Juno News - October 25, 2025
Our country is in deep trouble
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Summary
In the wake of the Cowichan Court of Appeal ruling, BC Premier David Eby is now worried about growing Aboriginal title issues in the province, well reported on here in Juno News. Dr. Caroline Elliott joins us to talk about this topic.
Transcript
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Hi, Juno News. Alexander Brown joining you again for another episode of Not Sorry. Thrilled to
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have you here. I'm the director of the National Citizens Coalition, writer, campaigner, columnist,
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big tent guy. It means a lot to be a part of this audience and here with you today.
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And while you're here, take advantage of our promo code, junonews.com slash not sorry for 20%
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off. This is becoming a theme here. I talk about Doug Ford a lot and I talk about British Columbia
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a lot. And British Columbia needs to get it together and get it together fast because the
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province risks further dragging the rest of the country down with it. BC Premier David Eby is
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officially worried about growing Aboriginal title issues in the province, well reported on here
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in Juno News. After mocking private property concerns, Eby is now worried about this Cowichan
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decision, which potentially risks the land beneath people's feet. There are folks in Richmond now
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who are receiving letters wondering, uh-oh, am I going to lose my house over this? But the BC
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government laid the groundwork for that decision. They now claim to oppose it. And this is threatening
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a real slippery slope nationwide, not just on the left coast. As our guest today, Dr. Caroline Elliott
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writes in a separate piece, and she's very much been the person to talk to on this file,
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a city of Richmond letter to property owners of the Cowichan Aboriginal title area recognized by the BC
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Supreme Court, has brought the judgment's potential impacts into stark reality. For those whose
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property is in the area outlined in black, the letter had explained, the court has declared Aboriginal
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title to your property, which may compromise the status and validity of your ownership. While Premier
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David Eby has been quick to disavow the decision, the reality is his government helped set the stage for it
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in multiple ways. Worse, it quietly supported a similar outcome in a related case, even after the concerning
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implications of the Cowichan judgment were well known. The problematic nature of the Cowichan decision has been
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well established. It marks the first time a court has declared Aboriginal title over private property in British
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Columbia, and declares certain feasible land, i.e. private property, in the area defective and invalid.
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Now, you know, scary words. And you'd think the BC Conservatives would be all over this, that this would be a
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moment for firm and focused opposition. And yet, the BC Conservative board members have called for John
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Rustad to resign immediately, that this is a party gripped with turmoil right now. That's looking internally and not
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externally at this moment where British Columbia needs, you know, to allow Alberta pipelines to allow
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tankers off, Canadian tankers off its shore when American ones are streaming by every day, bound for
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Washington State or Alaska. BC Conservative leader John Rustad has even said he will not be stepping down. After
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seven members of the party's board, the party board's management committee formally called on him to resign,
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citing unprecedented turmoil. And there has been. Candidates are leaving left and right,
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allegations of impropriety. This is a collapse in party unity since last year's provincial election.
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In a letter dated October 21st and addressed directly to Rustad, signatories included elected
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board members. These were Rustad people, Aisha Esty, Troy Lanigan, Mauro Francis, to name a few.
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Only one board member in total did not sign their name. So with EB benefiting, the NDP benefiting from this
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unnecessary infighting in the polls right now. Imagine if they were to turn around and turn this
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into a majority. This is the same party working to block those pipelines. The tankers offshore.
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No one harms Canada like Canada. That is a recurring theme here. Ontario has a much deserved reputation for
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for dragging the country down with its sputtering economic engine and its propensity towards
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re-electing liberal and liberal light status quo governments. But BC holds an increasing amount of
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cards in Canada's economic recovery and in driving more social unrest. Dr. Caroline Elliott joins us to
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talk about this topic. She's in some ways becoming the leading BC political commentator. We're thrilled to
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have her here today on Without Diminishment. Caroline Elliott joins the show. Dr. Caroline Elliott,
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she is a senior fellow with the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy, sits on the board
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of BC's Public Land Use Society, prodigious BC political figure, commenter, leader. Thanks for
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joining us. Thanks for having me, Alex. Did you like my preamble? Loved it. It was good.
