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- March 07, 2022
Preston Manningļ¼ Trucker Convoy was a legitimate expression of concern
Episode Stats
Length
31 minutes
Words per Minute
173.29413
Word Count
5,462
Sentence Count
252
Misogynist Sentences
4
Hate Speech Sentences
3
Summary
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Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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In today's political lexicon, populism is now synonymous with Donald Trump,
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with Brexit, with right-wing politics, and with an undesirable rebellion against stable
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political institutions. But is populism always a bad thing? My guest today rejects this basic
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premise and has been working his entire political career to try to understand and harness the
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potential good side of populist movements here in Canada. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The
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Candice Malcolm Show. Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in today. It's a pleasure and
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honor today to be joined by Mr. Preston Manning. Preston Manning is one of the most prominent
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conservative politicians and political leaders in Canadian history and has a thorough understanding
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of the rise of populism in Canada and around the world. He's often called the father of modern-day
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Canadian conservatism. Preston was a founder and the only leader of the Reform Party of Canada,
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which became the Canadian Alliance Party, which eventually merged with the progressive
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conservative parties to form the Conservative Party of Canada, which was led by Stephen Harper
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and was held government for nearly a decade. Although no longer a politician, Preston remains a prominent
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voice in Canadian politics and is in promoting Western Canadian interests. In 2005, Preston created the
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Canada Strong and Free Network. Well, it was called the Manning Centre before and now it's called the
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Canada Strong and Free Network. The group has helped shape national conversations around conservatism,
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influence government policies and helped create a university program at Carleton University, the first
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program aimed at political management. So Preston, thank you so much for joining us. It's an honor to
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speak to you today. Preston Manning Well, thank you very much. It's great.
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Okay, well, I want to I want to first start off by talking a little bit about just what just happened,
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what just happened in our country with the trucker convoy, the sort of political uprising against the
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Trudeau government, and how was handled by both Justin Trudeau, his government, as well as the media
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here in Canada. I think the audience knows my position on this issue thoroughly. But I'm wondering
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what what what is your take? How do you think it folded out? How do you think it could have been
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handled differently by the politicians and the media in this country?
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Well, I think I know some truckers, independent truckers. Our family has a small ranching operation.
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We use truckers to take cattle to community pastures and to processing plants. But I felt this
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truckers conflict was a legitimate expression of concern by people who were affected by the vaccine
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mandates. In their case, it put some 15,000 of them out of work. And I feel it was a legitimate
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bottom-up political protest. It had these populist dimensions. And the sad thing was the way the
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federal government responded to it. They wouldn't even meet with these people. And the prime minister
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immediately characterized them as extremists and that this was financed or originated in the United
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States, which is completely false. So I think it was a legitimate expression of political concern by
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a legitimate group of people and that the Ottawa government responded inappropriately.
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Well, I mean, just beyond that, if it was a legitimate and peaceful movement, a group of people
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who just wanted their demands to be heard, and the response wasn't just to dismiss them, smear them,
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refuse to meet with them, but actually use an emergency act that had never been invoked before,
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was created in 1988 with the desired impact of use only during severe national emergencies and
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potentially war. What kind of precedent does it set as a government who was so unwilling to talk to
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a group of people that he would take such drastic action against them?
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Yeah. Well, I think it was an enormous overreaction. And the question it raises is the question you're
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raising if the Trudeau government would overreact to legitimate protests like that by invoking the
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Emergency Act, on what other occasions would they do the same thing? And I feel that the justification for
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invoking the Emergency Act was never really proven by the government. They very hastily retreated from it.
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But again, it's just an extreme overreaction and a misunderstanding or deliberate misunderstanding of what
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these people were trying to do and what they're trying to accomplish.
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One of the things that was striking to me about the people who were behind the trucker convoy, the people
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who characterized the protests in Ottawa, was sort of the difference between them and the normal people,
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the normal type of people you see in Canadian political life, the normal kind of people that you see protesting. It's usually
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these sort of aggrieved left-wing people who protest, who go out and gather on Parliament Hill and occupy.
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The whole Occupy movement came from Occupy Wall Street, which was an anti-capitalist left-wing movement.
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What do you think about the idea that many of these truckers were sort of apolitical or are not necessarily
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politically engaged? And the action of them coming and becoming political, coming to Ottawa,
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was met with such scorn and name-calling. How do you think that'll impact those individuals or the
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individuals who supported them?
