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Juno News
- May 27, 2021
Researchers shine light on “COVID Misery”
Episode Stats
Length
15 minutes
Words per Minute
201.1603
Word Count
3,086
Sentence Count
134
Hate Speech Sentences
1
Summary
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Transcript
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We have been talking for the last, what, 15 months now
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about the havoc that COVID has unleashed on societies around the world,
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on communities across Canada, certainly included in that.
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But missing from the discussion in a lot of cases
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has been the impact that the response to COVID has had on communities.
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We've talked about this on this show,
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but I think certainly in a lot of the public health dialogue,
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the effect on the economy, the effect on just individual livelihoods
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has not really been told.
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But there's been a fantastic project by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute
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called the COVID Misery Index, which doesn't mince words.
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It is misery.
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Let's not deceive ourselves here.
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But they look at not just what COVID has done,
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but also what a lot of the government's responses to COVID have done
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around the world, including in Canada.
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One of the contributors to this is a Memorial University of Newfoundland
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professor of health statistics and economics, Professor Richard Ottis.
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Professor, good to talk to you.
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Thanks for coming on today.
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Thanks, Andrew.
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Thanks for having me.
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Now, even, by the way, I must say,
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your title I really like in this,
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because a lot of the times we get people
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that are just focusing on the health and not the economics,
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whereas you've actually, through this, looked at both of these.
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Obviously, the disease has had an impact,
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but how governments have responded to the disease
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has kind of brought differing levels of misery
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across different provinces and different countries.
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And, of course, the economic fallout.
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And one thing that's been pretty remarkable about COVID-19
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has been, obviously, the huge effect it's had on the economy.
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Now we sort of seem to be moving towards a recovery,
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although the recovery is not even.
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Some provinces bouncing back more quickly than others.
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And then, finally, looking at the public health responses.
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Again, every time we go into lockdown,
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that makes us a little bit more miserable.
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The speed with which we can get out of this situation,
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largely through vaccines, or even aggressive testing patterns,
00:02:04.080
again, reduce the misery that's heaped upon us.
00:02:07.040
So, again, what we wanted to do was take a holistic look,
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or as holistic a look as we could do with the data that's available,
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and actually see where, of course, in this case,
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looking across Canadian provinces and seeing which provinces have done reasonably well
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and which provinces have been a bit more miserable,
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or quite a bit more miserable in some cases.
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And I should say, this is not a truly global index.
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There are 15 countries, all developed nations, that are on this list,
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which I think emphasizes the point that Canada is not exactly in a position to be proud of here.
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We have the chart up on the screen there.
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Canada, 11 of 15 for total misery ranked,
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a few notches below where the global average is situated on this.
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Do you find that there are one or two provinces that are really dragging Canada down,
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or do you find even with the differentiation from one province to another,
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Canada is generally in that pretty consistently in that realm?
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No, there's actually been pretty big differences across provinces,
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and I think the way you experienced COVID-19 is pretty different
00:03:04.880
if you lived in Alberta, Ontario, or Quebec,
00:03:06.760
who are the three, we'll say, most miserable provinces,
00:03:09.160
or experienced the most misery, as compared to Atlantic Canada.
00:03:13.280
So in Atlantic Canada, the situation has been quite different.
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Case counts have been relatively low.
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There's been some returns to normalcy, again, with various incidents
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that are causing a return to lockdowns when necessary, or when deemed necessary.
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And so I do think that the differences,
00:03:32.240
what you experienced was very different in Alberta
00:03:34.320
compared to what you would have experienced in Prince Edward Island
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or Nova Scotia.
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And again, I think that you actually sort of look at the countries,
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or provinces like Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island,
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kind of look a lot more like Australia and New Zealand,
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who've done quite well during the pandemic,
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as compared to Ontario and Quebec,
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which kind of look more like the UK,
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or some of the Western European countries that haven't done quite so well.
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Is disease misery an apples-to-apples comparison to COVID response misery?
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Because looking at just Canada and the US, for example, here,
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the US has a disease misery on this index of more than double what Canada's is,
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but it has a COVID response misery level that's a little over half of what Canada's is.
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A lot of people, if they were just looking at death rates, for example,
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would say that those two aren't even in the ballpark,
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but the US is actually scoring a bit better overall than Canada.
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Yeah, and I think that some of that narrative, I think,
00:04:29.500
does come out from early in the pandemic,
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where clearly the US got it wrong and was very slow to respond.
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But certainly what the US has done, at least since then,
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although I think the evidence is suggesting it might be slowing down a little bit,
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but absolutely knocked it out of the park when it comes to vaccines.
00:04:45.340
I mean, they were one of the first countries to approve vaccines.
