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- March 29, 2022
Should the Conservatives embrace populism?
Episode Stats
Length
45 minutes
Words per Minute
202.97491
Word Count
9,220
Sentence Count
324
Misogynist Sentences
2
Hate Speech Sentences
6
Summary
Summaries are generated with
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.
Transcript
Transcript is generated with
Whisper
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).
Misogyny classification is done with
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.
Hate speech classification is done with
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.
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The Conservative Party of Canada is at a crossroads. Will the party embrace populism and
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capitalize on the broad frustrations that many Canadians have with the Trudeau government,
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or will they go down the safe establishment path and formula of presenting themselves as a more
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disciplined and more moderate version of the Liberal Party of Canada? I'm Candice Malcolm
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and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning in. So there's a couple of things that we know
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and that is that Canadians are feeling the effects of a big government led by the Liberal
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Party and Justin Trudeau. They always think that they know best. This style of government
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includes the astronomical debt that Trudeau has raked up, a bureaucratic busybody is constantly
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getting in the way of jobs and growth, a growing nanny state where the government restricts our
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rights and freedoms at every turn, and all the while it seems like Justin Trudeau is never really
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held accountable. He always finds a way to get away and give himself more power, whether
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it's through backroom deals like the one we saw with Jagmeet Singh, or just utilizing the
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various tools of government to get away with his various scandals. So many Canadians are left
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wondering what is the alternative? Could there be an opportunity here for the Conservative Party
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of Canada? Do Conservatives embrace populism? Or do they look down their noses at it like so
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many in the establishment class do? Well, my guest today on The Candice Malcolm Show is
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Ben Woodfindan. Ben is a writer and contributor to The National Post. And to Hub, The Hub, his recent article,
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he argues that it's time for the Conservatives to embrace populism. Ben is also working on a PhD over
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at McGill University. And it is great to have you on the program, Ben. Thank you so much for joining us.
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Good to be with you. So I've never had you on the show before, but I have been reading and enjoying
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your work in various publications for a long time. So why don't you tell us a little bit about yourself
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and how you got involved in sort of public policy and writing in various newspapers?
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Sure. So yeah, so as you said, so I'm finishing a PhD right now at McGill. Doing a PhD is kind of,
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I won't bore your listeners with the details, but basically on executive power in the Westminster
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system is the really boring version of it. So I do that, you know, it's kind of like my day job,
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so to speak. But I do a fair bit of, I never leave, I never really know what to describe myself as
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exactly. I do some writing commentary on the side. I write pretty regularly placed like the National
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Post. And what's, what's, people always assume I kind of have a kind of a hyper-partisan background.
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And I really don't, I've actually never fully worked for the Conservative Party or anything like
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that. I kind of see my role in, in the kind of the movement more broadly in that kind of more
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small C sense. You know, I don't hide my political leanings. You know, people in the academic world
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certainly are aware of my political leanings, unfortunately sometimes. But I, yeah, I kind of
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see myself as a kind of, a kind of small C voice that tries to kind of, you know, offer nudges and
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problems and kind of the way the part on directions I think the party should take.
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You know, I don't really, I don't really know if there's a kind of, I would just call myself a
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conservative. I don't know if there's a kind of type of conservative I would necessarily kind of
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frame myself as. I do, I do kind of, you know, some of the, some of the kind of broader shifts we've
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seen in the last couple of years, you know, not just in Canada, but you know, in the US and UK,
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towards a kind of more, what I like to call kind of like a blue collar conservatism. I think I'm
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very kind of sympathetic towards that. And I kind of think that's, I think that's happening,
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whether people like it or not, that's the direction it's going anyway. But I also think that's,
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it's a good thing that we're going in that direction and kind of some of the work conservatives
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need to be doing over the next few years is kind of figuring out how to kind of,
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how to put meat, meat on those bones and how to kind of really flesh and kind of good,
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good policy ideas and kind of a good, a good substantive agenda around that kind of shift as
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well. Well, it's interesting to hear you talk about the need to sort of embrace working class
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values and populism. I don't really expect that talking to an academic from McGill University.
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So I do wonder what, what brought you towards conservatism? You know, it's sort of rare,
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like you mentioned in academia and in, in just sort of, you know, elite establishments,
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like the one that you work at. So I'm just curious as to like, you were reluctant to say
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what kind of conservative you are, but what, what, what brought you to this tradition of conservatism?
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Oh, good question. You know, I was, I was a, so I, so I grew up, I was born in the UK,
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and I grew up in the UK and we moved, my family moved to Canada when I was about 15.
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It's moving, you know, moving, moving countries when you're 15 is, it's not an easy time necessarily
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to move. So I had a kind of strange high school experience when I was here. And I basically,
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you know, I wasn't, I wouldn't call myself kind of, I wasn't interested in politics or
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anything like that when I was young. You know, I basically just kind of had more time on my
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hands and doing a bit more reading, a bit more thinking when I was, when we moved here. And I just
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kind of, I kind of, of course I would say this, you know, as someone doing a PhD,
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I basically just kind of read my way into it. You know, I did, I did the kind of very,
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the very unique, maybe strange thing of that. I became, I grew up in a fairly non-religious
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family and I, I decided, I became a Catholic. I converted when I was about, I was about 21,
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when I was an undergrad. So there was definitely, and some of that was definitely, you know,
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well, it wasn't a political move, but it was definitely broader, you know, I'm fairly
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traditionalist in many ways. And so there's definitely, you know, that's definitely something going on there.
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In terms of my kind of political evolution, I think, so like I said, I grew up in the UK.
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And I think prior to that, my politics were kind of quite, I was, you know, I was always kind of
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conservative, but I was never, I was never super comfortable with maybe some of the more like free
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market-y kind of conservatism. But I kind of just went, you know, I kind of, I didn't really think
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about there being other ways to think about conservatism until Brexit. And Brexit really
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kind of changed, but really opened my eyes to certain things. So the kinds of, you know, I come
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from a fairly working class background in the UK. So, so much of the kind of the discourse,
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the kind of discussion around Brexit that, you know, before and then after, after the referendum,
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certain things really change, some things really changed for me and sort of opened my eyes.
