Juno News - January 28, 2020
The Andrew Lawton Show: Red Carpet for Omar Khadr
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Summary
A hero s welcome for Omar Khadr, a CBC leadership candidate takes aim at cancel culture, and what the road to a better equalization deal looks like for Alberta. The Andrew Lawton Show starts right now.
Transcript
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This is the Andrew Lawton Show, brought to you by True North.
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A CBC leadership candidate takes aim at cancel culture
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and what the road to a better equalization deal looks like for Alberta.
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Hey, welcome everyone to another edition of the Andrew Lawton Show
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here on True North, Canada's Most Irreverent Talk Show.
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Going to be talking about Western alienation later on in the program
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and specifically whether Alberta can drive this discussion without national buy-in.
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And this is something that we see unfolding, a dialogue about whether Alberta,
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which, under Jason Kenney's government, is at least trying to advance this fair deal notion,
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can force the federal government to the table, essentially.
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So we'll be talking about that and a great essay that was written on the subject
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by a University of Calgary professor later on in the show.
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Also, a couple of little odds and ends that have come up in the last week,
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such as the effects of a compelling campaign launch video,
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which I know is just a riveting topic, but bear with me.
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It's an interesting video we saw from Aaron O'Toole this week.
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But I have to begin with a little bit of personal news
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in the sense that it involves something I'm going to be doing.
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It's not me in the capacity as Andrew Lawton, the random guy,
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but Andrew Lawton, the True North fellow and host of the Andrew Lawton Show.
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On February 10th, which is, I guess, less than two weeks away,
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I'm going to be going to Halifax, where I will be attending to report on
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Omar Khadr's keynote address at Dalhousie University.
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This is his first time speaking at a live public event.
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He did appear before a studio audience on that CBC show last year,
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Tout le monde en parle, but this is the first time he's putting himself forward like this
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to speak before an audience at a ticketed event, a public event.
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I'm going to be there, and this is something that I will say, first off,
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we are crowdfunding because it's important that we, as an organization,
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not getting that media bailout money are able to lean on our supporters
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But I also think it's important that there is a fair and honest accounting
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of what he talks about and what unfolds at that event.
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And True North, as it so happens, broke the story of this event,
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which had been announced by Dalhousie, but didn't get any coverage or pickup.
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It's called Children's Rights Up Front, Preventing the Recruitment and Use
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It's an event at Dalhousie, co-hosted with the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative.
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And at this event, Omar Khadr is going to be speaking alongside Ishmael Beah,
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So you've got all the boxes checked here, and that's Nala Ayyed.
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And as the event description says, it's, quote,
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a rare opportunity for public discussion around the complex issue of child soldiers.
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Mr. Khadr and Mr. Beah will highlight their experience in conflict
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and why they are passionate about the protection of children.
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Okay, let's unpack this a little bit if we can.
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The child soldier narrative is an important one to dismantle here because
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When we hear child soldiers, that has a very specific meaning.
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Child soldier designation was actually something that never applied to Omar Khadr.
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And this was testified to by Howard Anglin, who's a lawyer,
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formerly the executive director of the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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also worked in Stephen Harper's prime minister's office.
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And the whole point about this dynamic is that if you call him a child soldier,
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it naturally follows that everything else has to be awash, that nothing else matters.
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And Omar Khadr is, as a matter of fact and as a matter of law,
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Now, we understand he wants to appeal that murder conviction.
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We understand he has since recanted his confession when he confessed
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to throwing the grenade that killed Sergeant Christopher Spear and injured Sergeant Lane Morris.
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We ultimately have this idea that has been put forward that we are not to criticize him
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Number one, doesn't apply as a matter of law, given the circumstances.
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But also, I think the bigger dynamic here is that we are to accept the media narrative
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that this is not someone who can be challenged, not someone who can be questioned,
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and not someone who should be criticized, but rather someone who should be celebrated.
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And I said a couple of years ago, I've been following the Cotter case for quite some time,
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that if you accept at face value what the media is saying,
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they're going beyond just the idea that you can't criticize him.
