'SINISTER' - Former Chair of Human Rights Tribunal speaks out against Online Harms Bill
Episode Stats
Words per minute
173.85529
Harmful content
Hate speech
2
sentences flagged
Summary
Bill C-63 is without a doubt the most dangerous piece of legislation put forward by the Trudeau government. It lays the foundation for life imprisonment for advocating genocide online, whatever that means. Anonymous accusers can haul you before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal if they feel that your online content violates the Canada Human Rights Act. If the tribunal argues against you, you can be forced to pay up to $20,000 to them and $50,000 in compensation to the government as well. But perhaps the scariest part is that you can also be forced under house arrest and forced to wear a tracking device if somebody apparently fears that you might commit online hate speech.
Transcript
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Bill C-63, the online harms bill, is without a doubt the most dangerous piece of legislation
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put forward by the Trudeau government. Potential life imprisonment for advocating genocide online,
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whatever that means. You could be sent to jail if your online content expresses vilification
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of a protected group. Anonymous accusers can haul you before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal
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if they feel as though your online content violates the Canadian Human Rights Act. Where of course if
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the Human Rights Tribunal argues against you, you can then be forced to pay up to $20,000 to them.
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$50,000 to the government as well. But perhaps the scariest part is that you can be forced under
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house arrest and forced to wear a tracking device if somebody apparently on reasonable grounds fears
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that you might commit online hate speech. If you might commit online hate speech, the Attorney General
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can order you to wear a tracking device. They can order you to stay in your home. Not for doing
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anything wrong, but just because someone else says they think you might. Well joining us now to help
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us all make sense of this is a former chair of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal, David Thomas. Now
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before you get into the details of how this might play out in front of the commission and then
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eventually in front of the tribunal in regards to hate crimes cases, surely this legislation will be
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struck down by a court, right? We can't, I mean, life imprisonment for hate crime violations, tracking
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devices and house arrest for pre-crimes, this surely won't stand, right? Well, it's hard to prejudge that,
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but I think that it's clear, you know, it takes a long time for something like that to happen,
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Harrison, before it works its way through the court. And I think what we're likely to see right away is a
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chilling effect and quite a big impact on free political discourse in this country. And I think
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that that's what we should all be concerned about immediately. Now, how would this play out in the
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Canadian Human Rights Commission? Obviously, part of this new legislation is that a Canadian who sees
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something online that they take personal offense to, they can go to the Canadian Human Rights
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Commission and say that they've been subjected to hate crime. If you're accused, you won't know who
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your accuser is, right? How would this play out, you think, in the Canadian Human Rights Commission?
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It just sounds so crazy. Well, I mean, it's problematic for a number of reasons, right? And
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I think I need to maybe explain a little bit of the history. I mean, we had hate speech before the
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Canadian Human Rights Tribunal up until 2013. And that was under the prior Section 13, which had
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a different definition of hate speech. And since then, what happened was the Supreme Court of Canada
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made a decision in the Watcott case. And the Watcott case dealt with hate speech and has offered
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a new definition of hate speech, which this new legislation is really based upon. The only problem,
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and with all due respect to former Justice Rothstein, the Watcott decision is terrible,
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like it's awful, right? And it still doesn't really help us very much in terms of determining what is
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hate speech, right? And I can talk a little bit about the proposed definition, but it really does track
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that decision. The uncertainty, of course, is what is really likely to create a chilling effect,
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as I say, for political discourse in this country. And, you know, it's often being said about the Canadian
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Human Rights Tribunal and tribunals across the country is that the punishment is often the
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process itself, right? You have to understand that these cases move at a glacial pace, number one,
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okay? And so, so they move very slowly through the process. And federally, they, someone makes a
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complaint, they go through the commission, the commission sifts through all the complaints they
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get, and they investigate some that have merit. And in the end, they only, they only refer
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about say 10% of the cases to the tribunal for adjudication. And so, for example, last year,
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there were 140 cases, the year before there were 125 doesn't sound like a lot. But the reality is,
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to adjudicate these cases themselves takes years. So, you know, from start to finish,