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I think it shows to Canadians the contempt that the Ottawa elites have for just ordinary folks
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and the fear that they seem to have of them. And then the inconsistencies when left-wing protesters
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shut down rail lines that carry 20% of Canada's exports to Asia over them, that the government
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almost sided with the protesters and didn't regard this as an emergency. But somebody shuts down the
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bridge at Windsor and this is a national catastrophe calling for the invoking of the Emergency Act, the
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inconsistency in that response, in addition to its overhandedness and inappropriateness.
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I think all of this, the net effect of it, is to reduce the confidence of Canadians increasingly in
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the Trudeau administration. This is just one of a number of things, but it adds to the list. It adds to the list.
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What do you think of the sort of class divide that was on display? I know that many people in government
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and media have dismissed this idea that what we saw was a sort of working-class uprising that was
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dismissed and disregarded by a group of elites in Ottawa, but you can't help but notice the sort of
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the idea that there's a New York Times op-ed that put it really well and it sort of talked about the
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not necessarily class divide, but the difference between people who live their life virtually,
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whose jobs that can be done remotely, can be done on a computer. COVID didn't really have a huge,
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huge impact on them versus people who lived in the practical world. So they had virtuals versus
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practicals. People who lived in the practical world are the ones that own small businesses,
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that own restaurants, that drive trucks, that work at the frontline workers. The people who've
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been harmed disproportionately by COVID were many of the sort of loudest voices praising and pushing
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the trucker convoy because they've gone out to the real world and lived in COVID and they're ready to
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move on. Whereas the people who are kind of sheltered behind their screens haven't had to have the same
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interaction and many of them are legitimately and reasonably perhaps afraid to go back out into
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the world. And so you kind of have these two different camps of people that are very much
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have different interests and perhaps it's hard for them to understand what it's like to be on the
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other side, but certainly the sort of virtual side of the elites disregarding the working class or the
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practicals was really quite stark. Did you notice a sort of class element to these products?
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I don't think the establishment even understands how its messaging was impacting or being received
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or even being considered relevant by those people. I mentioned the ranching operation. You have guys that
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are looking after cattle sitting in a mobile home on a wintering corridor that I know of watching this
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nice lady on TV in a warm studio in Edmonton or Ottawa telling them to stay home and be safe.
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These guys start to laugh. If we stay in here those cattle won't get fed. You know our job by city
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standards is never considered safe. So just a complete lack of resonance of that message with
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people that were in those situations. And this is true for thousands and thousands of workers,
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particularly in the resource sectors that are out there doing something, whether it's agriculture or
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energy or mining or forestry or the fishery. You take Aboriginal people. I mean I think the mining sector in
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BC is the largest single employer of Aboriginal people, but they're out there doing things. They
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can't stay home and be safe the way this message is coming to them from the health authorities. So that
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lack of resonance between the source of the message and the receiver is part of the root of this
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misunderstanding I think over the whole COVID crisis. That's such a good point. I want to touch on
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populism because I know this is an area that you've talked about and worked on a long time. I
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listened to your podcast with Jordan Peterson where you talked about sort of positive populism. I hope
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you can sort of help us understand because usually it's used as a negative word to describe people who
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are trying to sort of undermine the political stability. But you see a different side of populism,
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so I'm hoping you can sort of talk a little bit about what populism means. It's so unfortunate that
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populism is misunderstood by Canadians and I've argued and I think I can prove it that the Western
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Canada has had more experience with populist movements, populist parties and populist governments
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than virtually any other part of North America. And while populism has its wild and woolly side,
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our Canadian experience with it, let's say in the 20th century, has been relatively positive.
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And just to give a few examples, the first woman that got elected to the Parliament of Canada,
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how did she get there? Through what movement? She didn't get there through the Liberals or the
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Conservatives in that day. The Liberals did everything in their power to knock her out of that
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parliament and eventually they did. She came up through the old progressive movement, which is
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basically a farmers movement, which was a populist bottom-up party. The so-called Famous Five,
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the women that got women elected or recognized as persons in Canadian law. All five of them were
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populists, two or three of them were elected as populists to the Alberta legislature. So there's a
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populism can accomplish some pretty positive things, whether you agree with Canadian Medicare or not.
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That came out of Saskatchewan through the CCF, which was a bottom-up populist party, particularly at that time.