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They're saying this is something to be celebrated,
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and this is why he's been getting the red carpet treatment.
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I remember when he first was released from custody.
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He was released on bail, and he went to his lawyer's house in Edmonton, Dennis Edney's house,
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and he had a little mini press conference in the driveway.
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And what happened in that was one of the questions was like,
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what are you having for dinner tonight, I recall?
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And what are you most looking forward to doing?
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And questions that you would never see asked of anyone else
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who had just been released on bail from a murder conviction.
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So this double standard that the media has had with him is absolutely insane,
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And the more time passes between his release from jail and now,
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or the more time passes from when that initial firefight in Afghanistan happened and now,
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the easier it becomes to whitewash everything that's happened in Omar Khadr's life.
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And the facts of the case are actually quite simple.
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He went over as a teenager to Afghanistan, was part of a terrorist group.
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He was not just involved in that firefight where he had, again,
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And we know that IEDs have killed dozens of soldiers, Canadian and other allied forces.
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He may have even more blood on his hands than we previously acknowledged or previously understood.
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whether he condemns the family members that if you accept the victim narrative,
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these are relevant questions that I don't see asked.
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Now, he's done the interviews with the Toronto Star,
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and he's only really done interviews with people that are going to give him softball questions.
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In fact, at that press conference with Dennis Edney at his side,
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one of the things that Dennis Edney said at the beginning is,
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if we hear any questions we don't like, we're going inside.
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So there was basically a groundwork laid there that you could only ask him questions
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So let's have an honest and fair discussion of Omar Khadr.
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But that involves if he is going to go down this road of being a public figure,
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So far, though, no one is actually asking them.
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I mean, this event is moderated by a CBC journalist.
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So already, CBC has its personality complicit in an event that is aimed at promoting him in a positive light.
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So CBC, which expects us to believe it's fair and transparent and unbiased and accountable and all of these things,
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CBC is driving this event and the discussion of the event.
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And it's not going to be a hardball question because the basis of the event is that Omar Khadr is a victim
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And this is happening at Dalhousie University, potentially with public money,
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which brings me to the interesting aside to this discussion,
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which I think is not the most important aspect of it,
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which is whether he is being paid by Dalhousie.
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But I also think that with that freedom does not come a guarantee of being subsidized.
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So if Dalhousie is using tuition money or government money to pay for Omar Khadr,
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I asked the Dalhousie University Media Relations team.
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I asked the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative.
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And they wouldn't even respond to a very simple question.
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Is Omar Khadr receiving a speaking fee or honorarium?
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Is Omar Khadr receiving any speaking fee or honorarium for his participation in the event?
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And even if he's not, you still have to deal with travel from Alberta,
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And I think everyone on Twitter was dealing with the idea that,
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oh, well, if there's not answering, the answer is probably yes.
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Now, I am, if you have not heard, a free speech absolutist.
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If he is walking free and should be behind bars, that is a failure of the justice system.
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But the answer to a failure of one system is not to deprive rights that are ultimately
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would, that depriving would ultimately indicate failure in another system.
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So I believe that if he is in the eyes of the law walking around free,
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he has a right to speak freely as an individual.
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Now, this does not mean that he has the right to be guaranteed a platform.
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It also does not mean that he has the right to be subsidized, which gets back to the question
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Now, I do not have any tolerance for deplatforming.
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So I will be very upset if someone pulls a fire alarm to cancel his speech, like people
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Or if people shout him down when he's trying to talk and basically disrupt the event so
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And I don't think it's what anyone else should be about.
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It is, in my view, a gross error in judgment that he was invited.
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It speaks volumes about the priorities of Dalhousie and of the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative
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And in this particular context, the proper course of action is to let it go on.
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Lest there be any doubt, I'm not going to protest, I'm not going to demonstrate, I'm
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What he says is going to enter the public record.
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And because the media has not been asking him any tough questions, we have very little
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from him to really establish what it is that he thinks and what it is that he feels.