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when someone lodges a complaint to when they get a final decision, it would not be surprising if it
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took three or four or five years or even longer. And that's, that's a terrible thing, especially for
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an administrative tribunal, which is supposed to be delivering access to justice to the public on an
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expedited, fast basis. I mean, it's, it's nothing like that at all. And when I was in office, it was
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something that I, when I had a chance, would speak to the minister about and say, you know, we really need to
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fix this, because we're not accomplishing the goals at all that this tribunal was set out to do. Now,
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complicate that with this hate speech legislation, where we now have a definition that nobody really
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knows what it is. And, you know, where we cross the line, right? I mean, there's, you know, you can,
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you know, you can, you can say you have disdain for somebody, but you can't say you have detestation
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for somebody, right? You can't have, you can't vilify somebody. But, you know, it's, it's like,
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what do these things mean exactly? Right? And nobody knows. And often you'll hear the politicians
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say, well, we'll just let the courts sort that out. Really? Really? Like, and you have to then
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think about like, okay, not only does this take years and years to do that, but, you know, who are
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the tribunal members, right? Like who is appointed to make these decisions? And this is another
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important thing. I mean, everybody assumes, oh, well, this will work out just fine. But you know
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what? Maybe it won't work out all that fine. One of the problems that we have is that, you know,
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we have an appointment process to put members on this tribunal, which, which takes a very long time,
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right? And right now the tribunal only has 11 members. The act says they can have up to 18 members.
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But the last time I looked at not even advertising for new members, the proposed changes,
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allow the tribunal go up to 20 members, right? To add two members to deal with this anticipated
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influx of cases. Well, I just don't think that two, an additional two members will be anywhere near
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enough to, to decide these cases. This is, this is going to be a really big problem. But I mean,
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as I say, it'll be years before we have, we have jurisprudence from this new legislation. But in the
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meantime, right, people are going to be afraid to say what they want, they're going to be afraid to
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post things online, they're going to be afraid to say things at an all candidates debate or something
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like that, they're going to be very mindful about what might make by the consequences of this
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legislation. I think this is the, this is the really unfair thing about this, right? I mean,
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if you really want to, to do something to protect people, you have to be clear. And it's a cop out for
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politicians to throw a vague, lousy definition of hate speech out there and just say, Oh, it'll take
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care of itself. The damage that will be caused in the meantime will be immense. And it will be a
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chilling effect for everybody in this country. And, and, and, you know, there's some really interesting
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changes, Harrison, that want to talk about, like, in terms of what the penalties are, right? So right now,
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if, if the tribunal finds that somebody has, uh, breached the Canadian Rights Act, and they've, uh, done
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something that's discriminatory, the tribunal member can award up to $20,000 for pain and suffering, uh, and they
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can award another $20,000 if the conduct of the respondent was willful and reckless. Now, under these new, uh,
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proposed changes to the act for hate speech, the tribunal can award up to $20,000 for any victim
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identified, right? So who, who's that, right? Is that the person that brought the complaint?
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Is it everybody on the, on the internet that saw a video or a post that, uh, was considered to be
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hate speech? Like, who is that? So that's, that's the first question I have. The second question,
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the second point is that, um, and this is really kind of really unusual, is that the tribunal can then,
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uh, award, if somebody had willful intent to, to commit hate speech, they can, they can impose a fine
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up to $50,000, which is payable to the government of Canada. And interestingly enough, the tribunal members
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also to consider the respondent's ability to pay that $50,000 fine, which I find rather interesting.
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But probably, you know, I don't want to get too much in the details, but one of the things that's
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very interesting to me, uh, Harrison, and you have to kind of read between the lines sometimes to
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figure this stuff out. But, you know, under the current, uh, legislation we have, there's a provision
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of section 52 for us to anonymize a complaint, right? So if a complaint involves, you know, mental,
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illness or sexual harassment or something like this, there might be sort of a good reason for us
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to anonymize a complaint, a complainant's name or certain details about the complaint.