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And the kind of, I guess if there's one kind of broad, broad thing that I changed my mind on that
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really does shape my politics now, it's the kind of the way that the way that, you know, the traditional
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defenders of the working class, people on the left, the way that they now think about politics and the
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way that they now think about defending the interest of working class people. It's just,
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just totally divorced from the real lives of these people. You know, I, I sometimes get
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fairly or unfairly, I think fairly kind of labeled as kind of a pro union conservative.
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And I always like to clarify to people that I'm very pro kind of labor unions and
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actual like trade unions. But I'm not particularly pro public sector unions, which are a totally different
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animal, just in terms of the incentives that motivate them, the kinds of people that are actually
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members of the other, if you're in a, you know, a public sector union, you're basically a member of
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like the professional class, right. And so I think like, like the Labour Party in the UK now, it's still,
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you know, a union party, but it's dominated by like public sector unions. So the kind of labor
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politics that they're into now is very much that kind of like, professional managerial kind of urban
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London based kind of politics. And also, you know, while all these kind of bigger shifts were going
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on around Brexit and stuff like that, it just kind of so many of these doors, so many new things just
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kind of became clear to me that I don't, I don't want to say that I kind of found my own consciousness.
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That's a, I really like that kind of language, but I think kind of over these last couple of years,
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I've kind of come into my own kind of sense of, you know, where I'm from, how it, how it fits into
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the world. And, you know, so when I say I'm sympathetic, it's kind of like blue collar
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conservative shifts, you know, as partially kind of like, self motivated, that's kind of
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broadly speaking, how I kind of see my background and see where I'm from. So,
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yeah, and, you know, there's a, some of this is economic stuff, some of this obviously overlaps with
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like, deeper kind of cultural questions, questions about respect and dignity for people.
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But yeah, I think so I, yeah, it's a long way of kind of explaining how I got here. But
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if there was a single kind of catalyst from that kind of shift in politics, it was probably
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Brexit and what happened in the years following that.
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It's so interesting. I could, I could do a whole show and I probably should one day on
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the number of conservatives that I know have, who have converted to Catholicism, just personally,
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either from, from like an atheist background, or, you know, maybe just like a Anglican Christian
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sort of background, where they, they've sort of feel the need to go towards something even more
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traditional and more steeped in the, in the actual teachings of the Bible and not just
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sort of the latest politics around them all. But we'll save that for another day. It's interesting
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that you mentioned that the distinction between public sector unions and private sector unions,
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because I feel like this is a conflict for the NDP. I mean, we saw the big merger or the agreement
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into the coalition of the pack between Trudeau and NDP leader Jagmeet Singh. And, you know,
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right in their priorities, it talked about unions. But you could tell that they were talking about
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public sector unions, because they're talking about sick days and perks, like it wasn't,
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it wasn't so much, we're going to fight for the interest of the working man. It was more like,
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we're going to fight for the entitlements of the government class and the manager class. And
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it's a good segue because I know you wrote this great essay over in The Hub, where you talked about
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how Pierre Polyev or whoever is going to lead the next conservative party. There's a sort of winning
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strategy baked into a speech that Pierre Polyev gave about the elite gatekeepers. And so I'm hoping
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you can sort of expand on that a little bit. What do you mean by elite gatekeepers? Or what did Pierre
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Polyev mean by them? And how is this a winning strategy for conservatives? Sure. So yes, when I read
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that essay, I had in mind, so Polyev gave a speech on the floor of the House of Commons sometime,
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I think, I think it was last spring, I'll have to go look, but he called the speech the gatekeepers.
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And, you know, Polyev has this kind of, he has a sort of kind of, he has a very distinct kind of
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style, right? He's kind of mastered his own, his own approach. It was a very kind of Polyev-ish
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speech where he, he went after basically, you know, he starts going after kind of NIMBYs that basically
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blocked an expansion of Billy Bishop to the airport downtown Toronto. And he basically uses it to show
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basically how kind of all sorts of different, these elite, elite gatekeepers are basically kind of,
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you know, holding back ordinary Canadians. And it's not, you know, the, it's a perfect,
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it's a very kind of, in many ways, it's a very kind of, it's not a very dangerous or like dark speech,
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I think like, you know, everyone, some people, you know, they hear the word, the word populism,
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they think, you know, this kind of evil, scary, you know, demonizing rhetoric. But the kind of
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populism he was kind of channeling there, I think is a very kind of healthy, healthy populism. And his
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argument is, you know, he's making essentially kind of an economic argument, right? You have these
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ordinary Canadians, who are being held back by these various kind of bureaucratic, not always
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bureaucratic, you know, whether it's kind of big corporate interests, or big government interests,
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or like, well, the wedding of the two, which happens so often. It's how these kinds of people
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are, you know, preventing, he looks at things like, like housing is the most obvious one.
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And I think, and so my arguments in the piece, but there's, there's some real potential for this
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kind of message, for him to build a kind of, for him to kind of simultaneously kind of be,
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be authentically himself, he doesn't have to pretend to be something he isn't, which,
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you know, I think that was the, as I said in the essay, that if there was one lesson to take from,
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from Aaron O'Toole's leadership, it's that you can't run, you know, you can, you can try that
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pivot, you know, that run is one thing for leader and then try and pivot towards something else.
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It's unlikely to work, right, because you kind of stuck caught between a rock and a hard place
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once you do. O'Toole did this, O'Toole was still kind of, you know, during the election was still
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attacked, as being kind of like, far right, which is, you know, farcical to think about, but
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he simultaneously, some of those attacks would stick precisely because, you know, there were
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clips of him that they could use to try and, that the liberals could use to try and make him
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out to be one thing, but then precisely because he wasn't like that, and then precisely because
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he pivoted to this completely, you know, to a complete 180, O'Toole, you know, he, he lost,
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he basically lost trust with, with the base, right, with, with the people that elected him.
