Juno News - September 29, 2025
Police union chiefs speak their mind about failed bail policies
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Summary
The U.S. economy has experienced a surge while Canada continues its six-year-long pattern of stagnant economic growth. Police union leaders gave a scathing testimony during a justice committee against liberal bail laws, the federal gun confiscation program, and so-called safe supply policies. A new report found that more Canadians are on medical wait lists than they were at the end of the COID lockdowns in 2022.
Transcript
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The U.S. economy has experienced a surge, while Canada continues its six-year-long pattern of
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stagnant economic growth. Police union leaders gave a scathing testimony during a justice
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committee against liberal bail laws, the federal gun confiscation program, and so-called safe
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supply policies. A new report found that more Canadians are on medical wait lists than they
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were at the end of the COVID lockdowns in 2022. Hello Canada, it's Monday, September 29th,
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and this is the True North Daily Brief. I'm Isaac Lamoureux. And I'm Wally Tantan. We've got you
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covered with all the news you need to know. Let's discuss the top stories of the day and
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the True North exclusives you won't hear anywhere else. While the U.S. economy has enjoyed a recent
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surge, Canada's economic growth has been stagnant for the past six years. University of Waterloo
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economist Mikhail Skudard noted Thursday that Canada's real GDP per capita fell at an annualized
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rate of 0.97% between the first and second quarters of 2025, according to updated population estimates.
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Real GDP per person was higher in the second quarter of 2019 than in 2025, showing, quote,
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no economic growth in six years. By contrast, the U.S. economy expanded at 3.8% annual pace from April
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through June, a sharp upgrade from the government's earlier 3.3% estimate, according to the Associated
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Press. Consumer spending rose 2.5%, up from 0.6% in the first quarter and well above the 1.6%
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previously estimated. The spring rebound followed a 0.6% first quarter drop in U.S. gross domestic
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product, caused largely by a surge in imports ahead of President Donald Trump's latest tariffs.
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Imports then fell 29.3%, boosting second quarter growth by more than 5 percentage points.
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A key measure of underlying U.S. economic strength, which includes consumer spending and private
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investment, grew at a 2.9% annual pace, up from 1.9% in the first quarter. The contrast leaves
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Canada's economy looking stagnant. With real output per person still below its pre-pandemic peak,
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Canada has seen no per capita gains since mid-2019.
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So, Waleed, what are some ways economists and business leaders have proposed to make
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Well, look, there's been a whole range of things, Isaac. Frankly, Canada's economy is not
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looking good from any indication, whether it's our present situation on trade or the future
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with our debt and deficits. Many experts that once I've been listening to throughout my coverage
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on the economy have suggested that, first of all, Canada does need to look into potentially
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striking that trade deal with the U.S. that Carney has promised since the election.
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That trade deal itself will make a much larger difference than any deal with an Asian country
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like Indonesia or any fringe European country out west simply because the United States makes up
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such a large part of our trade and shared industries across the border that it will have a significant
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impact. We'll talk about this later in the show. We also have a very precarious fiscal situation with
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governments across the country running deficits and our overall debt looks to pass 2 trillion,
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which is beyond our GDP already. So, frankly, Ottawa has to clean up on its spending, capping spending,
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bringing a budget of austerity this fall and multiple budgets of austerity, of course, with much
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greater spending cuts than that proposed 15% on the bureaucracy, which has, by the way, grown by 99,000
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workers in Ottawa alone over the last decade. And, of course, with that, also wages for that public
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service have gone up, not only in the House of Commons, but also among managers. I think there's around
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about 9,000 government managers, bureaucrats that receive over $150,000 in annual salary. So, obviously,
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spending is quite high. The military spending project, as well, is not going to help that situation any
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further. The drop of tariffs, the elbows-down approach, so-called, by Mark Carney on the U.S.,
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which, technically speaking, generates less government revenue, that will continue to increase
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the deficit larger than that of Trudeau. And, of course, we've been hearing from the PBO
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budget officer, the interim budget officer, who I don't expect they'll be staying around much
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longer if the Liberals are in charge, talking about just how our future outlook looks very
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grey at the moment. So, definitely spending cap cuts and austerity are the most significant measures to
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drive, let's just say, a better economic growth outlook, where you can look at potentially cutting
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taxes, red tape, taking off certain industry taxes and whatnot, cutting, of course, other carbon
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tax-related policies and other environmental regulations would definitely have a tremendous
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Yeah, well, I'll just mention quickly, because we, of course, saw the parliamentary budget
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officer testify in the House of Commons last week, and it was damning, to say the least. Of course,
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we haven't received a budget from this Liberal government yet, which is saying something,
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considering we got budgets through World War II, the Great Depression, and so on. So,
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the fact that we have one, don't have one, sorry, is inexcusable. And the parliamentary
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budget officer, the interim one, that is, he said, the numbers he's seeing are, he said,
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quote, shocking and stupefying. I mean, he was calling, I think, for economic collapse, almost,
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within a year and a half, if the Liberals don't get their spending under control. So,
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Police union leaders blasted the Liberal government on Thursday, pressing them on lax bail oversight,
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repeat offenders and safe supply policies, and the federal gun confiscation program.