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Um, and, and it's all set out there in, in, in the existing act. Now for hate speech, they've expanded
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that and they've done it in an interesting way. So they've expanded the anonymization,
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uh, the grounds for anonymization for a hate speech complainant, uh, to include, quote, threats,
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intimidation, or discrimination. That's it. So I don't, I don't know what exactly that means,
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but that's quite a, a, a, a departure from where we are. Now, the other interesting thing about this
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is that there's another section, I think it's 660 of the act, which allows for prosecution of offenses
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under the Canadian human rights act. And now in my seven years in office, I don't recall us ever
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seeing a prosecutor is a very rare thing. And you need the consent of the attorney general of Canada
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to prosecute somebody for an offense on the Canadian human rights act. But wait, there's more
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under hate speech. If somebody breaches an anonymization order of the tribunal,
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you can prosecute them without getting the attorney general of Canada's consent to do that.
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Now that's a big change. And that sends a message, right? That, that, that really, to me,
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conveys a message that things are different here and they really intend, uh, to have a very big stick
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over people, right? It's just how it's going to work. Yeah. Like the volume of cases. I mean,
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it's, it's very hard to say. What I don't understand is why it seems as though all of the
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criticism, at least that we see on social media is coming from what you would consider to be the
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opposition of the government, the right wing, the conservative side. Why is it that, uh, why,
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why is it that you think that the people on the left don't see that this could also be abused by a
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government who wants to try and silence them? Because obviously right now, I mean, I don't
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know how you can make the assumption or anyone can make the assumption that this bill is really
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about protecting children online when they're putting in such clearly dangerous and authoritarian
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almost, uh, restrictions on free speech. I just don't understand why people aren't aware that this
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could be used against them. If they like the current, they like how it could be played out right
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now, but maybe they won't like it when this shoe's on the other foot. Well, it's, it, I mean,
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it's a, it's a really good point. And you're right. I mean, this of course is being dressed up as, uh,
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a bill to protect, uh, child exploitation or, uh, things like revenge porn and that kind of stuff,
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which I think most Canadians can get behind that. Of course we want to protect children, uh, from online
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harms. Right. But that's, that's just the window dressing for a much more sinister, uh,
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part of this legislation, which is this, uh, as I say, this hate speech, which really, you know,
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we don't know how it's going to play out, but we, but we know from the vagueness of the draft
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legislation that it will have a chilling effect on people. Um, and you know, and it's, and when
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you think about that, like, like Harrison, you know, do you think that we live in a country,
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like I think Canada is a country of the rule of law. I mean, does it feel like this is a rule of law
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country to you? Yeah, a little bit. I don't know. I mean, I tell you, so there's three,
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there's three main principles. People talk about the rule of law, right? There's really three main
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principles, right? So one is that the law should be predictable, right? Like we should know what the
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law is and that if we do certain things, what those legal consequences of those actions will be,
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right? So that's the first principle. The second principle of the rule of law is that laws are made
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for universal application, right? So there, there's one law that's for everybody, right? So that's the
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second principle. And the third principle of the rule of law is that when we go to enforce those laws,
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or we go to imply those laws to people, that we do it equally to everyone, right? Now, just give yourself
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a little moment to think about, can you think of examples where maybe we don't really live up to the
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rule of law in this country? I don't think it's hard to think of examples where we don't live up to
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all three of those principles, right? And now it's in the context of that, that we want to bring in
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an incredible damping piece of legislation, which I think, of course, will infringe on our charter
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rights of freedom of expression. But as I said, it'll take years to get a case to the Supreme Court
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of Canada to, to make a decision about that. In the meantime, people will be afraid to say anything.
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And in the me, and of course, I haven't already talked about, you know, this new commission that
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they're going to set up. But again, that's more directed, I think, at the platforms and for having,
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you know, big tech censor themselves. And, and again, that's probably likely to happen,
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they're probably going to want to err on the side of caution. And so where does that,
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where does that leave us as a country to, to, to be able to speak freely, and to have a needed
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political discourse, right? You know, the government has just, you know, everybody knows
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has ramped up immigration, for example, up to huge levels, right, huge levels that we have never seen
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before. And now, are we vilifying people if we decide to have a debate about that, whether that's
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right or not? I mean, this is, you know, really the question, right? And, and I think that, you know,
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for all these reasons that we should be very, very careful about, about hate speech, and I, and I was
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happy when it got dropped the first time. But, you know, and they've been thinking about it for five
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years now. I mean, I was started to be consulted in this in 2019. And, you know, I gave some written
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submissions to the minister's office in 2021 about this with my, my own thoughts. But, you know, again,
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um, you know, they, they have their own reasons for, for wanting to bring it forward.