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And so he had, and so he had what was, you could basically describe as an authenticity problem
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by the end of it. If Polly was to run on this kind of thing, I don't think he has that problem
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precisely because he can, I think this kind of message is appealing to enough of the kind of
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conservative base that will still, you know, resonate with the base. But where I really think
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there's kind of potential for this kind of message is it really has growth potential beyond just kind of
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traditional, traditional Tory voters. One thing that I don't want to tease it too much in here,
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I'm working on another piece right now that I'm hoping to expand on this point a bit. But the kinds
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of, so the, if, if, if he goes for this kind of this anti gatekeepers coalition, I'm kind of suggesting
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he should, you know, it's in some sense, it's a, it's a populist movement, a populist coalition. But the
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people I think he should target aren't necessarily what you might think of as kind of the traditional,
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populist voters, right? You know, when we think about places like the UK and the US,
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you know, we're thinking about kind of like Rust Belt, you know, maybe rural, like older
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people, that these are the kind of prime populist voters. And I'm actually not so sure that that's
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the people he should be targeting with this message so much. I think the kind of people that will be
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most open to what he's saying are quite likely to be younger Canadians, it's quite likely to be a fairly
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kind of diverse, like ethnically quite a diverse set of people. I'm thinking kind of like the
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four nation kind of coalition. These are the good, like, these are people, you know, they're,
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they're younger.
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You know, they're struggling, you know, the cost of living is kind of, you know,
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threatening to swamp them. They can't afford, they can't buy a house, they've been priced out
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of the housing market. You know, they get told by, by boomers that, you know, kind of wealthy to do
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boomers that, you know, if you can't afford gas on your car, just go, oh, just, just, just buy an
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electric vehicle as if it's that easy. These, so these are the kind of people I think Polio could
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really resonate with. And so it's not necessarily, it's a kind of, it's a fairly, you might want to
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call it like an unorthodox coalition. But I think it's one that has real potential, kind of real
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formidable electoral potential for him. And one that, especially when you think about some of these
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voters live, places like the GTA and the 905, if he could find a way to successfully kind of
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mobilize his coalition, it could, it could propel him to government, you know, a big kind of resounding
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government. So, you know, it's not, it's, it would be easier, it's going to be, if, if Polio wins,
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he's going to get painted as, you know, the next Trump, the next Johnson. And so many of these
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comparisons are so silly when they're made by, you know, like media and people like that. But
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in many ways, I think if, when people, if people try and do that to him, they're really going to
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kind of miss the, miss what's going on. They might be quite shocked. You know, they might wake up in
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2025, whenever the next election is going to be now, and discover that kind of a coalition of
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people that they really weren't expecting might propel them to victory.
00:16:12.660
One of the interesting things that came out of the trucker convoy, I saw a poll
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that showed that the people who were the most sympathetic to the cause of the truckers were
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young Canadians, people under the age of 30, which, which, which seems a little counterintuitive.
00:16:27.700
But I think that the way that you draw out that, that sort of coalition of people who,
00:16:32.020
I mean, if you think about the last two years, and what we've lost, you know, it's, it's hard for
00:16:36.420
all of us. But I think that the people that were hit the hardest are those who are in school,
00:16:40.980
who are young, who are out there, you know, looking to live a life and get experiences and
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make friends and date and all this kind of stuff. And so much of that was restricted that I don't
00:16:51.060
think we've really properly calibrated just how much anger and resentment there is among
00:16:56.980
that group of people. I want to chat a little bit more about this aspect that you're talking about
00:17:01.460
with Aaron O'Toole and the authenticity issue. I completely agree with your analysis. And I think
00:17:07.540
that that was certainly one of his many, many problems. It seems like this sort of tried and
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true strategy for conservatives is to appeal to the base that, you know, provide the red meat during the
00:17:21.860
selection period where they're picking a new leader, and then sort of moderate and appeal more to centrist
00:17:27.140
voters during the general election. It didn't work for Andrew Scheer, it didn't work for Aaron O'Toole.
00:17:32.420
Do you think conservatives will learn this lesson? Do you think that they will select a leader
00:17:39.060
based on this? Or do you think that they're doomed to continue to make this mistake?
00:17:43.300
I think they're going to, I don't know if they're going to learn all the right lessons,
00:17:48.500
but I think, you know, I would, you know, it's still, you know, we're recording this in March. So,
00:17:53.620
you know, who knows what's going to happen in the next six months. But I still think this race is very
00:17:58.340
much polly ads to lose, I'd still be quite surprised if anyone else wins. I do have to,
00:18:03.540
I, you know, it's, it is quite, it's, it's quite funny watching some of the new kind of the race from
00:18:10.260
non-conservatives. The people who they think, you know, there's, there's, there's nothing more,
00:18:17.860
I mean, I find amusing, but also quite frustrating to get kind of, you know, this is who the conservative
00:18:21.940
should, should pick from people that are never, ever, ever going to vote conservative, right?
00:18:27.060
And I always think it's kind of like, it's the kind of, it's atheists giving advice to the church,
00:18:31.620
right? Like, well, I'm never ever, you know, I don't believe in God, and I'm never, ever,
00:18:34.420
ever going to go to church. But if only the Catholic church would become a bit more liberal
00:18:38.260
on all these things. Well, you know, I'd never become Catholic, but maybe I would just, you know,
00:18:42.340
maybe I respect the church a bit more. And so much of that advice feels like that to me,
00:18:46.580
you're getting, it doesn't mean you shouldn't, it just doesn't mean the conservative should only
00:18:50.420
listen to, to, to conservatives. I'm not saying they shouldn't take outside advice,
00:18:56.420
but they should be very careful in some senses, who they take that advice from.
