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- May 20, 2024
On C2C: What does the Sovereignty Act mean for Alberta’s future?
Episode Stats
Length
14 minutes
Words per Minute
165.5017
Word Count
2,423
Sentence Count
3
Misogynist Sentences
1
Summary
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Transcript
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).
Misogyny classification is done with
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.
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you're tuned in to the andrew lawton show
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we do we cover alberta i'm not i'm an honorary albertan i've kind of been adopted by
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many of the good people of alberta now some of them call me a dirty easterner but
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uh most of them do it uh well i think i think favorably but i have an alberta sensibility i
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love the province i love the people there true north has just an absolutely massive base of
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support in alberta but more importantly alberta is doing thing is doing things that can be and in
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some cases are being done by other provinces on asserting provincial jurisdiction uh provincial
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sovereignty you might say we've seen alberta lead the way in this on things such as firearms being
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followed by saskatchewan alberta has uh paved a way and is doing i think very important things and a
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lot of it has come down not to any legal changes but a mindset a mindset that we saw from premier
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danielle smith that has been cemented in law with the alberta sovereignty within a united canada act
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and of course in continued rhetoric i think there's been a lot more of an effort from the alberta
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government to put alberta first than we've seen from any province save quebec in quite some time
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and when we talk about alberta's future in canada i think it's important to note that this is also a
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story of other provinces if they want to go down this road there was a fascinating piece in c2c journal
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that explores this very topic written by professor barry cooper uh not just uh one of the architects of
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that sovereignty act but also a tremendously influential professor and also uh someone who i
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mention in my biography of pierre polyev because he was a part of the uh great calgary school of
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political science professors at the university of calgary uh which uh covered in part the time in
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which polyev was a student there but that shameless plug out of the way uh always good to talk to barry
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cooper barry thanks for coming on today good morning andrew good to hear you you know you have
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touched on something in this piece which i think is a great launching off point here about uh why
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canada isn't actually the federation we think it is and i was wondering if you could just start there
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yeah it it actually goes back to um when i was first taking canadian politics as an undergraduate
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uh we had to read a book by a uh a guy named livingston and he argued uh that federations were
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political responses to what he called federal societies uh meaning societies that had uh say different
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cultures uh certainly in canada different languages different histories uh and that the that the the
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legal structure of federation was successful when it um reflected those uh pre-legal pre-political
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differences um that is certainly true with the history of uh the prairie west uh also true of
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british colombia um that canada's interest in uh this part of the world is not the same as the history
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of the human beings who uh who lived here long before canada had any interest in um in uh in ruling us
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so bring this into the modern context and why does that theme loom so large in your perspective on
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what's happening in the west and in canada right now well federations change um the maritimes were
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the most uh wealthy part of canada at the during the initial confederation period uh by about the
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1880s uh they were pretty much dependent on canada on upper and lower canada uh or canada euston canada
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west or just the old colony of canada well just to jump in there uh one of the i think it was pei
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had had been very hesitant to join because they were worried that uh you know they would lose all
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this stuff they had and i think anyone who's followed atlantic canada in the last 40 years would
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be uh quite amused by that that atlantic canada was worried it would be putting more into
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confederation than it was getting out yeah that i mean that's exactly true i mean that uh nova scotia
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was uh during the american revolution were considered the neutral yankees uh and that what
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ensured that they were neutral was the royal navy base at halifax so the the uh history of atlantic
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canada what we now call it now atlantic canada uh is is really very complex and it is not simply
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that they are loyal uh subservient uh colonies of the old colony of canada that uh is now ontario
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in quebec what i've been calling for some time now laurentian canada uh that's a part of of the
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country of canada for sure uh but it doesn't have a monopoly on either history or um on what north
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reffray used to call the myths of what it was to be uh to be a canadian uh we all have our different
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histories uh and the federation is supposed to reflect that yeah and and i think it's interesting too
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that we have i mean obviously the benefit of a federation or a pseudo federation i don't want
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to get into a debate with you about that at this point is that you know every province has the
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ability to develop its own culture and in some ways that's happened certainly an albertan is different
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from an ontarian is different from a quebecer but in recent years and i i would say it's recent you
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you may think it's not it seemed like there's been less of a desire to respect that and we we've seen
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more of a uh centralization of power and and i don't know if that's maybe just that i've only
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been paying attention lately but it does seem like it's worsening in the last 15 20 years yeah it i
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think you're right um here's the way i the context that i would i would use to to put this whole problem
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in uh you can see the 1982 uh constitution act as a response by the entire country uh to major
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changes uh after world war ii in one part of the country namely quebec quebec went from being a very
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pious uh insular uh inward looking um and very religious society to probably the most secular uh
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society on the entire continent uh and that i would argue was reflected first of all in the constitution
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act um and the 1982 constitution act uh and then when when things got um well let's say when some
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some canadians thought quebec were serious about um independence which does not include me i don't
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think they were ever serious uh then they passed uh parliament passed the clarity act uh to try and give
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some uh legal structure to how quebec can go forward um into the sunny uplands of independence if that's what
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they really wanted i don't think they ever did but that's a that's another question so explain to me