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Good. So the Cowichan decision continues to worry many people, the broader implications. You were the
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person that we wanted to call. What are your latest concerns here? I know even BC's premier is coming
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out saying that he's concerned by the recent developments as if he didn't play a role in
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teeing this all up. Yeah, I think teeing it up is exactly what he's done, right? He's done numerous
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things that kind of, I would say, laid the groundwork for this decision. So he's taking issue with it now. But
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probably the most important way in which he did it was he actually, he set the policy precedent
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of overlaying Aboriginal title over private property himself voluntarily on Haida Gwaii.
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Despite a whole bunch of concerns raised about that by lawyers, by people worried about democracy,
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people worried about private property. He went ahead and then quietly had his lawyers go to court
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without telling the public to actually effectively constitutionalize it, meaning that it's kind of
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out of reach. It was an explicitly stated goal of his to, and the transcripts show this, to make it so
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that future democratically elected governments can't actually readily undo what he did in Haida Gwaii.
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And remember in Cowichan, the big problem is that it was the first time the court had overlaid
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Aboriginal title over private property. David Eby not only did that voluntarily through his own policies,
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but then went and sought a consent order from the courts that makes it very difficult to undo. So
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for him to be claiming some level of concern about this is a bit rich, I think.
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Now, Caroline, you would think at this moment in time, the BC Conservatives
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would have it all together. They would be standing strongly in opposition, they would be focused,
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they would be looking outward and not inward. And yet there is now a board in upheaval, a party in
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upheaval. The timing of this seems terrible on many issues. I think of the threat of the NDP being
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able to skate on these issues. Heck, call another election. And so BC Conservative leader John Rossetta
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said he will not be stepping down despite members of the party's board, the management committee formally
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calling on him to resign, citing unprecedented turmoil. And there has been. There's candidates are
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leaving. There's arguments about the direction of the party, about the the ethics behind the scenes there.
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We know that there are good people working for that party and who really want to be a part of change.
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But this seems to be taken on water pretty quickly. In a letter dated October 21st, addressed directly
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to Rustad, signatories included elected board members like Aisha Esty, Troy Lanigan, Satya Peter,
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Moro Francis, who was a great candidate in the lower Maine. What do you make of this? Why are you
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concerned? I honestly feel very frustrated as a British Columbian. I look at the unprecedented fiscal
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mismanagement, the debt, the deficits that the government's running, the debt that they're piling
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up for future generations to pay off. I'm looking at the economic devastation of this province,
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the lack of investor certainty. And of course, you've got these huge threats to private property,
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uh, some really clear signals through Couch and in other issues that show that the government's
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approach to reconciliation is just not going to work. So you have all these issues piling up and,
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you know, there, there comes a point where you have to ask is, is our party turmoil being the story
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that getting in the way of being in an effective opposition, holding this government accountable.
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And I think that's what's happening. Uh, so it doesn't really matter. I don't think, um,
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you know, how hard you've worked or how good of a person you are, or, you know, how much you might
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feel you've earned that leadership position at some point there, you know, there really is a point
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where you have to think about the province because this is, this is existential for the province.
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If the NDP continues down this path, we've got to get back in control of, of what's happening here.
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And I think that's not going to happen, uh, under the current, uh, under the current circumstances.
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Yeah. And I think of, this is a moment, even if you were putting aside Cowichan and, and all those
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concerns, some of the issues with, um, there's of course, well-meaning reconciliation and then a
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reconciliation kind of industrial complex that, that I think folks have reasonable concerns about
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is this is a moment to be getting those pipelines to the Pacific Northwest coast. This is a moment to
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be amending tanker bands when American ships are passing our shores every darn day, you know, bound
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for Alaska or Washington state, but we're, you know, continuing to cut off our nose to spite our face.