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Several police unions' heads appeared before the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights on
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Thursday to express their concerns. The committee had not met since the early summer, when it adjourned for
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several months despite rising crime in Ontario, and a last-minute pledge from the Carney Liberals
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to enact substantive criminal justice reforms ahead of the most recent federal election.
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After a lengthy delay, Canadian Police Association President Tom Stamatakis National Police Federation
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President Brian Sauvier and the Toronto Police Association President Clayton Campbell appeared
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before the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights on Thursday. They raised concerns about
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officer safety, gaps in federal bail data, recruitment and retention challenges, safe supply programs,
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and the need for stronger federal support for frontline policing. The Liberal government
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firearms confiscation program, first billed as a buyback program in 2020, was also major focus
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at the committee. The initiative, which banned more than 2,500 previously legal models, has faced
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repeated delays, confusion, and controversy. It is now slated to conclude by the end of 2026,
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at an estimated cost of nearly $2 billion. Conservative MP Andrew Lawton cross-examined the
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witnesses, questioning the efficacy of the program.
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My Liberal colleague actually raises an important point here, which is that law-abiding gun owners
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have nothing to do with crime. So, I'll ask you, Mr. Campbell, because you have spoken about that in
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the past. Do you believe that law-abiding firearms owners in Toronto are a public safety risk?
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No, and we've talked about this before. The gun buyback programming is going to have
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zero impact on the crime we're seeing in the city of Toronto, period. And quite frankly,
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it's, I don't know if there's any plan in place, but if there was some sort of plan to try and
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obtain these, these firearms, I'm not sure who's going to do it or what resources. And I can think
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of a hundred different ways, if you want to help public safety in the city of Toronto,
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So, Isaac, I heard you spoke to the Public Safety Minister before, but what I'm hearing seems to
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poke some serious holes in the Liberal government's confiscation program. What other ways in the last
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few weeks has the program been put into question?
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Yeah, Walid. So, the numbers of which this program has been questioned and criticized seems endless,
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but I'll break it into four concrete things that have happened over the last week or so.
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So, first, a frontline assessment, which you mentioned briefly, because at the Justice
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Committee on Thursday, Clayton Campbell, as you said, the Toronto Police Association president,
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he testified that the federal confiscation scheme will have zero impact on the violence
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as officers are seeing, so it will do nothing. He also said, of course, that as all police
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associations have been repeating over and over and over again over the last several years,
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that almost all of the firearms used in crimes are illegal and come from across the border,
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and, in fact, that many of the offenders are already prohibited from even possessing
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guns because, surprise, surprise, they're out on bail. And that testimony came alongside
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broader union concerns about, as you mentioned, bail data gaps, repeat violent offenders, and safe supply
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policy impacts on public safety. The second thing I'll cover is enforcement capacity, because
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one of the many things in the leaked audio that Public Safety Minister Gira Anandasangri told his
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tenant was that he doubted municipal police have the resources to do this. And, of course,
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that was the same recording where he said he would bail out his tenant if he was arrested,
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although he did also say that he would be unable to pardon his tenant's criminal record
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when he would be prosecuted. But in a subsequent statement, the next day, actually, Anandasangri
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tried to claim this was a bad attempt at humor while he was launching the Cape Breton pilot of the
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program, but perhaps he just thought nobody was listening and he accidentally told the truth.