00:19:01.140
People that, you know, people that want a conservative party, lots of these people that
00:19:04.900
want the kind of, you know, the kind of liberal light candidate, they might, you know, they, they think
00:19:09.700
that that is the kind of, you know, they'll frame their arguments as like, this is what the
00:19:14.260
conservatives need to do to win. But what they really mean is, this is what the conservatives
00:19:18.260
need to do so that they can be an opposition that I like a bit more, right. And I, I think they have
00:19:24.340
to avoid that kind of, be very wary of that kind of advice. And I do, I do think this time around,
00:19:30.500
I get the sense that the base in general is quite sick of, is quite wary of that, they're quite sick of
00:19:36.100
that. Where I do think the conservatives need to learn, where I think they need to do some real
00:19:42.660
thinking, where I think they need to kind of, you know, do some serious kind of work and thinking
00:19:48.260
for themselves is, you know, we try, we treat, which we treat, which, you know, we treat, we treat
00:19:55.860
people in different parts of the country as kind of the same. If you're in Alberta, you must be this
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way. If you're a Quebec, you must be this way. If you're rural, you must be this way. If you're urban,
00:20:03.780
you must be this way. And I don't think I think it's such a kind of simplistic way of looking at it.
00:20:09.460
But one of the things I kind of think the conservatives would benefit, could do well,
00:20:16.020
would benefit from, and something where I think Polyev especially has potential to resonate,
00:20:21.940
is think about the kinds of people that, that live in these kind of suburban writings in Toronto,
00:20:27.700
where, like realistically, they're going to have to do have some breakthroughs if they're ever going
00:20:30.900
to form government again. You know, there's, the suburbs of Toronto are the most kind of diverse
00:20:37.140
place probably, maybe one of the most diverse places in the world. And I don't just mean in
00:20:41.300
terms of kind of like different immigrant communities, I mean, in terms of kind of in terms
00:20:44.500
of like, like class background as well, right? The idea that there's a single kind of suburban voter
00:20:51.300
is silly, right? There are rich suburban people, there are poor suburban people, there are younger
00:20:54.980
suburban people, there are older suburban people. And the idea that all these people will have the exact
00:20:59.780
same kind of like, there's a, there's a, there's a way to kind of please all those people as if they
00:21:03.780
have kind of the same priorities and preferences. It's kind of, you know, it's never going to happen.
00:21:09.940
And the conservatives are never, you know, the, too often, it feels like conservatives, they either,
00:21:16.260
they either don't want to expand the base at all, or they want to be liked by everyone.
00:21:21.140
They don't need to be liked by everyone, right? You're never going to please everyone. So what I think
00:21:26.340
they need to do is be looking at the kinds of people I'm talking about, this kind of younger,
00:21:33.300
more millennial, not entirely millennial, but more millennial, younger group of people that,
00:21:40.580
you know, live in places like the GTA, figure out the kinds of things that motivate those kind of
00:21:45.380
kinds of voters and tap into that. And I think what people will be shocked to learn is that, you know,
00:21:51.700
people might kind of, if, whenever I go to places like, I was in, I was in Toronto a couple weeks
00:21:58.020
ago, and I was in a place called, I was in Vaughn, so like Northern, Northern GTA. And something that
00:22:03.060
amazes me when you live somewhere like that, you know, I live in, so I live in Ottawa, and I live in
00:22:08.180
a fairly, I live downtown Ottawa, so I live in a fairly kind of bougie, urban kind of area. And I can,
00:22:14.340
I can walk basically most, I can walk to the grocery store, I can walk to the gym.
00:22:18.580
So I have a car, but I don't use all that much. If you live somewhere like Vaughn,
00:22:23.220
you drive everywhere, right? That's just kind of how those places are built.
00:22:28.180
So if you're going to appeal to people like that, it's funny how as much as kind of urban
00:22:31.940
trendy people think that, you know, suburbs are full of people like them. In many ways, like,
00:22:38.180
people that live in kind of car, car, car oriented suburbs, places like that,
00:22:43.860
they are, they live different lives to kind of urban, urban people, urban progressives,
00:22:49.540
especially, right? And I think conservatives, if they actually tried to kind of figure out
00:22:55.300
a message that can resonate specifically with those kinds of people, I don't actually think that,
00:23:00.500
I don't actually think that should be that difficult. I think kind of conservative,
00:23:03.380
small C conservative values should appeal to those people quite easily. It's just a matter of kind of
00:23:08.340
selling that, getting through to those people and actually selling them that.
00:23:12.100
Well, and getting in front of the message so that you're presenting yourself to the Canadian public
00:23:16.180
and not letting the liberals define you. And, you know, it's interesting because the type of
00:23:21.220
coalition that you talked about, you look back at the 2011 electoral map and you'll see that Stephen
00:23:26.980
Harper, like the GTA is all blue. It's really remarkable how many of those seats went to the
00:23:34.020
conservatives in 2011. So I know so many people say, look, the Harper coalition's dead,
00:23:40.820
and you can't rerun on something that you used a decade ago, but you're clearly channeling something
00:23:46.980
that was in that platform. The idea of, you know, simplistic policies that appeal and actually help
00:23:53.700
people in those parts of the country, I think is great advice. Ben, I want to sort of switch gears
00:23:59.300
here because you mentioned that you're doing your PhD and you're studying the Westminster system of
00:24:04.020
government. I get so many people emailing me and messaging me asking how it's possible for the type
00:24:10.900
of sort of power grab or solidification coalition, whatever you want to call it, that we saw between
00:24:17.220
the NDP and the Trudeau liberals. People ask, you know, isn't our system set up to sort of protect
00:24:23.860
against these post-election jockeying of coalitions? But you're sort of the expert on this topic. So
00:24:31.380
I want to get your thoughts on that and maybe just more broadly, what do you think is a good strategy,
00:24:36.420
what Trudeau and Singh have done here?