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And it brings to mind to me as well, that the situation federally right now, where we're seeing a
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little bit of conservative infighting in these sort of warring consultant camps, this unbecoming behavior
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when the carny start is something that we should be litigating, litigating for young people. We're
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seeing same old, same old on so many files. And so on that same old, same old and, and wishing for
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better. Ginny Roth in the hub, uh, this morning wrote a terrific piece that sort of described large
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swaths of the conservative scene in Canada right now. Uh, and here's looking at you on
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Ontario and Atlanta, Canada as amorphous status quo ism that such an approach is better at holding
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power than winning power. We're in a moment of culture shift on the right. Some of the old guards
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seem to take issue with some of the younger rabble ourselves included. Uh, where do you fall in this
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cultural moment? Do you want to see a bolder kind of common sense conservatism or, or just a safe
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conservatism that, that continues to play nice on these files? Well, I think there's an old guard who
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really is committed to the idea that we can keep talking about things like fiscal discipline and
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economic development and deregulation and tax cuts and somehow set this province in this country back on
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the right path. And those things are important. Of course they are right. Nothing does better with a
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bad economy. You can't leave, you know, future debts for, for our kids to pay off. Like that's all,
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it's incredibly important, but there's a whole shift, I think, in terms of the motivating factor
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of the new right in understanding the impact that a decade or more of progressive policies just being,
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just, just, uh, kind of making their way into our courts, our legislatures, our institutions,
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universities, schools, elementary schools, where that actually has an impact too, in terms of how
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we see ourselves as a society, right? How we, how we relate to one another as British Columbians or
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Canadians. And I think that's a really important piece that some of that, that older guard, if I
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can call them that, uh, are missing. And it's, you know, we, we have a whole generation of kids going
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through an education system that tells them they have to become active decolonialists. You have them
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being told that the land they stand on isn't theirs. You have them being told, you know,
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you have, you have parents being treated under the banner of, of SOGI as though they're kind
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of a problem to be solved and not as the, the, the, the absolute authority on the best interests
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of their children, because that's what actually motivates parents. And I think that people don't
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realize how important these things are to regular folks going about their lives. And they say, well,
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people only care about pocketbook issues. You know, they only care about these, they actually care
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about society and the fabric that kind of holds us together.
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No. And I've been surprised by that. Even out here, I'm in British Columbia with you
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too. And I'm in a neighborhood very much filled with, uh, yuppies and go along to get along types
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and wonderful people, you know, crunchy granola moms, but they're really worried about this stuff
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too. You talk to them in the park, you, you, you bump into them on a run in the grocery store
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and, and they'll tell you about the, the, the radical posters that are hanging in their kids'
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schools that are teaching these kids to hate themselves and hate their identities about these,
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these indulgences and, and endless acknowledgements that, that warp their very minds of, of an
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inappropriate encroachment, uh, from seemingly politicized institutions because we're letting
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into our great institutions or, or training people to enter them who hate them. They hate their very
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existence. Our, our friend, Jeff Russ wrote a piece this morning where he, he talked about the,
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the Oxford union president who has since been given the boot. And it came out in, in personal missives
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that the reason he actually ran for the position was because he hated it. He wanted to be, to sort of
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eat it up from the inside. And so I, I think of your, your previous articles and videos on, on say,
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park closures to non-indigenous visitors. You, you highlight these understandable concerns about,
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about true equity and access. You're not afraid to say the obvious thing. I mean, how would something
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like, you know, restricting access or, or, or making folks worry about the, the land beneath their feet,
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how does that reflect sort of broader tensions in conservative culture regarding, you know,
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reconciliation efforts? What difficult questions should Canadians be allowed to ask about balancing
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indigenous rights and reconciliation efforts with the public interest, even the very confidence
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of concerned taxpayers and owners? Yeah, it's, it, that's such a good question because I think
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for a long time, parties on the right have been actually afraid to talk about these things in a
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way, but that's good policy comes from constructive, critical discussion. Right. And I think that this has
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gone, this particular file has gone unchallenged for so long. Like if you look at the UN
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Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which I personally believe needs to be repealed,
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it's behind a lot of the problematic policies that the government has implemented in BC.