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It was the champion of that particular social reform. The constitutional change that got
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natural resources, finally the ownership of natural resources recognized in terms of the provinces,
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particularly the Western provinces, that that was achieved by farmers' governments. The UFA in Alberta,
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a small group of progressives in the federal parliament. So you can list off these positive
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accomplishments by populist movements and populist government. Now it doesn't mean they don't have a
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wild and woolly side. Whether they end up making that positive contribution or whether they turn
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negative very much depends on the leadership and it depends on the reaction of the establishment.
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Most of these populist parties and governments are a reaction to what was there before. Trump is the
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legacy of Obama. Doug Ford is the legacy of Catherine Ford in Ontario. So I argue there's a positive side
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if they're properly led and properly understood. Well, so it's interesting now because you sort of see
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different camps in the Conservative Party right now. Erin O'Toole stepped down and without a certain
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leader, there are sort of different elements of the party popping up. What would your advice be
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to the Conservative Party and anyone looking to run it on how best to connect with the grassroots, how to
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utilize the sort of success and the growth of the truck convoy in helping to sort of steer the party
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in more of a positive populist way that really connects with voters, connects with the grassroots,
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understands their concerns, and can relay those messages to Ottawa without the sort of effect of
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being in Ottawa for too long, which is that you start to sound more like the establishment and less
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like the people who sent you there. Well, I think you use the right word when you say connect. I think the first
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step is to connect with them. And the first step to connecting with people is just to listen to them,
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just to listen to them. And I use the analogy, and I think you've heard me on this before, of
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in the oil patch there's such a thing as a wildcat well that's drilled into a formation where you don't
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know what's down below. And then there's such a thing as a road well that drills into a formation where
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there's an enormous amount of oil or gas under pressure. And it can be very dangerous. You can
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blow the drilling platform off the wellhead, it can catch fire, it can be enormously dangerous. But
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one of the ways of bringing a road well under control is you drill in a relief well from the side.
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And the angle has to be right. If it's too shallow, it won't take off enough pressure. If it's too deep,
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it can turn into a road well. But if it's just right, it can take off enough pressure that valves
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can be installed and all that valuable energy can be harnessed to useful purposes. But the important
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thing there is that that relief well has to connect with that whatever is underneath that rogue well.
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You have to identify with whatever is causing all this energy and all this activity. And that's the first
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step. And in a sense, that's what reform was in the 1980s. There was a strong anti-federal government,
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anti-federal party atmosphere in Western Canada. It produced separatist movements,
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separatist party elected a member to the Alberta legislature. And what reform did was drill in that
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relief well from the side. And so we had to identify with what was making those people mad. We said,
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yeah, you got a right to be mad. And we're mad too. But instead of blowing the whole thing up,
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how about doing this, this and this? You know, Senate reform, balance the budget,
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regional impact assessments, et cetera, et cetera. And I think that's the challenge for
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as there's populism developing today. I think it's going to be very interesting whether this
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freedom convoy morphs into a broader common sense movement of some kind. But the challenge for the
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political leadership, conservative and others will be to identify with the root causes of it and
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and then propose better alternatives, perhaps in how to achieve the objectives.
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One of the things that I see as sort of a clash within conservatism, within the conservative movement,
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is that conservatives by nature, you know, the reason that they're conservatives is because they want to
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conserve something. So they tend to be patriotic and supportive of our institutions and our networks
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that have created this sort of very stable, prosperous society. But at the same time in Canada,
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the institutions that we have are also built and crafted around sort of big L liberalism in many ways,
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Preston. And a lot of the institutions are simply not holding up to scrutiny under the pressures of
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COVID. The reality, for instance, of the media landscape. One of the things that was just so,
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I observed it over the entire period of COVID, but during the protest, just so blatantly obvious how
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corrupted and how focused on a narrative and not willing to look outside and not willing to paint an
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objective picture to Canadians. You know, there's so many examples, but to an almost partisan sense,
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the media is corrupted. How do you think that this relationship between protecting institutions
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and a need to identify and remove corrupted institutions or institutions that are no longer
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serving their good, how do you think that conservatives can kind of approach and fix this issue?
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You got to make the argument, and it's not made much in the public arena, that it's possible to both
00:17:01.760
conserve an institution and to change it for the better at the same time, that conservation and
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change are not mutually exclusive. In fact, you could argue that they almost have to go together.
