Juno News - November 04, 2025
The battle over the Notwithstanding Clause
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Summary
The notwithstanding clause is a vital piece of our charter, not some workaround but a foundational piece essential to its very foundations. And after liberal attempts to meddle with that clause, to limit the impacts of our elected officials and parliamentary supremacy, we re seeing why it s so important.
Transcript
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Hi, Juneau News. Alexander Brown, Director of the National Citizens Coalition, host here of
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Not Sorry, airing three days a week. I want you to take advantage of our promo code. Go to
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junownews.com slash not sorry for 20% off. And we're talking the notwithstanding clause today.
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This is a big week for the notwithstanding clause. It's a big week for the budget.
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There are domestic crises that Canada continues to work its way through.
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The notwithstanding clause is a vital piece of our charter. It's not some workaround,
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but a foundational piece essential to its very foundations. And following the liberal
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attempts to meddle with that clause, to limit the impacts of our elected officials and parliamentary
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supremacy, and seemingly attempt to further elevate an increasingly activist and left-leaning
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judiciary, we're seeing why it's so important. Alberta needed to use it to get its teachers back
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to work with the teachers union, you know, having no legal case in response after Danielle
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Smith squashed that strike. And now we're seeing a deeply troubling Supreme Court of Canada ruling,
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striking down mandatory minimums for pedophiles and child predators. As many have said, including
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Carrie Sun, the Supreme Court has no right to soften child porn laws. Danielle Smith, Scott Moe,
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and other conservatives are calling on Ottawa to use the notwithstanding clause after the Supreme
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Court of Canada scrapped these mandatory minimum sentences for accessing child pornography. And
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rightfully so. Pierre Polyev himself has come out with scathing remarks against the decision. Take a listen.
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Let us be clear. This is not a victimless crime. The monsters who look at this material create a profit motive
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for literally hundreds of kids to be tortured and humiliated in videos that may circulate for the rest of
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their lives. And yet these two perverts are going to get out of jail in a year and nine months. Frankly,
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those sentences were far too low. And now the court says that some other users of child pornography
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should be able to get out in less than that time. Should Canadians make me their prime minister,
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I will use the notwithstanding clause and I will bring in mandatory prison sentences for users of
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child porn that are far higher than the ones that were already in place. In other words, the mandatory
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minimums I will institute using the charter of rights and freedoms will be far, far tougher than the
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ones the court just shut down because those hundreds of kids, they have charter rights. And I'm more
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worried about the charter rights of our children than I'm about these perverts and pedophiles.
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We have an activist judge problem. We have an out of touch judge problem where this liberal insider
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bubble, these folks don't realize that ordinary Canadians have real concerns about rising crime,
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chaos, social degradation, immigration. These are all issues that we now pull
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more conservatively in, unlike ever before. We're going to talk to Josh DeHaas. He's counsel with
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the Canadian Constitution Foundation, because this is a vital moment to not lose our notwithstanding
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clause, which the liberals are now meddling with. And first, a word from our sponsor.
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to know. You can learn more by visiting unsmoke.ca. Josh DeHaas, counsel with the Canadian Constitution
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Foundation, joins us. Josh, thanks for coming back on the show.
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Josh DeHaas Yeah, now you got, it's a busy time for you guys. Christine has an op-ed in the National Post.
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I'm sure you're getting calls left and right. Notwithstanding clause, big moment for it. Even
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socialists used to be in favor of the notwithstanding clause. Can you explain the foundational role of
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that clause in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and why it's considered essential
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rather than just a workaround for overriding judicial decisions?
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Marc Thiessen Yeah, of course. So the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, it's the document that outlines
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our freedom of expression rights or equality rights or legal rights. We had all of these rights before
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to one degree or another before the Charter in 82. But Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau wanted to
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write that down and give judges the power to more explicitly review whether government laws or state
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actions violated our rights and freedoms. And most provincial premiers, and I think most Canadians
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thought it was a good idea to write that down and have a Bill of Rights like the Americans do. So they
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negotiated about what's going to be in it. And some premiers were a little concerned and they had a
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little bit of foresight perhaps through their own experiences about what might happen if you said,
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you know, this piece of paper and how judges interpret it is going to limit how provinces can do
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their jobs and, you know, pass statutes. And so one of the sort of linchpin for getting provinces to sign
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on and agree was that you would have this clause, Section 33, that says where this clause is invoked in
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legislation for a period of five years. The, that provision, that statute is going to prevail not
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withstanding the provision itself. So regardless of what a judge might say about what the right
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means, like, you know, what your right to free expression means or your right to free association
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means the provinces view passed through the legislature is going to prevail for five years
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at a time. So it was a sort of an essential part of the compromise that got us the Charter of Rights
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and Freedoms. Now, in light of recent attempts by the Liberal government to limit the use of that
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notwithstanding clause, how does this impact, I guess, what we would call parliamentary supremacy
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and the balance of power between elected officials and that judiciary? So the, the notwithstanding
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clause is, it is the big, um, expression of parliamentary, uh, supremacy. It's, it's saying
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that, you know, even though we're moving to a system where, uh, the constitution itself is going to, uh,
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limit, um, it's gonna, it's gonna determine what people's, you know, rights and freedoms are. We're not
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gonna entirely give that up. We're gonna continue with the British tradition to some degree.