00:24:38.900
Yeah, yeah, I'm going to be the kind of the pet end here that kind of pleases no one with an answer.
00:24:44.580
But yeah, like, you know, there's so much of the kind of silly online discussion over this is,
00:24:51.220
you know, someone's calling it a coalition and then, you know, the Aaron worries of the world
00:24:55.380
saying, well, that's not, that's not the correct word. And then that kind of like back and forth over
00:24:59.620
terms. You know, I think this is probably very, if, you know, the conservatives, you know, will be
00:25:05.780
are publicly, as they should criticising the agreement, you know, that, you know, they probably
00:25:10.820
stand to benefit from this agreement in a couple years, given just given, you know, who they can
00:25:15.300
now run against. Technically, what's so what's what's actually being what's been agreed here is
00:25:22.340
what's called a confidence and supply agreement, which is a fairly kind of common practice in
00:25:26.900
Westminster systems. There's nothing technically kind of so both parties have signed agreed to this
00:25:33.940
confidence and supply agreement. It's not formal legislation or anything like that. So, you know,
00:25:40.260
if one of the parties chooses to break it, they're not breaking the law or anything like that. And
00:25:44.420
there's no legislation doesn't have to be repealed to remove it. So it's more of a kind of a gentleman
00:25:50.340
agreement that they'll both promise to keep. But it could be that the NDP could withdraw support at
00:25:56.260
any time if they wanted to. And more likely, the liberals could, you know, if they see an opportunity,
00:26:01.860
they could just break the agreement that happened a couple of years ago in British Columbia when the
00:26:08.020
the NDP, the the then the then minority NDP government that was backed by the Greens,
00:26:14.020
but had basically all of these agreements with with the Green Party and just basically,
00:26:19.860
I might be getting some of the details on this slightly wrong, but that they basically, you know,
00:26:23.700
broke the agreement, kind of betrayed the Greens almost, and then they won a majority. So,
00:26:28.180
you know, this doesn't guarantee that the government lasts till 2025. But I have to say,
00:26:37.060
the people I'm most surprised, but the move makes sense for the liberals because it, you know,
00:26:41.860
it basically just gives them a close to a free hand as they're going to get in this parliament,
00:26:45.940
right? It allows them to minimize, to avoid scrutiny. The place to really watch where this,
00:26:51.220
how this is going to shake out is going to be in the committees.
00:26:53.380
So if you go and read the actual agreement that they published publicly, they have a,
00:27:00.740
they have a mention of the, how this is going to work in terms of committee work. And there's some
00:27:06.180
very kind of vague language in there about both parties will agree to not have any kind of unnecessary
00:27:11.940
obstructions in committees. But, you know, the liberals are not going to get track record of
00:27:16.820
respect to committee work. So, you know, they'll probably just use this as an excuse to kind of
00:27:22.100
sideswipe any kind of like serious scrutiny in committees, which, which worries me a bit.
00:27:28.740
But in terms of what the NDP gained from this, I just don't, you know, technically they'll gain some,
00:27:34.420
some of their policy priorities, you know, pharma care, dental care, all this kind of stuff.
00:27:39.380
But, you know, there's nothing to actually force the liberals to do this.
00:27:41.860
And, you know, if I was betting, I don't think we'll actually have, you know, dental care or
00:27:46.740
pharma care two years from now, just based on how the liberal government tends to operate,
00:27:50.900
we'll have some sort of, you know, promise to have it down the road, like a white paper or something.
00:27:58.100
But the NDP of the party that I just don't understand, you know, that the traditional,
00:28:02.420
the traditional kind of self understanding of the NDP has been, you know, the conscience of parliament.
00:28:07.060
So, you know, whether you, you know, I'm not a member of the NDP, but, you know, they were
00:28:12.340
traditionally thought to themselves as kind of the principled conscience in parliament that held
00:28:16.500
the government to account.
00:28:18.660
You know, this is just kind of the betrayal of that almost, right?
00:28:23.700
You know, Singh, I don't know if Singh, I confess, I think Singh is kind of a,
00:28:28.500
quite far from the, his politics seem quite different from the politics that, you know,
00:28:34.100
used to define that party 30, 40 years ago, if you ask me.
00:28:38.260
He seems more interested in kind of being, you know, you know, more interested in being
00:28:43.540
recognized by people like AOC in the US and kind of, you know, playing, playing, playing
00:28:49.780
online games and stuff with American progressives than he actually seems in kind of defending the
00:28:54.740
interest of kind of working class Canadians.
00:28:57.540
So again, I think there's a real, you know, traditionally the conservatives have done well when,
00:29:02.420
when the, when the NDP are stronger, right?
00:29:05.300
When it splits the kind of left-wing vote.
00:29:07.940
I kind of think there's an opportunity, there might be an opportunity here for the conservatives
00:29:11.140
to really try and go after some of those kind of working class votes that, that might feel kind
00:29:17.700
of increasingly kind of adrift and betrayed by the modern NDP, right?
00:29:21.620
It's kind of this working class party that's more of a kind of urban progressive public sector
00:29:26.740
union party.
00:29:27.380
Now there's opportunities for the conservatives there.
00:29:30.740
I think if they, if they're smart, that they can exploit.
00:29:33.860
And just, just one more quick thing before I, just to go back to something for a second.
00:29:39.220
I think the, so there's something to this, this idea that, you know, you,
00:29:44.980
the Harper coalition, the Harper, the Harper recipe can't just be redone, right?
00:29:48.980
At times of change.
00:29:49.540
And I think that's definitely true.
00:29:51.540
My point about kind of say, thinking about the suburbs themselves, very diverse places in all sorts of
00:29:56.420
ways is that you could still rebuild that kind of Harper coalition, so to speak, in terms of kind
00:30:01.700
of the seats that you're winning.
00:30:03.940
But you might be able to, I think the kind of the path for the conservatives to do that,
00:30:07.540
especially under someone like Polyev, it might be with different people, right?