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And I actually got into a bit of a Twitter back and forth, I won't say a fight, with Jordan
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Goldstein, a name that may ring a bell because he was on the show last week.
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And he took aim at a True North petition that was calling on people to sign and remind Dalhousie
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that Omar Khadr is a convicted terrorist and murderer.
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And what I said to Jordan is that it's not my petition, so I don't have any skin in the
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But I do think that it's important to note the petition that True North is doing or did
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If anything, it was to have the proper context of the speech and of the speaker understood.
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It was to have people remember what Omar Khadr's background is.
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Now, Jordan said, yeah, but, you know, people do this with conservative speakers, get them
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And Jordan Goldstein is coming at that not from a place of being a sycophant for Omar Khadr,
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So it was something that I very much took as a constructive dialogue.
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And it actually got me thinking a fair bit about this.
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Is Omar Khadr the same as anyone else who wanted to speak at a campus in the eyes of
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I mean, he's had some restrictions and many of them have been taken away.
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I don't know which ones are left, but speaking rights were never curbed.
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So in the sense that he has a constitutionally protected free speech, I agree.
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And in the sense that he has a guarantee of a platform, like I said before, no one has
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an obligation to be invited and paid a speaking fee by a university.
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But if they decide to do that, that is their and by extension, his platform.
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But I also don't think that that's the discussion people are having when we say, what on earth
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We're talking about a guy who served time in Guantanamo Bay, which does not make him
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It reminds us of the circumstances that led to that.
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And a guy who on one hand says, oh, well, no, it's just my father and that, but still
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In fact, his sister, Zainab Khadr, who has said that even if he did kill Sergeant Christopher
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Spear, it's not a bad thing, she's lionized and supported Osama bin Laden, he wanted to
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get bail restrictions eased so that he could have a better relationship with her, so that
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he could visit her without supervision and talk to her.
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So correct me if I'm wrong, but if your family was the problem and your past actions were
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a result of your family's mistakes, why would you want to actively fight to be in touch and
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And this is one of the several anomalies that we see in the Omar Khadr case, and again, an
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aspect of this that the media just is not discussing and needs to discuss.
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So I get very frustrated when people say, oh, he was just a boy.
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And I also think we do as a society need to do a better job at letting people grow, giving
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them the opportunity to grow, giving second chances when they're due.
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But we're not talking about a guy who he tweeted something unpleasant when he was 15.
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We're talking about a guy who, by his own confession, killed someone and was involved in a family and
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an organization and a network that was, in fact, linked with radicalism and family that continues
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So you can't say these aren't relevant questions.
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You can't say he gets a permanent pass, and you can't say that this is the guy that should
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be on the cross-country lecture circuit, getting potentially subsidized by taxpayers and getting
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CBC contributing to the red carpet treatment, which is exactly what's happening when CBC is
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The people that are saying we shouldn't ask these questions, the people that are giving him
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this red carpet treatment are people that are essentially turning a blind eye to extremism.
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They're turning a blind eye to terrorism, and they're turning a blind eye to one of the
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most notable examples in Canada of radicalism and terrorism.
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And that is what happened with Omar Khadr overseas and the family network that was a very high rank.
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And then it all comes full circle because she was later married to Joshua Boyle.
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But I won't even get into the Joshua Boyle stuff in this particular episode of the show.
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So these are all real questions, and the media just isn't asking them.
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And to challenge Omar Khadr to say, hey, I think we need to understand who he is and what
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he is and what he said and what he's done is not anti-free speech.
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You can support his right to speak while criticizing the judgment of those who are making that speech
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And you can support the right for people to say, yes, I'm a big fan of Omar Khadr,
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while also not being a fan of the narrative that they're peddling, which is one that just
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So I still continue to believe that sunlight is the best disinfectant, which is why we're
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And I must stress, I don't want people to shut it down.
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This is something that would make us no better than the left and its cancel culture that we
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And yes, I realize there's a difference between someone who's a convicted terrorist and Jordan
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I mean, I don't think there's any equivalence there.