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They very aggressively rolled out vaccines.
00:04:50.480
And of course, in the US and following the US media, as I do,
00:04:55.280
they're very much looking at a pretty normal summer with restrictions being lifted,
00:05:01.480
case counts dropping day over day, death rates declining.
00:05:05.640
So again, I think that, yeah,
00:05:07.080
it's been a pretty miserable experience for the US for sure.
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But, you know, over the last four or five months,
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they've really have kind of gotten their act together.
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And I think when we look at, you know, the sort of the total of what's occurred,
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you know, the COVID is going to have a longer tail in Canada,
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because we're going to be longer getting people vaccinated
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and certainly getting things back to normal.
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From the get-go, Sweden became somewhat of a political football in this fight.
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It was held up, I think, by both sides as the example,
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in one case of what we need to strive towards,
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and in the other case of what we need to ensure we never replicate.
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And it's interesting that now looking at this more than a year later,
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Sweden actually ranks pretty highly on this,
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just one step below Australia.
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And I find that interesting, because Australia was very well known
00:05:55.540
for how severe a lot of its restrictions were as far as quarantine.
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People were stranded abroad, even if they were Australian citizens,
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whereas Sweden was kind of open season in a lot of ways,
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yet they both look very similar to each other.
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What accounts for that?
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Yeah, I mean, I think, again,
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the disease sort of manifests itself slightly different in different climates
00:06:14.880
in different parts of the world.
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And I think, again, the Swedish situation,
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although I think their response did change over time,
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I think their initial response, obviously,
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was to a bit more of a sort of relaxed attitude, shall we say,
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towards locking down and things like that.
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Over time, they have sort of changed their approach to it,
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and they have become a little bit more conventional
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in terms of what's gone on in other parts of the world.
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I do think that, essentially, I think, particularly the Swedes,
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generally, I think, even though they haven't sort of locked them down,
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they've been able to do things like maintain social distancing,
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mask wearing, things like that,
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all of which, or most of which is voluntary there,
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or a lot of which is voluntary there.
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Again, they just kind of got on with it
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and took the restrictions that were necessary.
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I think in other places, these things had to be mandated by law,
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and that created some different challenges.
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And, of course, there's also,
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even though the legal lockdowns in some places have existed,
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there's been lots of instances of people sort of skirting the rules
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or not quite adhering to them.
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And, of course, the disease doesn't really care
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whether you sort of observe the rules or not.
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It just, if it has an opportunity to transmit itself, it does.
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And, again, so I think that if we could have counted on everybody
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to sort of do the right thing,
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I don't think we would have necessarily had to go into lockdowns
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the way that we did.
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But, again, I think that wasn't, you know,
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I think there's pretty big differences
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from country to country on those issues.
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When we look at the data,
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do they tend to show that you either have
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a really strong disease misery level
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or a really strong economic and response misery level?
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Or have there been some different balances we see there?
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Yeah, I mean, there certainly have, you know,
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there certainly have been some different balances.
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You know, when we look across countries,
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you know, the level of Norway,
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which comes out on top of our list,
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where admittedly the disease count was lower
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than a lot of other countries,
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but not, you know, not radically dissimilar,
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but they had very little economic impact.
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They were able to basically,
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well, they were able to use
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their tremendous sovereign wealth fund
00:08:13.820
to kind of keep things going there.
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And, you know, in other cases,
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you know, we saw, you know, countries where,
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you know, for instance, say here,
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I'm actually in New Zealand.
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We had very few cases,
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but actually the economic fallout
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has been still been pretty large.
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Again, the tourism industry largely shut down here,
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you know, pretty big, you know,
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massive amounts of public borrowing
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to go in place to largely to keep tourism operators
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kind of, well, in position
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or the people who work in them in post
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for an eventual return to tourism.
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So I think in some cases, you know,
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a country, say here, like in New Zealand,
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where we've had a pretty massive,
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you know, economic hit,
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but very little disease.
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It suggests that, you know,
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there are some, you know, imbalances in those things.
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Now, we've certainly seen a lot of discussion in Canada,
00:09:00.620
rightfully so, about the very slow pace
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at which vaccines have been rolled out.
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And of course, the four-month interval
00:09:07.100
between the first dose and the second dose in Canada
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is going to be putting Canada
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at a tremendously, tremendously lagging level
00:09:14.520
when it comes to the rest of the world
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and getting their populations vaccinated.
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How much is a vaccine rollout affecting numbers?
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Because it does seem like in Canada,
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there's actually been,
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I don't know if I would say an uptick in deaths,
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but an uptick in a death metric
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that you use called excess deaths.
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Yep.
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Well, a couple of things about that.