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So I guess the, the question I have now is, is this incompetence by the minister, or is this
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intentional malice? Are they actually fully going after free speech? Or is this just, you know,
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they've just allowed this to be so broad that they aren't actually able to see the consequences
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behind this? Well, you know, as I said, it's been in the works since 2019. And I'll be honest with you,
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I thought, when I first saw it, I was shocked going, don't tell me we're going back there again,
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it was such a mess before, but I, I suspected in 2019, it was going to be an election issue. And then,
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you know, the election came and went in, and this didn't arise. And then in 2021, it came up again. And,
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you know, we were tasked with doing some costing exercises and providing some feedback with some
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fairly strict timelines, deadlines. And I, that made me think that, you know, again, okay,
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so maybe we're heading into an election, which were actually in 2021. But again, it didn't really
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come up as an issue. But now, you know, you know, the polls are not looking very good. And it's now
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suddenly here. And is this is this new wedge issue? And I hate to be cynical about this. But,
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you know, what's the point of this, other than trying to do some virtue signaling and call and
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telling anybody who opposes it that they're in favor of, you know, child explored exploitation on
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the internet, right? I mean, why now? But, but anyway, I don't think it's I don't think it's this
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minister. It's this government has been toying with us for five years now.
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Yeah, it's unbelievable. Now, let's just look at the Canadian Human Rights Commission. So the
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the bill, as I understand it, and correct me if I'm wrong, you bring a complaint forward,
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you bring a human rights complaint forward to the Canadian Human Rights Commission, right,
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under this new legislation. Okay, so is this commission, as I perhaps as I suspect it is,
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is this extremely ideologically to the left? Is this the people on this commission have a have
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a pretty unified worldview and view of Canadian politics the way I imagine them the way the way
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I imagine them? Well, I think it's an important point. And people always get the commission and
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the tribunal confused. And the reality is that they are two very distinct organizations. And the Canadian
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Human Rights Commission has a has a broad mandate, and it goes beyond just receiving and investigating
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complaints. They're there also to participate in international human rights events, but also to
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educate and advocate for human rights in Canada. So in fairness to them, they do have a broader mandate
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than the tribunal does. Now that now the tribunal, right, is like a is like a court, right? Like,
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and and the reason I'm speaking out right now, Harrison, is that nobody who's on the tribunal right now
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is free to speak, right? They're like, they're like judges sitting on the bench right now. They're
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they're they're not at liberty to talk about this. And so only somebody like me and my duties for the
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the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal ended just last summer. And so I'm, you know, free to speak about
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it now. But nobody else is right. And that's why I think it's important for somebody with inside
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knowledge to to convey these, these concerns about this legislation. The important thing for the
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tribunal, though, is that we as members should be neutral, right? And we should be perceived to be
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neutral. And that's a really important thing. And I would I would share with you that
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that the selection process of members is a super important thing, obviously, right? We're not judges,
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right? Like the people and even in the Canadian Human Rights Act does not require members of the
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tribunal to be lawyers to be legally trained. Now, thankfully, for the last 25 years, they for the
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most part, I think with one exception, everybody has been legally trained. The chairperson and the vice
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chairperson must be called to the bar for at least 10 years. But that doesn't apply to anybody else.
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But I think that what's important is from parties in front of the tribunal, they feel that, you know,
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if they're a respondent, they should have a right to feel that, you know, their access to justice means
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they've got a neutral decision maker in front of them, not somebody who's a human rights advocate or
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social justice warrior, right? And I have to be honest, I was part of the selection committee,
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three times, and I was I'll commend the Liberal government, this Liberal government for including
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me as a chairperson in the selection process. Previously, you know, under the Conservatives,
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I didn't have a role to play. But at the end of the day, you know, it's, you know, it's the minister
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who chooses from a shortlist. And I can tell you, I got out voted many times. The job of the of the of
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a tribunal member is is very complex. The Human Rights Tribunal, if you if you go into the website and
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look, start reading some of the decisions, you'll find that they're very legalistic. Some of the
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problems are are really complex. There's constitutional challenges, there's there, it's really a skills
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intensive job, right? And it's not a job that everybody who graduated from law school could even do. And yet,
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you know, that doesn't seem to be a priority with with the people that pull the real levers and
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selecting decision makers. And I would say I'm flagging it now. That's a concern. That is a concern.