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But I do think it's amusing to look at the double standard of the left.
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The same people that think Jordan Peterson's opinions on gender identity are violence are
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fully prepared to accept someone who has actually been convicted of violence, which I find is
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But again, we're not talking about stooping to that level.
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If you can contribute to this, like I said, we don't get the $600 million bailout fund.
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Or if you just go to andrewlottonshow.com, there's a link to donate.
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And we'll actually be doing the show live from Halifax the day after the event.
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So we'll do a bit of a postmortem of what's happened there.
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We got to take a quick break when we come back.
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More of the Andrew Lawton Show here on True North.
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You know, the downside of doing a show that's pre-recorded, even if it's recorded a few hours
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before it's released, instead of doing something live, is that you sometimes just narrowly miss
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news, which is exactly what happened last week on the show when we had a great chat with Spencer
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We were talking about the Conservative Party of Canada leadership race, had a grand old time.
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And then literally as the episode was uploading to YouTube and iTunes and all of these other
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services, the news broke that Pierre Polyev was bowing out of the Conservative leadership race.
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And at this point, it's too late to do anything about it.
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And it was great, though, because in the interview, Spencer Fernando was like, oh, yeah, you know,
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I think Pierre Polyev's got a really good shot.
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And then as people listen to that, he's already gone.
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And one of the things is that with Pierre Polyev out of the race, it's really left a lot
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of room on the right because Peter McKay is many things, not a fire-breathing blue Tory,
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And we've seen in this vacuum some renewed interest from people that previously said
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they were out, most notably Candace Bergen, who said she was out.
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And now she says, well, you know, according to a National Post piece, she is considering
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You also have the idea of potentially now Aaron O'Toole running as a fire-breathing blue Tory,
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which brings me to his launch video, which I actually thought was pretty great.
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Who's going to fight for auto workers who just saw the last car roll off the line?
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Who's going to fight for forestry workers who just watched another mill close?
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Who's going to stand up for those who wear a uniform of service to protect us at home
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Who's going to defend our history, our institutions against attacks from cancel culture and the
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I'm Aaron O'Toole, and I'm running to unite conservatives on the path to victory.
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Yeah, using terms like cancel culture and radical left, these are things that I do.
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So it certainly made my ears perk up when I saw and heard Aaron O'Toole take aim at that.
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And I think the particular context was just the egregious tendency we see of removing statues,
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because there was actually the image behind of one such statue being removed.
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I believe that one was from Victoria, but this idea that he is going to be taking aim at the
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It's not the Aaron O'Toole we've seen historically.
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I've always seen him as a bit more of a consensus builder.
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But he also said in a follow-up in a National Post article that I'm going to pull up that the
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And I think this was actually fascinating because Aaron O'Toole was saying that it will
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just be a liberal party if Peter McKay is the leader, and Aaron O'Toole needs to be the
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leader for it to remain a conservative principled party.
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So this is something that I think is very fascinating because Aaron O'Toole is a smart guy.
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He is someone who's been in the private sector as well.
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So he's got experience inside and outside of government.
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And he also knows that the conservative party needs to be a conservative party.
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And this is something I was talking about weeks ago, I think in the very first episode of
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the show, that if the conservative party just becomes this extension of the Canadian centrism
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fantasy that, well, it's a party that just depends, as many people have heard me say before,
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just basically a list of promises with blue colors.
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So I think that the conservative party needs to take this leadership race and really go back
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to the basics and say, what are our non-negotiables?
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And what are the things that you can't live without as a party and as a movement?
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And if the answer to that is something like, take the carbon tax, there are conservatives
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So apparently in 2017 in the leadership race, there are conservatives that like the carbon
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Well, the conservative party is not a pro-carbon tax party.
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So if you're a conservative who likes a carbon tax, is that a non-negotiable?
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You're not a conservative in the current context, which means that the conservative movement has
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to be filled with people that are prepared to take stock of their values, of the party's
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values, and decide, is this a party in which I fit?