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I mean, number one, I mean,
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I think the vaccines seem to work
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and they seem to be very effective.
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And if you look at,
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I think the UK is the best example of that.
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I mean, that was a country
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that was a complete basket case.
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And now, you know,
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things are very much getting back to normal.
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Yeah, they've got like 5,000 people in nightclubs now.
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Well, exactly.
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And, you know, sending 10,000 to 15,000 people
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to football matches and things like that.
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So again, you know, very much,
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so the vaccines there have,
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you know, and it very much been,
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you know, the path back to normalcy.
00:10:00.200
And certainly that's what we're looking at in the US,
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where you look at the case counts,
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which, you know, day over day are,
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you know, a fraction of what they were a few months ago.
00:10:06.880
So again, I think in that case,
00:10:08.240
you know, the evidence is that the countries
00:10:09.500
that were able to get vaccines to people,
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you know, have been pretty effective.
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Still, you know, jury's still out on what's going to happen,
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whether the sort of the length of your time delay
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between first and second shot
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is going to make a big difference or not.
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You know, so that's what the UK did.
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And that's what a lot of Canadian provinces
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are doing as well.
00:10:26.900
Whereas the US is, you know,
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has opted to try to get second shots into people
00:10:29.860
kind of more, you know,
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a little bit more closely to the, you know,
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to the scientific guidelines,
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which suggests, you know, three to four weeks
00:10:35.620
is the appropriate duration between shots.
00:10:40.040
So, you know, I do think that, you know,
00:10:41.680
that this is something that is going to,
00:10:43.740
you know, that is, that, you know,
00:10:44.800
will have an effect over the longer term.
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And of course, until people get that second shot,
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they haven't got that full level of immunity.
00:10:50.600
So again, they're still at, you know,
00:10:51.780
at an elevated level of risk.
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You know, certainly the evidence suggests
00:10:55.300
the first shot is valuable and useful,
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but, you know, you get better benefit
00:10:59.100
from that second shot.
00:11:00.560
So I think as soon as people can get those,
00:11:02.340
the, you know, kind of the better we are
00:11:03.580
and the better off we are
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and the sooner we'll get back to normal.
00:11:07.020
From a longitudinal perspective,
00:11:08.860
I have to ask you, Professor,
00:11:10.060
I mean, you're an economist.
00:11:11.640
How long do you think a lot of this damage
00:11:13.860
is going to last
00:11:15.260
when we look specifically at the economic response
00:11:17.460
and to some extent,
00:11:18.600
the COVID response misery level?
00:11:21.520
Yeah, I mean, I think that the economic impact
00:11:23.600
is going to be felt for a very long time.
00:11:25.320
I mean, you know, you look at the amount of money
00:11:26.600
that governments have borrowed
00:11:27.940
to kind of get through this
00:11:29.300
and not suggesting it's necessarily
00:11:31.020
the wrong thing to do.
00:11:32.060
I often use the analogy that, you know,
00:11:33.680
the roof blew off my house
00:11:35.180
and I had to go get a payday loan
00:11:36.400
to get it fixed.
00:11:37.660
Well, that would be the right thing to do,
00:11:39.040
but it doesn't change the misery involved with it.
00:11:41.480
I think, you know, governments were quite right
00:11:43.120
to, you know, to go out and spend money
00:11:44.620
to, you know, to keep, you know,
00:11:46.040
to keep people from going back to work
00:11:47.600
and potentially to, you know,
00:11:49.000
to keep businesses that will be viable
00:11:50.580
in the future, you know, still going.
00:11:53.160
But, you know, the amount of money
00:11:54.480
that's being spent here
00:11:55.320
is almost that sort of
00:11:56.420
at a World War II type level.
00:11:57.820
I mean, it really is, you know,
00:11:59.660
a massive amount of expenditure
00:12:01.120
that, you know, in Canada,
00:12:02.640
we look at what, you know,
00:12:03.180
the provincial governments,
00:12:03.960
but then also what the federal government
00:12:05.240
has taken on for debt.
00:12:06.800
And it's going to be, you know,
00:12:07.500
it'll be decades, you know,
00:12:08.760
paying that debt off.
00:12:09.720
And unless there is, you know,
00:12:11.020
a terrific amount of economic growth
00:12:12.440
that, you know, that is sustainable
00:12:13.780
for the future,
00:12:14.440
but I don't think that's as terribly likely.
00:12:17.260
So, you know, I think that, you know,
00:12:18.460
this is something that we're going to be paying off.
00:12:19.880
And, you know, it's likely our kids
00:12:21.000
will be still paying off the, you know,
00:12:22.300
the interest on this one
00:12:23.640
sometime in the future.
00:12:25.540
Yeah.