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Edmund Burke argued this, that, you know, he was all for conserving certain things, but he advocated
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certain things had to change in order to conserve them. And I think that argument needs to be
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refined. One of my own illustrations, I used to do community development work up in north central
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Alberta, and there was a sign on an old road away back in the bush, and it was on a big post and had
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a huge crossbar on it, it had one word on it, Saw Ridge, and an arrow pointing west. And it was supposed
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to tell you how to get to the town of Saw Ridge. The only problem with it was if you followed that sign,
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you'd never get to Saw Ridge. Well, why was that? The sign never changed. The sign always said the
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same thing, it always pointed in the same direction, it was as conservative as you can get. But
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during the years back, there was a flood that the town of Saw Ridge had to move its location,
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it changed its name to the town of Slave Lake. The roads to get there had been changed half a dozen times.
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So the very fact that the sign didn't change was a source of error rather than truth. And I think
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there's a lesson in that, that you've got to have signposts and you've got to have them firm
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in the ground and everything else. But sometimes what's on them has to change in order to get to the
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original objective. And I think that's true whether you're talking about how to conserve democracy or
00:18:42.160
a viable private sector in the economy. And if conservatives could refine that, we want to conserve,
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here's what we want to conserve, but here's the changes we want to make in order. I think people
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could understand it. I think they could understand that. And just going back to the point you made
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earlier about how when the Reform Party came around as sort of a relief valve for those who
00:19:01.520
were sort of fed up with the status quo, the result was very real and substantive change. I mean,
00:19:07.840
talking about some of the things that you mentioned, what the conservatives stood for,
00:19:10.880
was really sort of an overhaul of some of the institutional decay that was happening.
00:19:16.000
Do you think we're at a time now, you know, this was 30, 40 years after the birth of the reform
00:19:21.040
movement, we're ready for another set of drastic reforms to our political system to save it?
00:19:27.520
I think you have to do this every so often. When the Reform Party was put together,
00:19:31.520
the lawyer that put this constitution together was a fellow by the name of Bob Muir, a real fine
00:19:36.320
lawyer in Calgary. And when we were talking about it, I said, Bob, I want a clause in a sunset clause
00:19:44.080
in the constitution of this party. Well, he says, well, what do you mean? I want it to come to an end
00:19:49.280
in 10 years. If the party members decide to just renew it the way it is, they can. But I want a sunset
00:19:55.920
clause in it. And by golly, we had one in there. And it was to be 10 years that the party would cease to
00:20:03.440
exist. And that's the members re-instituted it and recreate it, either in its original form or
00:20:08.560
something else. And by golly, by 1997, it was clear that reform had gone about as far as we could go
00:20:15.600
with it. And we needed this bigger, broader thing. We wanted to form an alliance with the
00:20:20.640
particular provincial conservatives in Alberta, Manitoba, and Mike Harris in Ontario. And that's what
00:20:26.720
gave the opportunity to create the Canadian Alliance, which then morphed into the Conservative
00:20:34.400
Party of Canada. So you don't want to do this every day. You don't want to rethink your fundamental
00:20:40.640
principles or organizations every day. I mean, political parties have to have some continuity
00:20:45.680
and stability. But I think periodically, and particularly in the age in which we live, when
00:20:49.760
change is so fast, everything else is changing, that there should be a recognition. Every so often,
00:20:54.480
we've got to make some fundamental changes in order to be relevant or to be able to address the
00:21:00.240
problems that are confronting the country. The federal Liberals to do this is going to end up
00:21:05.040
being their Achilles, Achilles heel. And in a way, I think one of the consequences of this post,
00:21:12.880
of this COVID thing is there's going to have to be changes in leadership. There's rumblings within the
00:21:18.080
federal Liberals already that Trudeau has to go, people looking for Mark Carney or somebody else.
00:21:22.480
There's rumbles within the NDP. You've got the NDP members that come from writings where they've
00:21:28.560
got private sector union members who've lost their jobs and their incomes. And these guys are starting
00:21:33.440
to resent the support of the public sector unions. There's other people in the NDP that support them,
00:21:39.920
who were not only protected throughout this whole thing, some of them got wage increases. So you've got
00:21:44.880
internal forces that are going to force the NDP to decide where it's going to go. So you've got
00:21:50.160
internal forces for leadership changes within the Liberals, within the NDP. It's already starting.
00:21:55.200
In this sense, the Conservative Party of Canada is ahead of the others. And that's one of the
00:22:00.560
consequences of this turmoil that's been created by the COVID crisis.