00:30:13.140
It doesn't, you can win those ridings and win them in very different ways.
00:30:16.820
And that's, that's so instead of thinking of kind of a book, because if I had a, if I have a criticism
00:30:22.500
of maybe someone like Scheer, Scheer's, Scheer's the 20, was it in the 2019 election?
00:30:29.780
That really did feel like a kind of rehash of Harperism, right?
00:30:33.540
Didn't really feel like it had been kind of much new thinking or fresh ideas plugged in there.
00:30:39.540
What's you, I think you can still kind of keep the broad kind of template for where you need to win
00:30:44.820
and then infuse it with kind of new ideas, new, new efforts to reach different people,
00:30:49.860
people that might not have been persuadable, reachable 10, 15 years ago, that, you know,
00:30:55.140
the world's changed a lot in the last 10 years, five years, less than 10 years, right?
00:30:59.380
So, yeah, I think that to bring it back to the, the question of the NDP and liberal agreement,
00:31:09.060
no, it's, I think there's some, I think if the conservatives play their hand right here,
00:31:13.700
there might be some real opportunities for them. But they, but, you know, it requires
00:31:17.940
them playing their hand right to do that. So we'll see.
00:31:20.420
Yeah, I tend to agree with you that the pact or the agreement is a good thing for the conservatives
00:31:26.900
in a number of ways. It also gives them more time because I knew during the 2021 election,
00:31:31.540
Justin Trudeau said that in minority governments only tend to last 18 months or so. And so there was
00:31:36.900
sort of this imperative, okay, we need to be ready for the next election. It could happen as soon
00:31:41.380
as late 2022. Well, this sort of says, okay, we can, conservatives, you can take your time in
00:31:47.380
selecting the right leader, giving that leader time to sort of set the stage with, with your agenda.
00:31:52.660
Just final question for you, because I don't mean to pick on Aaron O'Toole. I think he had a tough
00:31:57.700
job that, that he was tasked with. One of the things early on he said was that he really did want to
00:32:03.780
appeal to those working class voters and that he wanted that to be like, I remember in an early
00:32:09.220
interview, he was asked if, what, what do you thought about the comparisons with him to Trump?
00:32:13.780
Because obviously, like you said, they're kind of lazy, but they're always going to come for any
00:32:17.780
conservative leader. And, and, and he, he didn't like, he didn't push that away. He actually said,
00:32:23.380
look, there's a lot of things that Trump did that I want to replicate, something along those lines.
00:32:29.220
Whereas with his, with his, the way that he ran and his policies and his set of priorities,
00:32:35.540
I didn't see much that, that really did appeal to, to the working class. So I, I'm wondering if you
00:32:40.660
could provide some like suggestions in terms of ideas, policies, uh, things that conservatives can
00:32:47.700
do or say to, uh, attract and keep more, um, of these people that are disaffected by Jagmeet Singh and
00:32:55.700
the NDP who don't feel like they have a home in the modern, I don't, I don't even know, just as
00:33:00.740
as, I don't know if the NDP is really going to survive. I mean, at this point, it seems like so
00:33:05.060
many of the priorities that they have are mirrored with the liberals. It seems almost redundant to
00:33:08.980
have two parties. Now I see this as an outsider, so I don't, I don't know if there's, you know, I,
00:33:14.100
I, I'm not speaking as an NDP member or voter, I've never been part of that party, but I can't
00:33:19.060
imagine really what, what, what the purpose of having to, but yeah, if you, if you could, uh, maybe
00:33:24.100
comment on the future of the NDP and then also comment on what you think conservatives can do to capture this
00:33:28.580
voting block. Yeah. Um, yeah, sure. Um, yeah, I, I agree. I don't, I don't, um, you know, I'm not,
00:33:34.180
like I said, I'm not a member of the NDP. I, I don't understand what they're kind of the reason for
00:33:38.980
their existence anymore. Um, um, sooner or later, you would think that that's, uh, you know, things
00:33:45.620
that cannot go on forever don't go on forever. And so I won't suspect sooner or later that, um,
00:33:51.940
that will, something will, something will happen there with them that will force them to kind of
00:33:55.300
figure out who they are. Um, I don't think it's true that they don't have a constituency anymore.
00:34:00.500
I think they do. The problem is that constituency is just not, um, you know, the, the NDP are more
00:34:05.540
than anything else now a kind of party of kind of very urban, very progressive, um, you know, culturally
00:34:12.420
very radical, uh, people, right. And there, you know, there's, there's, there's a constituency for
00:34:16.660
that in certain places. Um, those are the kinds of people I think that the NDP that dominate kind of,
00:34:22.820
you know, how the NDP think, um, and you know, who tends to vote for them now. Um,
00:34:28.340
so I suspect they can survive as kind of a kind of whatever, whatever you want to call that kind
00:34:32.980
of party now. Um, but like you say, you know, what, in many ways that makes them not all that
00:34:37.620
different from the kind of modern liberal party, um, in terms of kind of how I think the conservatives
00:34:42.580
can kind of, you know, capitalize on some of this. Um, I think there's a couple of things. So I,
00:34:47.220
you know, I'll, I'll, I'll put in a word, a defense here for, for Aaron Atul for a second.