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Going forward that people coming before the tribunal have a perception that there is a
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a impartial, neutral decision maker in front of them, not somebody who's trying to advocate
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one way or the other. Now, if this legislation goes through, I suspect that there may be listeners
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to this show and maybe even myself who get called up before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal for
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violating somebody's, I guess, you know, their feelings online. Now, David, what would you advise
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to somebody? I know it's still it's yet to go through. But just from what you've seen,
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how would you advise Canadians to proceed with this? If this goes through? What would you be
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recommending to Canadians about what they posted? Because as well, as I'm as I believe is the case,
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this is also retroactive, right? So comments are things you've already posted online previously.
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Those can be brought up as well. I didn't see that in my review that it's that it could be
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retroactive. I do see in parts of the legislation, I think it's in the other part of the proposed
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legislation is that they can be proactive. And if they think you're going to do something,
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Right, of course, yeah. There can be some consequences for you,
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which is, of course, pretty shocking, just basic legal principles.
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Yeah. I mean, so how do you think Canadians should proceed with this? I mean,
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this just seems as though it's a clear violation of charter rights, the rights that Canadians have
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come to expect. But as you've mentioned, this is going to have a significantly chilling effect on
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free speech in our country. Let's say a Canadian is hauled before the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal.
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Is there any recourse for them? Do they have a chance of not having to pay $20,000? What would you advise them?
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Well, you know, here's another interesting thing I didn't mention, Harrison.
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Another really interesting aspect of this legislation, and again, it's telling
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in terms of the government's intention, is that they specifically included in there that for hate
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speech cases, the tribunal member can award legal costs against the respondent, which means that in
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addition to that $20,000 that they might award to somebody, they can also make an award for 10 or 20 or
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$30,000 for that person's legal fees. Now, why is that so interesting is that there was a Supreme
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Court of Canada decision in 2011 called the Mowat decision, which ruled that the tribunal had not
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been interpreting its legislation correctly, and that we were not allowed to issue or award legal costs to
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complainants. And so what happened was you saw immediately a big drop off of people having legal
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representation before the tribunal because there wasn't room for legal awards on top of the of
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the award to the complainant. Now, by the government turning around and saying specifically for hate
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speech cases, the tribunal member can award legal costs. To me, the message there is, okay, lawyer,
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lawyer up folks, because you're going to get your legal fees paid for when the tribunal finds in your
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favor. And so, you know, and you'll also find more lawyers interested in taking on those cases,
00:24:26.120
knowing that that the potential, particularly if it's a if it's a deep pocket publisher or somebody
00:24:32.840
like that, they'd love to, they'd love to have the tribunal award their legal costs. And so again,
00:24:38.840
the fact that they went out of their way to change the legislative proposed legislation to allow that
00:24:44.120
tells you that that's what they want to see happen, right? They want to see complainants lawyer up and
00:24:51.000
go after people. And so that would make me very worried. So you asked me, what would be my advice
00:24:56.280
to people? Be very careful, be very careful, because we don't know where this is going. And if this passes,
00:25:03.160
you know, God help us, because I don't know where it'll go. And who wants to be the sacrificial lamb,
00:25:09.880
right? Who wants to be the next Bill Watcott to go all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada
00:25:14.600
to fight this thing, right? You're not going to find a lot of people lining up to go for that.
00:25:20.440
That's just unbelievable. It's hard to believe it's real. And, you know, we're gonna have to,
00:25:24.760
we're gonna have to bring you back, David, to talk more about this as this as this progresses. And
00:25:28.280
hopefully, hopefully one day it gets shot down, because it's just like I said, it's hard to believe
00:25:32.520
it's real. David Thomas, thank you so much for coming on. Thanks for having me, Harrison. Have a good day.