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Where, you know, legislatures get to say what they think rights mean and where they think the limits
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on those rights are. Um, there's a case going to the Supreme Court right now. It's on, uh,
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ostensibly on bill 21, which is the, you know, the law that limits teachers and cops from wearing
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hijabs or keep us, um, in the workplace. But what it's really become about is a couple of things. One is
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whether even when the notwithstanding clause has been used, whether courts can go ahead and still
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tell us that they think rights were violated. That's a big controversy, but the sort of big
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surprise was the federal government. Uh, you know, the Cardi government is saying, well,
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there's some cases where using the notwithstanding clause would be illegitimate entirely. And judges can
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decide, uh, that, you know, despite having this very clear part of the constitution, there are cases
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where, where it can't actually be used. So that's sort of throwing a big, um, nuclear bomb into the
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conversation. If you ask me. Yeah. Now it's been effectively used recently in provinces like Alberta,
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such as in the case of, of squashing a teacher strike that was, you know, rolling on and on.
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What does this demonstrate about its importance in resolving labor disputes, for example?
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So, uh, this is, I believe it's the second time Alberta has ever used the notwithstanding clause,
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which goes to show you how rarely, um, it gets used and how cautious governments are to, um, not be
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seen to be overriding rights, you know, by to not be seen to be over overruling the judges. But in this
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particular case, you know, what happened is, um, there have been Supreme Court rulings for, for decades on
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what freedom of association under the charter means. And for many, many years, they said it
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does not include a right to strike or a right to collectively bargain. It literally just says
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freedom of association means you can, you know, associate with other people, be part of union or be
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part of a club, but it doesn't demand a certain outcome. Like you are allowed to strike or collectively
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bargain. Well, in 2015, a Supreme court judge, Rosalie Abella decided, uh, to use her
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words that it was time to give benediction to the right to strike. And since in 1982, they hadn't,
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you know, included that in the charter, I guess she decided, I'm just gonna decide that, you know,
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section 2d that freedom of association covers that right that, you know, nobody thought was actually
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there in 1982. So you get that ruling in 2015. And now it means governments that try to, you know,
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legislate, uh, um, employees back to work, whether it's striking teachers or any other, um, arguably
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essential service are going to face this risk, um, which Ontario just, uh, found out, uh, the hard way
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of, you know, owing billions of dollars to those public sector workers, because you didn't properly
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respect their right to strike or collectively bargain, which, you know, I would argue doesn't
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actually exist in the charter. So you, you got this fairly historic use like Alberta does, they're
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not whipping out the notwithstanding clause often. The last time was, you know, the Ralph Klein era.
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So, uh, I would say if ever there was a case to use it, this is the one that makes sense because,
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um, otherwise it's, it's, uh, really overriding the will of, of the people for a right that doesn't
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really in my view exists. So, yeah. And I know that so much of the argument against it, uh, is always
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that, you know, everyone, you know, these evil conservatives are going to start, you know,
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using it left and right, but it's always been this very much a break glass in case of emergency tool.
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And I can think of no other greater case than the, the Supreme court's ruling going into the weekend
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that struck down mandatory minimum sentences for child pornography offenses. What concerns does this
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raise about the judiciary's approach to, to serious crimes against children? And, you know, how might the
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notwithstanding clause address such decisions? Yeah. You know, I was just, uh, doing another
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interview talk, talking about this particular case. So for those who don't know what, what happened
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essentially, um, you know, in 2015, the, the Harper government passed, um, this law that said,
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we think child pornography is not being taken seriously enough. We want to make sure that whenever
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you're, you know, someone is guilty of accessing it, um, that, that they should go to prison for at
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least a year. And, um, on the basis of reasonable hypotheticals, you know, imagined by the, um,
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you know, by the lawyers in this, this case, defending, uh, people who had, had, um, actually
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gotten less than the mandatory minimum, the court decided that in some cases a year is just too much
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for this, um, heinous crime. And we think that, you know, Canadians would be, um, offended by putting
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somebody away for a year in certain cases. And they made up some cases that do, you know, they,
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they are, you can understand why the court might be, uh, concerned about, um, those particular
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hypotheticals, but they're, they're not things that actually happened that were not before the court.
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Yeah. And so on that basis alone, they said, um, these sentence that the one year minimum sentence is,
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is too long, but you know, the, the one year minimum sentence that's been in place for a decade,
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it's a result of democratic decision under the Harper government. And we had another government
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for 10 years almost that didn't change it. So I think it's pretty clear that who's, who's offside
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here. And it's those, uh, majority judges. And what would your assessment be of, of Pierre
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Polyev's put out sort of pretty profound criticisms of this child pornography ruling?