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And this is the dynamic we've talked about with social conservatives in the past, where
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they have to decide, okay, you know, maybe the party is not a pro-life party, but is it
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a party that has a respect and an allowance for pro-lifers?
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And if the answer to that is yes, that might be enough for a pro-life conservative to say,
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all right, I have a place in the conservative party.
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Whereas if the party has a leader that's actively hostile to that, and we talked about that Pierre
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Pollyev comment in La Presse where he was basically saying, you know, you're not going
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So this is where there's going to be a lot of introspection, I hope.
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And Aaron O'Toole is saying, listen, we've got to be a conservative party.
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Now, if he is authentic in this, and this is something that'll come up when we sit down
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for an interview throughout the course of this leadership campaign, then I think he's
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really going to take a good chunk of support from Peter McKay and pretty much pick up a lot of the
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support that Pierre Pollyev would have had, who seemed to be previously the one running as that
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blue Tory. So that is, I think, fascinating. And just on the note of political videos here.
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So his launch video, I thought was great for a couple of reasons. I think it was punchy.
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It gave a bit of his story. It had all the right notes for conservatives.
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You look at Peter McKay's On the Alternative, and epileptics should not watch it. It's just like
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flashing rapidly words at you. But if you string the words together, it's like someone did political
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slogans by Mad Libs. It's like, Canadians are strong because Canadians make it strong. And
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strong Canadians strong make strong man Canadians. And I actually think that's his slogan for the
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general election campaign already done. So my gift to you, Peter McKay. And then like Canadians are
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free because Canadians make it free. And if you look at these, I'm like, I have no idea what he's
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saying. I have no idea what he stands for. I have no idea. And again, I'm going to listen. I'm waiting
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for the platforms. And if he comes out and has a really great solid platform, I'll reevaluate.
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But I get a lot more of what Aaron O'Toole stands for from Aaron O'Toole's launch video than I do about
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what Peter McKay stands for from Peter McKay's launch video. And that's a huge problem. Because
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when you're running, not to Canadians, but you're running and directing a campaign only towards
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conservative members, or potential conservative members, you got to tell them what kind of conservative
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you are. And you've got to tell them what kind of conservative party you want. And if you don't do
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that, it's easy to just blend in and be noise, especially if there is a larger field of candidates,
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probably not 2017 large. But still, you've got a number of people that are running, I think our
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tally, I don't even know the number now, but we're up to three, four people from caucus that are well,
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three people from caucus plus Peter McKay, who's formerly from caucus, you've got at least four people
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from outside of elected office. So you're already up to eight right there. Nine, because Rick Peterson
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also got in, he got a point 67% of the vote last time. And maybe this is his year, who knows. So
00:27:27.360
that's something that will be interesting to watch as well. Just as a bit of an odd one, I say that I
00:27:33.980
like politicians to give you some clarity about what they stand for. Sometimes they give you too much
00:27:39.420
clarity, such as the case with Luke Fernandez, a Quebec politician who suggested that the coronavirus
00:27:46.400
has had a positive outcome for the city of Wuhan in China, because it has reduced the carbon footprint
00:27:54.340
in Wuhan, China. Yes, he said that there's no automobile traffic, no air flights. And now Wuhan
00:28:01.740
is the only city that will meet its greenhouse gas reduction targets. The way to this necessary
00:28:06.980
degrowth will happen when all the debates have been in vain. And he claimed when he was criticized
00:28:14.860
that he was just trying to convey that we need to take climate action. And I don't think when you
00:28:19.420
celebrate that something that killed people has lowered the carbon impact, that that is the most
00:28:26.320
effective climate change argument. Although previously, and by previously, I mean like three
00:28:31.560
days prior, Monsieur Fernandez had announced that perhaps legalized suicide, assisted suicide should be
00:28:39.840
available for people who want to reduce their carbon footprint. And there's no better way to reduce
00:28:45.640
your carbon footprint than by dropping dead, apparently. So this is going to be the next frontier
00:28:50.580
as the government goes through the assisted suicide battles. But he had said, could we, quote,
00:28:56.400
for environmental, social and economic reasons, decide that we want to receive help to die,
00:29:02.720
so as not to be a burden for our family or society in general. So this is great. So now if you're
00:29:10.020
mentally ill and you want to commit suicide, you just have to claim you're doing it for the
00:29:14.600
environment and no one can stop you. My goodness. Quebec. I mean, Quebec, it's a part of the country.