00:22:06.400
Okay. Well, let's shift and talk a little bit about COVID because when you look at the trucker convoy,
00:22:11.600
even though sure they got cleared out with excessive force by police, but some of the things that they
00:22:16.080
were advocating for, they started to see real impact almost immediately, Preston. Quebec reversed its
00:22:22.800
vaccine mandate tax, vaccine tax, anti-vax tax. If you weren't vaccinated, you were going to get an extra
00:22:27.840
tax. They reversed that almost immediately. Several of the provinces have since lifted most of their
00:22:33.280
restrictions. We have seen that the major points of the truckers were advocating for,
00:22:40.080
those goals were accomplished. So let's talk a little bit about the post-COVID agenda. What should
00:22:46.080
it look like in Canada and how can we get there?
00:22:48.000
Well, I think one way to come at the agenda is to look at what has the COVID crisis, what weaknesses
00:22:57.120
has it revealed in our systems that are going to have to be addressed. And one of them is just
00:23:05.280
the whole way the thing was managed. So I think one of the things on the post-COVID agenda is going to
00:23:09.600
be an investigation into it. It probably won't be done by this government, but if it's the government,
00:23:15.440
the federal government's replaced, I think that would be one of the first things any new government
00:23:19.360
would do. It'll appoint a commission of some sort to get at what went wrong in the management of the
00:23:25.680
crisis. And then what was another weakness that was revealed? What was the weakness of the Canadian
00:23:30.560
healthcare system? That the Canadian Medicare is 60 years old and was simply incapable of meeting the
00:23:38.880
surge in demand that the COVID crisis feels. So what are we going to do about that? What changes,
00:23:44.400
healthcare changes, are we going to make? And we have to look at other countries. The countries that had
00:23:48.240
mixed systems, public and private systems, were able to cope with the surge in demand better than
00:23:55.280
our system. So that's going to be another, I think, another missing on the agenda for the post-COVID period
00:24:04.640
will be that sort of healthcare reform thing. And then a third thing will be what has to be done
00:24:11.760
to better protect the rights and freedoms that people thought were guaranteed by the Constitution.
00:24:17.680
It was clear that the government could override those. There were literally millions of violations of
00:24:22.160
the so-called sacred rights in the Constitution. And so what's going to be done to address that?
00:24:32.480
I think one of the areas you're going to get into there, and you're familiar with it, there's a test
00:24:37.520
called the Oaks Test. It comes out of a legal case in 1986 where the Supreme Court of Canada said if
00:24:44.480
you're going to limit the rights and freedoms that are guaranteed in the Constitution, you have, the government
00:24:50.560
has to demonstrate, it's the government that has to demonstrate it, has to demonstrate that the
00:24:54.640
benefits of the limitation outweigh the negative impacts. Now that was never done in this case.
00:25:02.480
If you want to show that your limitation outweighs the negative impacts, for one thing you've got to
00:25:08.000
measure the impacts or at least try to estimate. There was never any impact assessment made on the
00:25:14.080
health protection measures as to what their impact would be on the health system itself,
00:25:18.160
let alone on the civil liberties of Canadians. And there was never any economic impact assessment
00:25:24.640
done on those health protection measures. And so I think that's something that's going to have to be
00:25:30.560
written into law. You want to limit those rights in the Constitution, you've got to show that the
00:25:35.280
impacts are, that the benefits outweigh the impact, and you've got to make an assessment of the impact,
00:25:42.080
or else the courts will declare your, whatever your health protection measure is, your protection
00:25:46.560
measure is as unconstitutional. So there's, I see this list, the investigation into what went wrong
00:25:53.760
and what went right with respect to the management, what has to be done with the healthcare system,
00:25:59.040
because this crisis proved it to be inadequate. What are the additions to the, what has to be done to
00:26:06.000
strengthen the limits, the protection of rights and freedoms, because obviously the, whatever we had
00:26:11.600
before wasn't sufficient. And I can see a list of about eight things being not part of the, the post
00:26:19.920
COVID agenda that somebody is going to have to get after. And one of them is even that thing you
00:26:24.960
mentioned before is leadership changes, what changes have to be made in the leadership of the federal
00:26:29.520
political parties in order to make some progress on that agenda.
00:26:33.280
Amy Quinton One of the things, I mean, we've been talking about populism and the sort of rise of
00:26:37.760
the anti COVID mandates and practices, you know, that we saw with the charter convoy. One of the
00:26:44.240
things I was, I was talking on a panel earlier with John Williamson, who's an MP out in New Brunswick.