00:12:25.900
And I'd be interested to see
00:12:27.020
the effect on the tax base.
00:12:29.200
I mean, we know certainly
00:12:30.080
a lot of high income earners
00:12:31.280
who have the flexibility
00:12:32.500
of being able to work from home
00:12:33.900
weren't directly affected
00:12:35.460
in the same way as others.
00:12:36.800
But we know tons of businesses,
00:12:38.620
tens of thousands of businesses
00:12:40.160
in Canada have gone under.
00:12:41.500
We've got some projections
00:12:42.920
from organizations
00:12:43.840
like the Canadian Chamber of Commerce
00:12:45.900
that are suggesting
00:12:46.700
tens of thousands of more of those.
00:12:49.620
The effect that has on employment
00:12:51.080
is pretty straightforward.
00:12:53.080
But to really get a sense
00:12:54.920
of how long we're going to be dealing
00:12:56.800
with those repercussions
00:12:57.920
is not really something
00:12:59.280
we can answer yet, is it?
00:13:00.380
No, I mean, although, you know,
00:13:02.240
it's something that, you know,
00:13:03.120
we do see that, you know,
00:13:03.960
the loss in economic activity
00:13:05.380
and the amount of money borrowed.
00:13:06.620
I mean, you know,
00:13:07.320
we're looking at, you know,
00:13:07.900
federal government taking on levels
00:13:09.240
of debt kind of tenfold larger than,
00:13:11.680
you know, you hear of budget deficits
00:13:14.360
of 30 billion or, you know,
00:13:16.120
25, 30 billion as being,
00:13:17.660
you know, pretty high.
00:13:18.400
And, of course, this year,
00:13:18.960
they're looking at, you know,
00:13:19.600
hundreds of, you know,
00:13:20.340
two or three hundred billion dollars.
00:13:22.000
So, again, you're taking on
00:13:23.060
10 years worth of debt
00:13:24.040
in a single year.
00:13:25.780
You know, it's going to take
00:13:27.200
a long time to pay that off.
00:13:28.640
And, you know, I think even,
00:13:30.360
you know, even the cleverest
00:13:31.380
of economists can't really tell you
00:13:32.720
what the economy is going
00:13:33.740
to be doing 10 years from now.
00:13:35.960
But, you know, certainly,
00:13:37.040
you know, it's quite likely
00:13:39.240
that, you know,
00:13:39.640
there will be some hangover
00:13:41.060
in terms of debt repayment,
00:13:42.840
you know, well beyond
00:13:43.800
the next 10 years.
00:13:44.800
So, you know,
00:13:45.200
it is something that's going to be
00:13:46.160
that part of it is going
00:13:47.280
to be with us for a long time.
00:13:48.640
And again, not to say
00:13:49.740
it wasn't necessarily
00:13:50.380
the right thing to do,
00:13:51.360
but when the next crisis comes
00:13:52.820
and the next crisis will come,
00:13:54.780
you know, it does limit
00:13:55.920
our capacity to, you know,
00:13:57.300
to use fiscal tools
00:13:59.280
to try to, you know,
00:14:00.420
to spend our way out of it.
00:14:01.440
So whether it's a financial crisis
00:14:02.700
or if it's a, you know,
00:14:03.620
climate change induced crisis,
00:14:04.980
there's going to be something
00:14:05.960
that's going to come along
00:14:06.820
where governments
00:14:07.340
are going to need to spend money
00:14:08.700
and it's going to be
00:14:09.240
very difficult to, you know,
00:14:11.280
to pay for that.
00:14:13.480
Well, we've all been
00:14:14.520
living the misery.
00:14:15.580
So quantifying the misery
00:14:16.760
seems like the most productive
00:14:17.940
thing we can do
00:14:18.820
in the midst of all of this.
00:14:20.480
You can check out
00:14:21.100
the COVID Misery Index
00:14:22.560
for yourselves
00:14:23.240
over at mcdonaldlaurier.ca.
00:14:26.040
Health Statistician
00:14:27.160
and Economics Professor
00:14:28.660
Richard Ottis
00:14:29.740
from Memorial University
00:14:31.040
of Newfoundland
00:14:31.780
joins me now
00:14:32.440
from New Zealand.
00:14:33.220
Professor, thanks so much
00:14:34.060
for your work on this
00:14:34.760
and for joining me today.
00:14:36.460
Thanks for having me, Andrew.
00:14:37.140
Really appreciate it.
00:14:38.100
Thanks for listening
00:14:38.680
to The Andrew Lawton Show.
00:14:40.220
Support the program
00:14:40.940
by donating to True North
00:14:42.160
at www.tnc.news.
00:14:50.480
www.tnc.news.com
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