00:29:19.880
I get it. But no politician in Ontario or Alberta could get away with that. So maybe there's something
00:29:25.400
to learn from Quebec, at least about, you know, electing more interesting politicians. We've got to take
00:29:31.380
a quick break when we come back talking about equalization and Western alienation here on the
00:29:36.720
Andrew Lawton Show. You're tuned in to the Andrew Lawton Show. Welcome back. The topic of Western
00:29:51.500
alienation is a big one and one that I hear nonstop from people. And I think that the longer it goes on,
00:29:58.080
the more time passes from the federal election, the more pessimistic a lot of Albertans are
00:30:03.300
that Alberta will have a seat at the table and Alberta will get a fair deal. And that's actually
00:30:08.520
the name of the panel that the Alberta government has convened, the fair panel. And I spoke about
00:30:13.580
this back in Red Deer at the Freedom Talk with Drew Barnes and MLA with Danny Hozak, this idea of what
00:30:20.880
it would take. And that conference was, you may remember, broken up into three parts. There was
00:30:25.880
people who believe in separation, people who believe in confederation, and the what ifs,
00:30:31.540
the people who, OK, if we were to do it, what would we have to keep in mind? What would we have
00:30:36.640
to look at? And I think that the anger is certainly there. The frustration is there. But what would that
00:30:44.360
process look like? What needs to happen to get there? I want to talk about an aspect of this
00:30:49.180
with Professor Reiner Knopf, who's a professor emeritus of political science at the University of
00:30:54.440
Calgary and a Fraser Institute senior fellow. He wrote an essay on this refining Alberta's
00:31:00.320
equalization gambit, looking at really the constitutional realities of the dynamics that
00:31:06.420
Jason Kenney wants to inject into this. Professor joins me on the line now. Thank you very much for
00:31:12.440
joining me. It's good to talk to you, sir. Well, thanks for having me on. So let's talk about this idea
00:31:17.640
of how you get to that discussion, because there seems to be a lot of disagreement from people,
00:31:24.100
certainly those outside of Alberta, about whether Alberta can force this national dialogue,
00:31:34.020
Well, it's a very good question. I mean, the title of my piece is Refining Jason Kenney's
00:31:40.820
Equalization Gambit, and let's think a little bit about what gambit means. It's a move in a game like chess
00:31:48.740
or a political game, where you take the risk of losing something in order to gain an advantage elsewhere.
00:31:56.900
And I think that's what Premier Kennedy is doing here. He wants, you know, equal, he wants, he says he wants to
00:32:09.520
take equalization out of the Constitution. But he knows that that requires an amendment,
00:32:17.760
getting the consent of Ottawa and seven provinces, having 50 percent of the population. And he knows
00:32:23.200
that's highly unlikely, impossible, I would say. So what's his real goal? He's risking a loss there.
00:32:32.000
Well, he just wants to get people to the constitutional negotiating table,
00:32:35.920
so he can fight his good fight for fairness against things like discriminatory tanker bans,
00:32:45.120
no more pipelines laws, getting the TMX pipeline built. And if things don't work in the regular
00:32:55.600
political fashion, then he's saying, well, we'll have a constitutional conference on an
00:33:01.360
equalization amendment in order to elevate our fight for fairness to the top of the national agenda.
00:33:09.280
And that, of course, assumes that he can force people to come to the negotiating table. He thinks
00:33:17.360
he can do that with a referendum. The point of my paper is to argue that that's not enough.
00:33:23.760
He's been bedazzled by arguments about referendum. He still has to have one. But he needs another tactic.
