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Juno News
- May 27, 2024
Saskatchewan upholds outdoor gathering limit
Episode Stats
Length
13 minutes
Words per Minute
182.68375
Word Count
2,392
Sentence Count
118
Misogynist Sentences
1
Hate Speech Sentences
2
Summary
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Transcript
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We'll move from this issue to a much more real constitutional matter, and that is the decision
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that came down yesterday from the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal upholding a ban that the government
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had on gatherings outdoors. Now, one of the things that I, this came up the other day,
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there was a gentleman who I've interviewed in the past, Kevin Gaudet, who was fined for not staying
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in a quarantine hotel, and he had shared about this on a thread on X, and I had said when I
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retweeted it or quote tweeted it that how surreal it seemed that this was something we went through,
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that the government was locking people up in quarantine hotels and giving massive, massive
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fines. I said, but it's not surreal. It was very real. Government did it, and they have tried to
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basically forget this, but the legal process moves slowly at times. These things are still working
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their way through the courts, and with the exception of maybe a small handful of cases,
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courts have made absolutely abysmal decisions on this. The one in Saskatchewan, which we'll talk
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about shortly, and also this week in British Columbia, the BC Supreme Court has upheld the
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healthcare workers vaccine mandate, which is pretty much as unscientific at this stage as a gathering
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restriction on outdoor gatherings of more than 10 people. Joining me on the line now is Marty Moore.
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He leads a team of lawyers across Canada funded by the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms,
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and just as a matter of disclosure, I sit on the board for the JCCF, although that has no bearing on
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this interview. Marty, good to talk to you. Thanks so much for coming on today.
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Good to talk to you. Thank you, Andrew.
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So let's start with what the actual decision was in Saskatchewan. I mean, this was a clear-cut
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freedom, freedom, or a constitutional freedoms case, your right to assemble, your right to gather
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outdoors, and the Court of Appeal has still said the justifications that the government held were
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reasonable. That's right, and the word reasonable there is obviously doing a lot of work. The court
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has upheld a lower court decision that found that it was just fine for the government to prohibit people
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from protesting outdoors with any more than 10 people. And if you have a gathering of 10 people
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outdoors, then you call that a protest. You're really stretching already. While simultaneously,
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the government was, in fact, allowing much greater people to gather indoors. And the facts in this case,
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Andrew, were not controversial. This was not a great battle of the experts, if you will.
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Everybody was admitting it's much safer to be outdoors. In fact, there was no evidence whatsoever of a
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single COVID transmission linked to an outdoor protest during the entire period of COVID in
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Saskatchewan. But yet, when it came to restaurants and bars, the public health officer there was
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estimating 30 cases a day from those restaurants and bars. And guess what had the restrictions?
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Outdoor protests did. And in a bar, you could gather, as long as you only have four people at a table,
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you were fine in Saskatchewan. But don't gather with more than 10 people outdoors in a park, regardless of how far
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you are apart. So this is the current decision that's come down. The court says, well, government
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is required deference, and the precautionary principle needs to be respected here as well, Andrew.
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And what is that for people that haven't had to spend their lives immersed in this like you have?
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Well, the precautionary principle is designed to allow for government to make decisions where there's a
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lack of evidence. And there's a high risk of harm if they don't act. Well, here in this case, it's been
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known for decades and decades that respiratory viruses don't transmit outdoors with any significant
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or real risk there. But yes, in the case of COVID, we threw all of our past knowledge out the window
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and claimed that the precautionary principle needs to be used to ban things that the government really,
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you know, had problems with, like an outdoor protest, which, you know, obviously is the only way for
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people to really voice their objections to the government's current policy. Now, the precautionary
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principle was applied, you know, in a bizarre way in Saskatchewan, because as I mentioned, when you could
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gather indoors and much more risky settings where there's lots of case spread happening on a daily
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basis, we don't apply the precautionary principle to that. That's economic activity. But when it comes to
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these pesky protesters outdoors, well, we'll apply rigorously the precautionary principle,
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because one of them could get sick, Andrew, even though we have no evidence that anybody got sick,
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despite mass protests going on during COVID, as we know from the Black Lives Matter protests.
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I haven't read the full decision yet. So I didn't see it there. But I wanted to ask you about it,
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because in some of these decisions in other courts and other similar fact patterns, but different cases,
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judges will hedge by saying, well, based on the information at the time, and they'll kind of give
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government a bit of a weasel way out there by saying, well, it might have been reasonable for
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them to think that this was a reasonable policy. Is that something that was engaged here as well?
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Well, certainly the decision tries to say we can't, you know, second guess decisions made during the
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time. But these were decisions that were months and months in the making. The 10 person limit was
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initially in place during the Black Lives Matter protests. It was never enforced during that time,
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of course. Then it was reimposed in the winter there. That entire time period, we have statements
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from the chief medical health officer in Saskatchewan saying, it's much safer to be outdoors. Please
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gather outdoors and even statements commenting on protests that look, you know, it's a restriction,
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it's guidance, not to gather with more than 10 people, but we totally get people desire to be
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outdoors protesting for Black Lives Matter. That was not applied, of course, when it came down to
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people protesting government restrictions, in which case the weight of the law was brought down with
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full force and a vigor actually unmatched in any other province, more national across the country.
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I have not seen a greater prosecution and zeal to punish those who prosecuted or who protested
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government restrictions than I've seen in Saskatchewan. And those prosecutions are actually going on in
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this day. We've had dozens of cases there in Saskatchewan on that basis, but only those protesters
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against the government, no one that was protesting other issues, Black Lives Matter, Palestinian
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Israel issues, or even LGBTQ matters, all of those things were going on as well. They were all subject
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to the same restrictions, but only one group was targeted. So there's a real rule of a law issue
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here in Saskatchewan as well. There's a part of this that I find particularly insidious. Now,
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I think any restriction on freedom to protest is a very serious thing, but it's especially concerning
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when government puts a policy in place that innately and directly prohibits protest of that policy.