00:34:51.220
Um, I think some of the moves he made, especially early on, uh, in his, uh, so just after he got
00:34:56.500
elected, um, um, were, were in those kinds of directions we're talking about here. And I think
00:35:02.180
they were good. Um, I think the problem with the tool was that by the end of it, he tried,
00:35:06.740
um, he tried to put on so many different masks and faces and costumes to see if any of them would
00:35:11.700
stick. Right. Um, cause he tried that one. He tried a couple of other ones. Um, I think he,
00:35:17.460
yeah, that, again, it goes back to that kind of authenticity problem. Uh, but I do think he was
00:35:21.220
onto something with that. Um, and I would, you know, I would, and I would still, um, you know,
00:35:25.700
when the, during the election, I wrote pretty, I wrote a, uh, positively about, um, the conservative
00:35:31.540
party's platform they put out. Um, you know, I didn't like everything in it and there was plenty
00:35:35.700
of stuff I would have changed with it. Um, but I thought, I actually thought there was some quite,
00:35:39.300
there was an attempt to do some kind of original, um, new stuff in that platform. Um, especially
00:35:46.020
around kind of working class, uh, labor stuff. Um, some of the stuff that they championed around,
00:35:52.020
um, uh, some of the stuff to do with, uh, uh, you, some of the stuff around unions, not all of it,
00:35:58.500
some of the stuff around unions, I think was quite interesting. Um, certainly wouldn't have pleased
00:36:02.260
everyone in the party. Um, he didn't, um, but I think there was stuff to work with there. Um,
00:36:07.940
one place where I think, uh, federal conservatives could look, um, is that,
00:36:11.620
and there is a, there would be a role for the feds on some of this, uh, is to go and look at some of
00:36:15.780
the work that, uh, Ontario, the minister of, um, I forget his exact title, but the minister of labor
00:36:20.340
in Ontario, Monty McNaughton, um, he's really managing to cut, he's carving out a space right
00:36:25.380
now on some of the stuff. Um, he's putting, you know, it's obviously there's jurisdictional issues
00:36:29.700
here. So the feds, you know, they don't control kind of skills training and stuff like that. Um, uh, all that
00:36:34.980
much, uh, but, you know, McNaughton's done a lot of really, really good stuff around, uh, skilled
00:36:40.500
trades around, uh, reforming colleges, you know, make them more kind of suited for that kind of stuff.
00:36:46.340
Uh, they've done some good stuff recently on kind of like big work, you know, the future of work and
00:36:50.260
the gig economy. Um, and I think that is exactly the kind of, when I say that the conservatives need
00:36:55.140
to be reaching kind of new people, younger people, um, you know, get big work, so to speak,
00:37:00.980
I think is for lots of people, that is the future. Uh, and there's, there's bad, there's downsides to
00:37:05.380
that and there's good sides to that. Right. Um, I don't think it's all bad. Um, you know, it means
00:37:09.460
you get to some people really like it because, you know, they can, uh, jobs where they kind of get to
00:37:13.540
choose their own hours, you know, they can work a hundred hours one week and then, you know, 10 hours
00:37:17.860
the next, if they need to do something else. Um, so I think, you know, some people kind of like the
00:37:22.420
kind of flexibility that comes with that kind of work. Um, but the biggest challenge for big work,
00:37:27.460
I think is the kind of precarity of it, right. Um, you know, there's no kind of, um, it's harder to
00:37:32.020
have kind of stability in that kind of work. It's harder to build kind of like long-term plans.
00:37:36.580
Um, so some of the stuff that, uh, McNaughton has been doing around, uh, just kind of tweaking
00:37:40.660
kind of, uh, social security and stuff like that to make it a bit more kind of welcoming to
00:37:45.300
gig work. Uh, I think there's good stuff to be done there. Um, obviously there's, again,
00:37:49.940
there's jurisdictional issues here about what the feds can do, uh, but there's definitely,
00:37:53.700
there's, there's definitely opportunities down there. And so federally, I think, uh, looking
00:37:57.780
to kind of the work that North is doing it would be, uh, uh, it would be one good thing they could
00:38:02.500
do. Uh, but if there's a, if there's a bigger kind of, and this goes back to what I was saying
00:38:06.820
earlier about, um, some of the Brexit stuff, um, you know, parts of what this is going to take is
00:38:11.780
going to be, uh, putting kind of, like I say, flesh on the bones, like a substantive policy agenda
00:38:17.700
that actually helps the kinds of people that you're trying to target in real, real material ways.
00:38:22.180
Um, but a bigger picture, part of this picture is a broader kind of cultural questions and cultural
00:38:28.660
shifts. Um, so much, so much of the kind of, uh, so much of what I think is actually driving some
00:38:34.500
of these shifts is there's a kind of, there's an economic and kind of like a material story you
00:38:38.260
can tell yourself about it, but there's also the other side to the story is a kind of cultural story
00:38:43.220
about the kinds of the changing values of kind of cultural elites versus kind of ordinary people.
00:38:48.820
Um, and so there's, and that is where I actually think there are some real, real opportunities for
00:38:55.460
the conservatives. Um, uh, you know, we've seen the liberals and the NDP have both gone this
00:39:01.780
direction, right? But there's a, there's a real, there's a real kind of vacuum right now, uh, that
00:39:05.460
the conservative should fill, um, on kind of what you might, what I would, you know, it, it would get
00:39:10.900
painted by kind of like mainstream media as kind of like culture wall, culture warrior, um, cultural
00:39:16.180
conservatism, but what I would actually say is like a very moderate kind of mainstream
00:39:20.180
cultural conservatism that I think actually is a kind of the kind of, the kinds of cultural values
00:39:24.580
that are shared by most like majority of Canadians, at least. Um, you know, I, I, I think about the kind
00:39:31.620
of, um, you know, the, what happened with the flag last year, right? We had the flag at half mass for
00:39:36.020
like what, six months, just, just ludicrous. Right. Um, and, you know, we basically got into that mess
00:39:42.340
because the, you know, the liberals did like what was a, you know, initially like a nice gesture.