00:33:34.160
So let's talk about two aspects of this. I want to get to what that other tactic might look like in
00:33:40.800
a moment. But there is, I think, an impracticality in that if you can't get other provinces to agree or the
00:33:47.840
country to agree on a lot of those policy issues you mentioned, like pipelines and energy, how likely is it
00:33:53.920
you're going to get them to agree on constitutional reforms, which have a much higher threshold, as you
00:33:59.920
mentioned earlier, to get anything done? Well, it's getting them to the constitutional table
00:34:10.000
is a way of, as Kenny keeps saying, elevating the issue higher up. You don't actually have to get
00:34:19.280
an equalization amendment. You just have to get them around the table to talk about these things.
00:34:25.440
He says many times that no particular outcome is guaranteed. It's just, let's get everybody around
00:34:36.560
the table. I mean, he's trying to do all of this politically in many, many other ways now. And he's
00:34:45.040
quite clear that if some of the things that I mentioned a few moments ago about, you know, the TMX
00:34:51.520
pipeline getting built, some modification of pipelines law, scrapping discriminatory tanker
00:34:59.440
bands, if some of those things happen, then he won't pursue this other option.
00:35:06.400
Let's talk about the duty to negotiate, because this was, you note in your paper,
00:35:11.120
declared by the Supreme Court in the 1998 secession reference as a tool, in Kenny's view,
00:35:17.600
to bring reluctant governments to the table. But you say there's not, there still is a flaw to his
00:35:23.280
belief there. Well, that case, the 1998 secession reference, was about Quebec's secession.
00:35:32.240
And the court introduced this idea of a duty to negotiate. If Quebecers voted on a clear majority,
00:35:42.320
voted in favor of a clear question on secession, there was a duty of the rest of the country to
00:35:47.280
negotiate. Everybody was bedazzled by this new duty to negotiate. And the argument ever since has been
00:35:53.280
mostly about whether that applies outside the secession context. And Kenny thinks it does.
00:36:05.520
It does. But the vast majority of constitutional scholars, now including me, I've changed my mind
00:36:13.200
on this, think it does not. There are too many strong arguments against that. But what nobody's
00:36:21.520
paying attention to, and what I'm trying to focus some attention on, is that the Supreme Court in that
00:36:27.200
same case did say, in very general language, that there was a duty to negotiate just about any kind
00:36:34.720
of amendment, including an equalization amendment, that requires multilateral consent, if that's,
00:36:43.440
if that's initiated in the constitutionally prescribed manner. What's right in the Constitution
00:36:48.560
Act 1982, which is legislatively initiating it, through a legislative resolution. It's a very simple
00:36:55.840
thing. It's a lot simpler than a referendum. Kenny still has to have his referendum for reasons we
00:37:03.280
can talk about. But if he relies just on that, he's inviting other governments to ignore him, pointing
00:37:11.440
to all the constitutional scholars who say that a referendum can't force anybody to the table, except
00:37:17.120
in the case of secession. So, I mean, there are two aspects to this. There's obviously the political
00:37:24.080
route that he might take, and how that impacts the standing of Alberta and other provinces and
00:37:29.760
the federal government, public opinion. And then there's the legal route. And which would you say
00:37:34.160
on the legal side is the path of least resistance to get that outcome that Alberta wants?
00:37:41.760
Well, I mean, path of least resistance is the right formulation. There will always be resistance.
00:37:48.960
But the path of least resistance, he has to have a referendum because, well, let me turn it around.
00:37:57.200
He has to introduce a legislative resolution in favor of an amendment on equalization. That will
00:38:05.360
get people to, I mean, that clearly triggers the duty to negotiate laid down by the 1998 secession
00:38:13.520
reference. He still has to have a referendum because Alberta has a law on the books called
00:38:19.600
the Constitutional Referendum Act, which says we will not introduce a resolution on a constitutional
00:38:28.080
amendment, the constitutionally prescribed mechanism. We will not do that unless we've had a referendum
00:38:34.160
first. But he does have to do, and so I'm saying he's got to do both. He still has to have his
00:38:39.200
referendum, but he can't just rely on that to bring people to the table. So the referendum, though,
00:38:44.800
is this, I mean, I would argue that the referendum is necessary to obviously go through those legal
00:38:52.240
checkboxes that need to be checked, as you mentioned. But I think that's also important on
00:38:56.160
the political side as well, because he needs to basically show that he's got a lot of strength going
00:39:02.240
into any negotiation. That's true. There's a political dimension to this. So let's imagine,
00:39:13.200
Jason Kenney holds a referendum. He gets a massive support to delete equalization from the Constitution.