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whether we are looking at a cultural problem or a legal problem is this uh the issue that you see
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is it one that's coming to just the attitudes that people have in alberta and in other provinces
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and certainly in ottawa or or is the structure itself an issue that needs to be dealt with
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what is uh it was andrew breitbart of all people who said that politics is downstream from culture
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and what is downstream from politics is the law the law of the constitution so the first thing
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is that um that the political uh differences between the various regions of of the country uh are
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reflecting uh historical and cultural uh differences uh and eventually this gets reflect
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this gets reflected as well in uh the law of the constitution uh that's what happened in 1867
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that's what happened in 1982 and the sovereignty act is um the the longer range strategic purpose of
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the sovereignty act is to change the de facto law of the constitution today that means pushing
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pushing back against what you quite rightly describe as the let's say centralizing tendencies
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of um the bureaucracy and the uh government of canada uh i don't think it's really a partisan issue
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i think all governments liberal or conservative uh have this have this tendency to think that they
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are as daniel smith said a national government and she said it uh on third reading of bill one that
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turned into the sovereignty act uh who do they think they are a national government and the implication
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being they're not they're part of a federation that's what the sovereignty act is uh aimed to uh
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aimed aimed at restoring so one of the things that i i find interesting here is that there is this
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profound double standard in the way certainly laurentian canada views uh provincial autonomy when you're
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talking about quebec versus any other province and you know politically i'm wondering why that's been
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allowed why other provinces have stood for that why has there not been more of a concerted effort uh
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before now in alberta and even then i think what danielle smith is doing is pretty muted compared to what
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quebec has done on this why has why have more provinces not been uncomfortable with that double standard
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before now i think it's because a lot of people have swallowed the laurentian myth that canada is a
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bilingual country parts of canada are bilingual but that certainly is not true uh in this part of the
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world um at all there are french-speaking communities in alberta as there are in saskatchewan and manitoba
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uh and in british columbia um but that doesn't make this part of the country bilingual so quebec can
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get away with a lot uh because most canadians still swallow this myth that that we are bilingual when it's
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uh the evidence for it is non-existent yeah and i think that's a very fair point and and i mean
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bilingualism i mean it's ironic because you know quebec has obviously held as part of its national
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story this idea of of the the so-called conquest but it's amazing how the french language has become
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this uh tremendous uh tremendously limiting force for people in every other province where i mean you've got
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communities in british columbia where you know a federal public servant needs to speak french when
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you know french is like the fifth most spoken language of the area yeah yeah that's true i mean uh
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i remember um uh as a survey that was done by um the government of canada probably about 20 years ago and
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uh my my wife uh my wife has a french name so they they uh probably got we were probably included in
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the survey because of her name uh and the uh person from ottawa said she she called me monsieur guichon
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and i said no no i'm mr cooper uh and she said oh okay um do you speak french at home and i said oh yes
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uh and she said well who do you speak it with and i said with with our daughter she's in french immersion
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oh do you speak does your wife speak french i said well she can uh but she doesn't really speak uh
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french with our daughter she said but you do and i said yes so she said well that's a bit odd you're not
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french and i said well no but my french is better than my wife's so uh she she didn't know what to make
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of that she simply didn't know what to make of it so to go back to the the structural aspect we were
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talking about earlier there you make a point which is actually i think heretical among some people in
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this country that uh the constitution is not set in stone that uh this is not something that can never
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be reopened now i think the political practicalities make it very difficult uh to to reopen the constitution
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in a way but if you could what would you do to it well uh you've already had success writing the
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sovereignty act i'm letting you write the next charter
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uh i would make i mean these are political decisions really rather than than constitutional
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amendments that we're looking at uh and even jason kenny said uh when he was premier stay in your lane
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uh when he spoke to the governor of canada and what he meant by that was what is uh determined in
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section 91 of the uh old british north america act the constitution act 1867 uh the government of
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canada does have some major responsibilities and sort of the provinces they're set out in section 92
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everything should reaffirm that every bit of legislation should reaffirm that
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especially by the government of canada and when for thing i mean there's some shared jurisdictions like
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the courts have decided that the environment is um i think that was a let's say a questionably decided
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decision uh but when you have a government that is um let's say ideologically persuaded by um
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um environmental issues uh it means that they are inherently uh um what tempted to expand their
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jurisdiction uh at the cost of the provinces and especially of this province because uh of our
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hydrocarbon resources that have uh are said to have had uh these uh enormous uh environmental uh
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consequences that needs to be uh disputed as well i mean so you get into sort of factual scientific
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arguments as well as uh legal economic and social ones uh it's a it's a very uh complex political
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process but that's where we have to go well in your uh piece in c2c journal which we can throw back up
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on the screen there you call for some sobriety into laurentian consciousness which i think is a
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an incredibly uh perhaps overly ambitious expectation but i think an important one nonetheless
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professor barry cooper always good to talk to you barry thanks so much for your time today
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thanks for listening to the andrew lawton show support the program by donating to true north
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andrew lawton show support the program at www.tnc.news
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