00:39:46.420
Sure. Um, you know, it was just a performative gesture in the end, right? And then they get
00:39:51.140
themselves into this mess of, well, we can't raise the flag because that means, uh, you know,
00:39:55.140
we don't care about racism anymore. It was basically kind of like what it seemed like they,
00:39:58.740
the kind of trap they got themselves into. Um, I think there's a real opportunity for conservatives
00:40:04.100
to kind of reclaim, uh, become the kind of the patriotic party, um, become the party of kind of,
00:40:10.500
you know, uh, the party that says, you know, Canada might not be a perfect country,
00:40:13.780
but Canada is a good country and we should be proud of this country. Be proud, you know,
00:40:18.180
the fact that, um, people want to come here, the fact that, you know, this is the kind of
00:40:22.660
country where people, uh, want to, and, you know, should be able to lead and can lead free,
00:40:26.740
good and free lives. Um, that kind of, you know, it used to be, you know, the, the party of the flag
00:40:32.980
in some ways used to be the liberals, right? In so many ways they owned that they owned the flag,
00:40:36.980
they owned all the kind of hallmarks or national identity, the charter, um, constitution, healthcare,
00:40:42.900
you name it, right? Like the liberals kind of own these kind of symbols of, you know,
00:40:46.420
what it meant to be Canadian, but it's kind of, it's the kind of, it's kind of culturally,
00:40:50.180
as elites kind of move in this kind of increasingly kind of, uh, more radical kind of culture,
00:40:54.820
direction culturally, whether they, you know, they reject, um, you know, Canada become,
00:40:59.940
you know, it's hard. Some of these people think of Canada as kind of illegitimate,
00:41:03.300
um, you know, settle a colonial estate, um, that leaves so much kind of cultural space,
00:41:10.340
right? For, uh, for normal people, um, that fits kind of what most normal people kind of think about.
00:41:16.980
Um, and that is something I think the conservatives really need to kind of figure out how to, um,
00:41:21.700
how to take advantage of. Uh, I don't think they do. I don't think they need to become like radical
00:41:26.260
culture warriors. Um, even though that's how they'll get painted. If they, if they do anything like this,
00:41:31.540
um, I think they just need to become kind of the unabashed party of kind of, uh, Canadian values,
00:41:36.740
so to speak. Um, and 20 years ago, I don't know if they necessarily would have been able to get away
00:41:40.980
with doing that because I think the liberal party of 20 years ago was much more kind of culturally
00:41:45.620
moderate in that sense. Uh, now I'm not so sure. Um, and so if the conservative, so, um, you know,
00:41:52.100
it's sounds kind of maybe counterintuitive, but I think one way to reach some of these new voters
00:41:56.500
is precisely to become that new, um, I wrote in a recent national post column that, um,
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there's something to this kind of this, this, uh, this classic kind of, you know,
00:42:06.100
the conservatives need to moderate in order to win. Um, I think that's true. The problem is they
00:42:11.220
let all the wrong people define what it means for them to moderate and become moderate. They need to,
00:42:15.460
they need to define for themselves what it means to be moderate. And something like this is a classic,
00:42:20.660
perfect example of what it would mean to be a kind of define we're the moderate party in,
00:42:25.620
in your own image, right? You know, we are the party of Canadian values. We're the party of the
00:42:29.860
flag. We're the party that believes in this country. Um, there, there's so much ground for them to kind
00:42:34.820
of carve out there. And, you know, so I'm not, I'm not a strategist, right? I don't understand the
00:42:39.300
kind of the nitty gritties of exactly how you would, you know, create messaging and, um, how you,
00:42:44.420
how exactly you would go about doing that. But, um, I think that if there was one way to kind of
00:42:48.820
really kind of accelerate some of these shifts, uh, and really try and take advantage of them,
00:42:53.300
uh, that's, that would be the route to go down for them. Well, we, we have a prime minister who
00:42:58.340
says not, not just that Canada is a country that was formed on genocide. Um, but he says that Canada
00:43:03.380
is actively committing genocide. He, he agreed with the 2017 recommendations of the missing and murdered
00:43:09.220
aboriginal, uh, women report, which was a report that was necessary. However, the people who, who put it
00:43:15.300
together radically left-wing, um, part of their recommendations, was it admit, admitting that a
00:43:21.060
genocide is still going on today. And, uh, Trudeau said that he agreed with that. Um, so, so, so talk
00:43:26.580
about the need for a moderate, uh, just to counter our crazy, insane, woke, uh, leftist sort of mindset.
00:43:34.660
And I, I think that's right. Anecdotally, uh, last year at Canada Day, you know, amidst all of the
00:43:40.020
sort of consternation about Canada and this, this sort of horrible, irreconcilable past, uh,
00:43:45.860
cancel Canada Day movements, uh, toppling statues, uh, you know, the, the, the number of people who
00:43:51.380
were out on the streets on Canada Day celebrating unabashedly, uh, you know, the, the, the, the
00:43:57.540
horns honking all night, the fireworks going on. Um, I don't know what it was like in Ottawa, but in
00:44:03.700
Toronto, it was like an absolute party. And, uh, part of that might've been just that people were cooped up
00:44:09.140
from COVID for too long and they were finally able to go out at that time. But
00:44:12.980
really I, I saw a big outpouring of, uh, sort of Canadian national nationalistic or patriotic,
00:44:18.740
uh, impulse there. And then we saw it again during the freedom convoy. So I think, I think
00:44:24.020
definitely right. I think there's something to that, that the liberals have sort of abandoned
00:44:28.420
their traditional kind of base as being the party of Canada and all these symbols that they themselves
00:44:32.820
brought in, um, that they're now apparently ashamed of and don't want anything to do with and,
00:44:36.660
and can't bring themselves to, uh, promote. So I, I, I think that's great. I think, um,
00:44:42.260
uh, hopefully Ben, the, uh, sort of listened to the advice that you're giving and, uh, appreciate
00:44:48.820
your time today. Appreciate your, um, writing that we can find, uh, in the hub and the national posts.
00:44:54.020
So thank you so much for joining us. That's, uh, Ben Woodviden and, uh, I'm Candace Malcolm. This is the Candace Malcolm Show.
00:45:06.660
This is how I can identify.
00:45:12.260
Hmm?
00:45:12.500
Thanks.
00:45:24.900
Thank you.
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