00:39:20.640
He calls up all his fellow premiers, and he says, let's come to the negotiating table. And some of them
00:39:28.160
say no. And he says, well, you have to, because the Quebec secession reference said you did.
00:39:33.440
But they might come because of the political pressure you're talking about. But they can
00:39:39.040
ignore him if they want to. And they will ignore him if they really want to. If he adds this very
00:39:47.360
simple second step of the legislative resolution that's prescribed in the Constitution, they can't
00:39:52.640
ignore him. That's all. I mean, people can negotiate at any time for any reason. The question is, can he
00:40:02.560
force them to? Yeah. And I also, though, think that old adage that leading a horse to water doesn't mean
00:40:10.400
you can make a drink applies here is that even if you can compel people to the table, there's no guarantee
00:40:15.920
of any outcome or certainly not a favorable one. And he himself, Premier Kennedy, says that
00:40:24.880
consistently when he talks about this. He says there is no guaranteed outcome. He also indicates
00:40:31.680
that we're not going to do this for a couple of years unless other things fail. It's kind of a last
00:40:37.440
resort mechanism. There is no guaranteed outcome, but it will at least force things a little higher on
00:40:45.600
the agenda by putting everybody around. They may not stay around the table very long. They may tell
00:40:51.040
them to forget about it. But that itself provides opportunities for political pressure. I know it gets
00:41:03.520
outside of the essay specifically in this case, but I do think there's a worthwhile point to put to the
00:41:11.040
table here. Do you think that just with looking at other dynamics in Canadian history and even in
00:41:17.440
Quebec's case, do you think that the solution is going to come from outside of the Constitution here?
00:41:23.360
Well, I think ultimately it will. But, you know, Peter Russell years ago wrote a very famous piece
00:41:31.520
on the political use of legal resources. And constitutional arguments are always invoked in political
00:41:42.000
controversies or certain kinds of political controversies. Legal cases provide legal resources
00:41:48.080
that, you know, each side will try to leverage. And that's what this is all about. I mean,
00:41:54.560
it's ultimately a political question for sure that's the case. But legalities make a difference.
00:42:05.040
Very much so. The essay is Refining Alberta's Equalization Gambit. The author,
00:42:09.840
University of Calgary Political Science Professor Emeritus Reiner Knopf. Professor,
00:42:14.720
thanks very much for your time today. Great chatting. My pleasure. And I don't know whether that's a cheery
00:42:20.560
note or not for Albertans that are wanting more independence. I mean, obviously the answer is that
00:42:25.680
there's no such thing as a seamless route to get what you are looking for out there. But I also think
00:42:31.840
that it stresses that the referendum is pivotal, not just on the political side, but also on the
00:42:36.960
legal side. So one way or another, there needs to be public input on this. And I would say public buy
00:42:43.120
in from Albertans. So we'll be following the Western alienation dialogue. And I'm actually going to be
00:42:48.240
in April back at another conference on this subject. I was at one in November in Red Deer,
00:42:53.600
and I think the other one's in Red Deer again. The Freedom Talk conference put on by Danny Hozak,
00:42:58.320
who I ended up interviewing for True North. And we'll be talking a lot, especially as the fair panel
00:43:05.760
will have gone further along about where things are standing there. But that's coming up in a few
00:43:10.080
months. We got to get to that point first. In the meantime, thank you all for tuning into the show.
00:43:14.480
Thanks to Rainer Knopp and everyone who supports the program. We'll talk to you in a couple of days.
00:43:21.520
Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show. Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.