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The third point is, of course, participation by police forces and provinces. Anandasangri himself
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has confirmed that the Ontario Provincial Police will not participate in this. Alberta, of course,
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has repeatedly said they will not participate in this, and they'll even block municipal police
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forces from doing so. And then, of course, we know the pilot project for this gun confiscation
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program is happening in Nova Scotia and Cape Breton. But Nova Scotia police has also said they will not
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participate in this and that the Cape Breton pilot is actually just some sort of agreement between
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the federal government and the city. So the province is saying we're not doing this and the city is
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moving forward with it. And then the fourth, again, which you mentioned is cost, timing and scope,
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because we know this initiative was introduced in 2020 and now bans more than 2,500 firearms, but has
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repeatedly been delayed and the amnesty has repeatedly been extended. I know you mentioned
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it's now slated to end at the end of 2026, but that might just get extended again. And Anandasangri
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has said that the budget cap is $742 million. But of course, we know experts are estimating this to
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cost even $2 billion, and that could grow even further. But another thing that happened this week is,
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of course, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation offered free legal counsel to Cape Breton gun owners, citing
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police testimony about limited public safety benefits. And some other organizations have come out as
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well. I think the Canadian National Firearms Association, they said something along the same
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lines. So these firearms associations are trying to help the people proceed with this in any way they
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can. But to your question, Waleed, beyond committee testimony, the program has been challenged by
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police union evidence on efficacy, the minister's own recorded doubts about enforcement resources,
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explicit non-participation by major police services and provinces altogether,
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and ongoing uncertainty on costs and timelines, which, of course, has all been
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More Canadians are now on healthcare waitlists for surgeries, specialists and diagnostics than there
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were at the end of the pandemic, according to government data acquired by the think tank,
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Second Street. Data that they obtained through a Freedom of Information request and available
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government data shows that more than 3.7 million people are in limbo in the Canadian healthcare
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system on waitlists. The think tank, Second Street, estimates the number is closer to 5.8 million
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as several provinces are missing data for specialists. Data from Yukon and Prince Edward
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Island are entirely missing as they either do not know or don't collect data on patients waiting in
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the healthcare system. But the data does confirm that nearly 3.8 million people were on waitlists in
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Canada, which is a 26% increase from the 2.9 million confirmed cases in 2022 at the end of the COVID
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lockdowns. Second Street's communications director, Dom Lucic, said in a news release released on
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Wednesday from the think tank that Canada's healthcare system is, quote, broken and needs reform. Lucic
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Coming out of COVID, many were talking about the waiting list backlogs in healthcare. While the pandemic
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certainly didn't help, it's telling that even three years later, the number of patients on waitlists
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continues to grow throughout Canada. So, Waleed, how does Canada fare against other universal healthcare
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systems in developed countries? Is the issue just a lack of funding?
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First of all, we have to look at the public sentiment that we've observed in the country over the last couple of years.
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I mean, in 2020, across the board, and this is work done by Angus Reid Institute, the poll at about 49% of
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Canadians in 2020 said that they felt that the government was doing either a good or a very good
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job in handling healthcare. That number declined to 38% in 2021, 25% the following year, and in 2023,
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that number saw 24% across the provinces. So, obviously, the public sentiment has been going in one
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direction, and that's downwards. So, why is that decline so clear? Well, because Canadians are waiting
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too long for their services, about 46%, nearly half of Canadians surveyed indicated they waited
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two months or more for a specialist appointment. That number declined to 15.1% in the Netherlands,
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and 13.2% in Switzerland, two high-income OECD countries that do have universal healthcare systems
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provided for their citizens. And about one in five, 19.9% of Canadians reported waiting more than one year
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for non-emergency surgery. Just half a percent, 0.6% of Swiss respondents indicated a similar waiting time,
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and no one in the Netherlands has reported that survey that they waited as long as that. So,
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comparing to those two countries, the Netherlands, ranked higher than Canada, allows for private
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insurance firms to negotiate with healthcare providers on prices to provide more competitive
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pricing. And these insurance firms must also accept all applicants and charge their policyholders the
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same monthly fee for coverage. Pretty much, they can't discriminate based on pre-existing conditions.
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And Switzerland was ranked among the top three on critical healthcare measures. Patients must also
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purchase coverage in a regulated private insurance marketplace and share 10 to 20% of the cost of their
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care with an annual maximum protection for the most vulnerable. Now, that's exactly a critical point
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of mistrust in our system is the fact that our system in Canada is a very high cost system. Most
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Canadians don't actually know this, but in 2025, preliminary estimates suggested that the average
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payment for public healthcare insurance ranges for $5,000 to $19,000 for six common Canadian family
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types depending on the type of family. Between 1997 and 2025, the cost of public healthcare insurance
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for the average Canadian family increased 2.2 times as fast as the cost of food, 1.6 times as fast as
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the average income, and 1.6 times as fast as the cost of shelter. It also increased much more rapidly than
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the average cost of clothing, which has actually fallen in recent years. The top 10% of Canadian families
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earn an average income of $88,725 will pay an average of $8,292 for public health insurance,
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and the families among the top 10% of income earners will pay a whopping $58,853, and that's all through
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taxes. And this is, of course, according to the Fraser Institute's data. So high cost, competitively
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speaking, lower quality, and turnover time of service provided. And of course, the system is very
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clear to Canadians, hence why you see the client sentiment of satisfaction. So a lot of things need
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to be done. And, you know, for now, your short answer to the question was, we don't all fare very
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well against similar countries in terms of wealth, and countries that actually have that commitment.
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So we're pretty low among the, let's say top 30, or we see the high income countries that have the
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system in place that we want to achieve. We're pretty down near the bottom. But definitely high
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on spending, I believe we're top two in spending in that category, and second only to Switzerland
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That's it for today, folks. Thanks for tuning in. You can stay on top of new episodes every
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