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Because you're basically saying that you should not be allowed to express legally your displeasure
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with the very thing that we're using to prevent you from doing it. Absolutely. And that's why the
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courts are there. That is why under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom, it's a fundamental freedom
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to peacefully assemble and express publicly in this very powerful medium, your opposition to government
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action. And when we see in this case, the courts repeatedly using deference to the government for
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this kind of direct prohibition, it is shocking and it's very much a concern. And to be honest, Andrew,
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the courts in Canada on the issue of COVID restrictions have really failed to earn Canadians trust.
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And when they say, look, and just quoting from the decision itself, it's like, even if the
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differential treatment between unstructured outdoor gatherings and retail settings could not be
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justified on an entirely public health rationale, which is an understatement, the court says, well,
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that's not really determinative of whether it's justified because the government has deference to,
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quote, preserve economic activity and other social benefits. And so in other words, if the government
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chooses to violate your rights and allow economic activity, which is more risky to go forward,
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the courts are right now saying, we're fine to turn a blind eye to that.
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Yeah, I wanted to take a bigger picture look at this. I mentioned in the preamble,
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the BC case this week, and I don't think you were engaged in that case, but I'm sure you followed
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this and other similar ones. And you're right when you say that there's been this overwhelming
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attitude of deference. And I'm really hard pressed to come up with any wins. I mean, obviously the
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federal court did shut down the Emergencies Act, which was a positive, I think, decision emanating from that
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era, but that wasn't actually a COVID restriction or a COVID policy. The Emergencies Act was problematic
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for other reasons. I mean, where have been the wins on anything else COVID related?
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Well, yeah. And I mean, actually we were involved there in the BC cases and with the medical health
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workers. And there is a small win there, of course, we do have an order from the court saying Dr. Henry
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now must reconsider this prohibition of virtual workers. They should be hired back. So there's
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something there to latch on to. But that's the win is that maybe just maybe it's not reasonable to
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force people who work from home to get a vaccine. That's about as low a bar as we get in Canada.
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Right. And we've now found the courts, this is the first time as I'm aware of a court actually being
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willing to essentially say that we've seen some arbiters. Yeah, the Canada Post arbitration said
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something very similar this week. When it comes to COVID restrictions, of course,
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we filed a case in BC against the ban on outdoor protests, the government actually conceded that
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violation. And then in Alberta, we struck down the restrictions on the COVID restrictions on the
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basis, not of the charter, but on the basis that they are illegally issued by Dr. Dina Hinshaw rather
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than what they were in fact, the cabinet regulations. And so when the winds come, they're far and few
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between on the COVID restrictions themselves. Of course, we've had many victories at trial,
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many dropped charges, but on the charter merits themselves. The courts have really let Canadians
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down to this point. The Supreme Court has yet to weigh in. We have seen the Taylor case from New
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Finland recently being granted leave. It's hard to say whether the Supreme Court is going to get to the
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merits of COVID or whether they're going to get to this issue of mootness, where we've seen courts
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refuse to even consider COVID restrictions because, oh, well, that was in the past. So that's a live
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issue in the Taylor case. And maybe the court will get past the mootness issue and get to the merits.
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We're not sure. But it's a possibility that here this protest restriction case from Saskatchewan
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would also be seeking leave from the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court's been rather not too generous
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in granting leave to appeal. But it does, I think, behoove the courts to fight back and actually seek
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to regain Canadians trust because the courts are the ones under the charter through section one that are
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there to defend Canadians' fundamental rights and freedoms. And when they fail to do that,
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they lose Canadians' trust. And I think we've seen that significantly in Canada and a lot more
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discussion of, well, maybe if the courts are losing Canadians' trust, it's going to fall to the
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legislatures to now be the defenders of people's fundamental rights and freedoms. And if the courts
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agree or not, politicians are going to have more latitude to regard or disregard court decisions.
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Yes, I've got a long-standing frustration with mootness, which conveniently allows governments to
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skirt accountability and then do the same thing again elsewhere. And I mean, not being a lawyer,
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but I would point out if the government uses this, that the government at every opportunity talks
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about the need to prepare for the next pandemic. So they clearly are aware of the fact that this could
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replicate itself in some form. So absolutely, having on record the, actually,
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actually, you can't do this would be very important. Although, as we've been discussing,
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in fact, the government may end up having on the record a permission slip.
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Right. And this is where Canadians really need to, obviously, we're going to continue to press these
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matters through the courts, but Canadians can also press their politicians. Well, the current Saskatchewan
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government is the government that put these matters in place. What is that government going to do to
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promise its citizens to say, look, we're not going to be so unscientific and quite frankly, just
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completely ignoring common sense on these issues in the future? What restrictions is the government
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going to put on itself to ensure that itself or a subsequent government will not be violating
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Canadians rights with such impunity? Legislatures are, you know, for example, in Alberta are making
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some changes in that regard. Public health acts need to be changed. This idea that the government can,
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based simply on a potential line of reasoning, however, torture to restrict your fundamental
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rights and freedoms, well, why should we allow that? We can obviously press this through the
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courts. I think legislatures have a job to do on this as well. Marty Moore, always good to get your
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legal analysis and chat with you in general. Thank you for coming on, sir. We'll see you soon.
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Thanks for having me. Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show. Support the program by
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donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
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