportionate way you've just described here.
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Is this really the only area of the law where we have this with the motivation having such a significant
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distinction in how an offense is viewed? Well, I mean, other than the willful promotion of hatred
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offense itself. But that isn't really even about the motivation still that ends up being about what it
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is that's been done. And I mean, normally, we're looking at intention and the type of intention. And so
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first degree murder is more serious than second degree murder, because of the intention, the pre planning,
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the pre meditation, it's not exactly the same thing as motivation. This is an example where motivation
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which is a vague thing to get at, is going to have a huge effect. And I think that's quite different
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than what happens anywhere else I can think of in the criminal law offhand. But it is something that's
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challenging to judge what is somebody's motivation. And it's transforming the nature of these. And I
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gave the graffiti example, because it's actually one that's a genuinely lighter offense. I mean,
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it's still something that should be prosecuted. I don't want to make light of it. The church burnings,
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arson is a serious offense. And this government has sort of laughed that off in some ways.
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And it's really disappointing to a lot of Canadians of faith that their religious places of worship can't
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be protected. But when you are going to protect them, which I think should be done, the prosecution
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should be arson, if it's arson. That's a serious offense, because it puts lives at risk. But it still
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shouldn't necessarily be something that has a life sentence because of the motivation. And that's a very
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realistic scenario. Some of the church burnings, probably there's a motivation there of a form of
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hatred for the religious institution involved, or at least the argument could be made. That's where
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we get into the complexities of how do you judge and describe motivation and say whether it's actually
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hateful. And so that's a real example where this could come into play. And even there, with a more
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serious offense, I don't think one should be adding on this additional offense with a life sentence.
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And again, it puts, even if it's not something that someone would be convicted over, it puts immense
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pressure on them then to plead guilty to another offense and give up their defense rights if they
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don't have the means to fight this looming offense of life imprisonment successfully.
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Well, and that is the crucial point I wanted to circle back to here, which is, I mean,
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the Supreme Court did, I think, a lot to really dismantle reforms on sentencing that the previous
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conservative government tried to put in, especially when it comes to mandatory minimums. But now you have
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the opposite problem, where you have this just insane range that you could find yourself having
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applied to you. And that leaves so much to just how good your lawyer is and how good your judge is.
00:10:03.340
And if you have a judge that wants to make an example of you because of these hate motivations,
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or you don't have, as you've said, access to particularly good counsel, you're kind of screwed.
00:10:14.940
Yeah. Well, the legal system will try to provide guidance on that through the case law that builds
00:10:19.660
up. But it comes down to if you don't have access to enough legal counsel, you may not know that as
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someone who gets caught up in things. And I mean, I do worry on sort of the, as I say, the wayward youth
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that is involved in the graffiti offense. I mean, if someone's a long-term criminal and so on, I'm less
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concerned that they might be under pressure to plead out. But someone who really shouldn't be caught up
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in things could get caught up in things in problematic ways because of this offense. And it just, all of
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these things also with the whole bill, the chill effects on people in various ways permutate out and
00:11:07.900
restrict freedom more than things first appear. And that's, that's something that needs to be thought
00:11:13.180
about in every part of the bill that one's looking at is, it's not just what's on the paper, but it's how
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people are affected in their behavior in their day-to-day lives by what's on the paper. And it probably chills
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a lot of things that are actually legal and legitimate, that people worry that they're going to be
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caught up in because a lot of people are law-abiding Canadians and don't want to be caught up in a
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criminal prosecution. Well, they're going to have their liberty restricted in a lot of different ways.
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Yeah. Well, and you can't really blame them in that context. It was a great piece over at the
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Western Standard, also available at the Fraser Institute website by Dwight Newman, professor of law
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at the University of Saskatchewan. Dwight, thank you so much for your insights. Really good to talk to you.
00:12:01.660
Well, thank you. Good to talk with you. Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show.
00:12:06.060
Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news
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