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That was unilaterally, sorry, not unilaterally. It was unanimously voted on the BC legislature,
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and that was done at a time when it was kind of considered unorthodox to venture outside those
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boundaries. And we've done that so many times. Look at mass immigration federally, right, where it went
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unchallenged for so long. And now it's a, it's, it's gone so far that, that it's going to be very,
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very hard to walk back in terms of its impacts on young people, especially, but, but others as
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well, including newcomers who come here under this great promise of Canada, and then realize like,
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it's, you know, horribly expensive and, and difficult for a whole range of reasons. So
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that, that's the product of not fighting these battles. And I think that's where this, this new
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right, very much a younger new right of, of conservatives are coming forward and saying,
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no, let's actually talk about these issues before they become like this. And we'll get to a lot
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better place in here. And, and politics is, is downstream from culture. Like in a, and I think
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of another aphorism, which is, you know, you may not be interested in politics, but politics is
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interested in you. This all stems from somewhere, right? There's been a kind of cultural abdication.
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And in that, in that sort of space, you know, you feel all kinds of bad ideas and bad trends. I, I even
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think coming out of the pandemic where the federal conservatives, as you mentioned on immigration,
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like they were going to bat reflexively for the army of foreign students. We, we started to want
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to send home because they were in attendance at fraudulent schools. Like we were, there were,
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there were MPs, federal MPs, maybe well-meaning who were, who were going to bat for, for schools
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that are, you know, strip mall colleges where you study business management or illegal trucking,
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and you're, you're making everybody unsafe on the roads. And so there, there has to be a kind of
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correction, a kind of continued home for, for these sorts of conversations, these,
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these spaces that grow. I think of the terrific work here at Juno news where I get to have regular
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conversations with, with well-meaning people and, and not be worried about getting canceled. And so
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my question to you would be this, it, the, the criticism of your kind of response and our comments
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and, and this, this new right has been, well, winning is first and foremost, the most important
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thing, but you can't, you can't win that way. Can conservatives win also waging, let's say the
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kind of culture war that's worth having? Well, look, I think not only can the conservatives win
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in part by fighting some of these more cultural battles, but it's actually essential to its success,
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should they win and moving forward in terms of actually bringing Canada and British Columbia
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along to where they need to be. So, you know, I, I think that there is out there a quiet, but very
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strong majority who are just common sense people who understand that you can't have things like
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mass immigration go unchecked and putting pressure on, on, on housing prices and services and so on.
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They understand that you can't have private property rights thrown into question,
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right? They understand that people need to be speaking up on these things. I can't tell you
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just from the work that I do, how many moms come up to me at the, you know, at school when I'm picking
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up my kids and say, I completely agree with you. They may whisper it, but they say it because they feel
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it. And I think it gives them license to, to say it out loud themselves. So I think people really
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underestimate that aspect of it. The other thing I would say is I do believe that a lot of these culture,
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culture kind of issues, culture coded issues are actually very much linked to the pocketbook
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economic issues that, that the, that the older guard, um, that prioritize like things like,
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um, you know, this, this idea of replacing equality of opportunity, which everyone agrees with in our
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movement with things like social justice drive equity, right? That there's no way that doesn't lead
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to an acceptance of higher taxes and redistribution and, and a lack of investor confidence and unchecked
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spending on programs. Like these things are actually linked, like the cultural enablement,
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or sorry, the enablement around the drug culture, uh, this idea that your ethnic background has
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something to do with your level of culpability with a crime that you might commit. These have things,
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these have direct links to public safety and disorder that people are concerned about just at a
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basic level. So many of these issues that, that people think are kind of less relevant to, to
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regular people are actually having an impact in their day-to-day lives. Uh, and I think that's,
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the land issue being a significant one when it comes to, um, ensuring that there's a level of
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certainty, uh, for, for a good investment climate and therefore a strong economy. Like these, there's so
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many linkages between these things. I think it's, it's people really oversimplify it by saying we should
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talk about one or the other. They're in many cases, the same thing. It sure feels that way.
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Dr. Caroline Elliott, thank you for joining us. There, there's so much to fix. There are,
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let's say conservatives who, who need to get it together. Thanks for joining us today.