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How does this highlight the tension between what I think the public perceives as, and it's probably
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correct to do so like a growing judicial activism and, and the concern in the public of a left leaning
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and far too lenient judiciary and, and the need for, for such a strong tool like the notwithstanding
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clause to seemingly make up for the fact that we have an activist judge problem in Canada.
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Yeah. I don't know if I, if I would call it the judicial activism or an activist judge problem,
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the way you're the expert. Yeah. So the way I see it, when I read these things is more,
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um, a bit of an out of touch judge problem. Okay. Um, so you have a lot, if you think of who judges
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are, these are like extremely successful people. Um, but they're, they're sort of the elite of the
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elite. They're, they're often in their own bubbles in a way. Like they do have all of these cases that
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come before them that, you know, we never see all the details of as, as lay people. So they're,
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they're aware of what's happening in the world, but they're not necessarily in tune with what,
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you know, how Canadians feel about something like what is cruel, cruel and unusual punishment,
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you know, in their view, a year for child porn can be cruel in some cases. I don't think if you polled,
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you know, your neighbors, most people would find that cruel yet they're making the determination that
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that's, that's cruel. So, uh, you know, I think that the, in those cases, the judges need to look at what
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parliament has done and, you know, they have put forward a bill. They've said,
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we want longer sentences. It's gone to committee. People have had their chance from civil society to
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comment on that. Um, and it's been in place for, for a decade and suddenly they're telling us that,
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oh no, what, what the legislature decided was cruel. Well, you know, I think that suggests you're kind of
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a little bit out of touch with most Canadians. Yeah. It, it strikes me as in theme with,
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we see it in the polls all the time now, which is that kind of detached Ottawa political class bubble,
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where we maybe aren't as genteel, uh, in our, in our social beliefs as our betters would,
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would believe you to be that we really care about crime and, and safety and, and, you know,
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the permissible drug use that hasn't gone anywhere or, you know, the, the situation in our streets,
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immigration that Canadians are looking for, uh, the, a more of a social cohesion, more of a
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refocusing on law and order, which, you know, much to the behest of, of perhaps, uh, some of our,
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our sort of left-leaning talking heads. Are there historic or recent examples where the failure to
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use the notwithstanding clause has led to outcomes that, that undermine public safety or, or parliamentary
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intent, you know, such as the, you know, the ruling on, on mandatory minimums for, for these serious
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offenses? Uh, well, the mandatory minimums thing, this has been a debate for many, many years. And I
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think it, it does, um, it does put, uh, public safety, um, at risk. Um, I think the more obvious
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example is not necessarily with crime, but with, with the labor, um, negotiations, you know, Ontario,
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um, they, because they, they, they threatened to use the notwithstanding clause, and then they didn't,
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um, do it in this case for their legislation, where they said all public sector workers are going to have
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a pay freeze and, um, you know, it'll happen for a year for a third of them. And then the next group
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will go through a pay freeze. Um, they, they lost a court, a court decision, a court case
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on whether that violated the right to, um, to collective bargaining. And as a result of that,
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Ontario is going to pay an estimated $7 billion, uh, to those workers who apparently didn't get
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enough of a raise. According to some arbitrator, I worked for the government and I got a surprise
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check in the mail fairly recently. Um, and I was like, what is this? I think it was like $1,300
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or something. And it was, uh, a payment because Ontario was, you know, naughty and did a pay freeze
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that some arbitrator decided was, um, not appropriate. Like we shouldn't be ruled by the
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arbitrators or the judges, right? We should be ruled by, uh, the, the voters who put that particular
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government in office to crack down on, uh, spending. Yeah. I guess that's the worry that
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it's like, are we slowly becoming more of this American style system where there is this, this
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judicial supremacy and not parliamentary supremacy? I guess looking ahead and to wrap, like what risk
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does Canada face if the not withstanding clause is further restricted? It was obviously part of the
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bargain struck in 1982. If the liberals are successful in its limitation or removal,
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should we expect the constitutional crisis? You know, that an issue with the judiciary holding
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absolute power. Yeah. I think what we can expect is if not a constitutional crisis, that's, you know,
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big and obvious, um, we're going to see just less respect for the rule of law. You're going to see,
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uh, you know, provinces like Quebec's increased, which they, they increasingly do frankly say,
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regardless of what courts find, we're just going to do what we want anyway. And in an ideal situation,
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what you, what you have is a dialogue between the courts where courts can say, look, you violated
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rights. You need to make this right. And, uh, you know, premiers and legislatures say, oh, actually,
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you know, you're right in this case, or this is one of those rare cases where we think you're
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wrong. And we're going to say why, and take it, uh, to the voters, you know, we risk giving up that
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sort of delicate balance that we've had in place for a long time in Canada, at least, you know, pre,
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pre COVID we had in place, uh, where both legislatures and judges, uh, have a genuine respect for,
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for the rule of law and are able to sort of, uh, work through these sticky issues. You know,
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if the, if the federal government gets to limit the notwithstanding clause, then, um, a lot of
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provinces will just start ignoring it. Josh Dahaz, Canadian Constitution Foundation.