00:26:49.680
And, you know, I hear a lot of people criticizing the conservatives for not standing up against these
00:26:55.040
abuses against our charter, for not standing up and talking about the healthcare issues. And, and he
00:27:00.160
mentioned that, you know, at the time during the kind of height of COVID and for the last two years,
00:27:05.360
public opinion has not really been on the side of freedom. People were afraid, people were very
00:27:12.640
worried. They wanted, they wanted lockdowns, they wanted mandates, they wanted, you know, people who,
00:27:19.920
the example that John used, were that people who refuse to get vaccinated, they shouldn't just
00:27:24.720
lose their job and their pension and their EI, they should also get removed from our healthcare
00:27:29.600
system and not be an NB like denied access, if they needed healthcare. And I saw a lot of that
00:27:35.120
sentiment in the media as well. There's a infamous Toronto Star front page, it said, let them die,
00:27:40.560
I hope, I hope unvaccinated people die. And that was sort of the, the narrative that we're hearing from
00:27:46.800
media and the sentiment. And I personally noticed a lot of sort of adversarial combativeness among
00:27:53.840
Canadians that frankly struck me as un-Canadian people fighting on social media, fighting with
00:27:58.720
their families, disinviting people to Christmas dinner. What could be done about the sort of,
00:28:07.360
I don't even know how to describe it, like a totalitarian impulse of people when it came to an
00:28:12.320
emergency to just use every law possible. And how can we mend these, you know, it's a divided country
00:28:19.520
right now. How can we start to mend some of these divides that have been really, really evident
00:28:25.040
throughout the pandemic? Well, I think there's a couple of things that can be done. One is that
00:28:29.760
there has to be a discussion on the appropriate, appropriateness of these measures. And this business
00:28:34.240
of the cancel culture, we can't talk about that, because it's already been decided, whatever, I think
00:28:38.880
that has to be very strainlessly resisted. And the way everyone resists is by insisting that it be talked
00:28:44.160
about whether it's in your own family or in your own circle or in your own company or in your own
00:28:48.400
community. The second is to take some of these polls with a grain of salt, because a lot depends
00:28:54.000
on how you ask the question. If when at the height of the controversy over the truckers, the only
00:29:02.720
question you ask is should the emergency act be invoked in order to make these people adhere to the
00:29:10.000
vaccine mandates. And all you've heard is the propaganda from the government when it introduced
00:29:14.320
this. It's not surprising that 50% of Canadians would say, yeah, I guess that's what you should do.
00:29:19.120
If you ask the question, which of these two options would you prefer? Stopping the truckers by simply
00:29:24.640
canceling the vaccine mandates, which caused the protest in the first place, or invoking the
00:29:30.560
emergencies act, which came out of the war matrix act, which of those, I think a lot of average
00:29:35.760
people said, no, just cancel the mandates that caused this. Other countries are already doing
00:29:40.880
it. The provinces are already doing it. So it very much depends on how you ask the question.
00:29:45.840
And then the third thing is that polls will give you a measure of where the public's head is at
00:29:52.240
today, but you don't have to assume that's where it's going to be for three months or four months from
00:29:56.080
now if you work on trying to change it. And I recall back in our day when the Charlottetown Constitutional
00:30:03.920
Court came out and it was announced by the prime ministers and all 10 of the premiers said it was
00:30:08.000
the greatest thing since sliced bread. And the first polls have said, well, the public said,
00:30:11.840
I guess it's a good thing. Everybody else thinks that they had 65% support. But after a debate,
00:30:20.080
because that had to go to a national referendum, that side lost. People changed their minds. And
00:30:28.400
the people that want to oppose that accord, which included ourselves,
00:30:31.920
that became what the majority position was, but it took some time. So I think there's things that
00:30:36.960
can be done, but somebody has to do, institute the discussion, the counter discussion,
00:30:43.200
frame the questions in some different ways that reveal some different options,
00:30:47.200
and then persist if you really think you're on the right track and eventually you can bring people
00:30:51.200
around to it, persist on that until you do. Well, I think that's very good advice. Hopefully,
00:30:57.120
the future leadership of the Conservative Party will take note and try to lead rather than just
00:31:03.680
following the polls. Unfortunately, we've seen too many politicians who govern that way, Preston. Well,
00:31:08.000
I really appreciate your time. It's so delightful to speak to you and hear your wisdom on Canadian
00:31:13.600
politics. So thank you so much for joining us. Well, thank you, Candice. It was really a pleasure.
00:31:17.200
All right. Thank you so much for tuning in. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
00:31:27.120
Thank you.
00:31:29.600
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