Juno News - November 18, 2021
The road to victory for Conservatives is through culture
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Summary
Why are conservatives so reluctant to talk about culture? If conservatives want to win elections, then they have to lay the groundwork beforehand. They have to promote conservative values and conservative ideas well beforehand. In this episode, I talk to the co-founder of Cardus, Ray Pennings, about why this is a problem.
Transcript
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Why are conservatives so reluctant to talk about culture?
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If conservatives want to win elections, then they have to lay the groundwork beforehand.
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They have to promote conservative values and conservative ideas well beforehand.
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I'm Candace Malcolm, and this is The Candace Malcolm Show.
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Hi, everyone. Thank you so much for tuning in. Thank you for your continued support of True
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North and The Candace Malcolm Show. Now, if you're anything like me, you often feel
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disappointed at conservative politicians in this country. They constantly let us down. Namely,
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they often believe that in order to win elections, they have to basically abandon core principles and
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core values in order to win over the sort of middle of the road, socially moderate Canadian electorate.
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That's the basic conventional wisdom among conservative strategists, conservative elites.
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They tell us that if a conservative party, a conservative politician wants to win,
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they have to either hide their conservatism or completely throw conservatism under the bus
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and instead promote the sort of latest trendy leftist progressive ideas and values. And so this
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strategy, this conventional wisdom is all based on the idea that Canada is a progressive left-wing
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liberal country that would never elect conservatives. I believe that's a misconception, but regardless,
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that is the basic theory. And so rather than defending tradition, rather than articulating
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conservative ideas and a different conservative vision for the country, what we see is conservative
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politicians often just try to mirror whatever the liberals are saying and doing, including often
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just the latest left-wing kooky fads, because these conservatives believe that that is the best hope of
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getting elected. And look, in some ways, you can't really blame conservative politicians for failing to
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lead us in a more conservative direction because at the end of the day, a conservative's job is to get
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elected. And so too many are willing to just say and do anything that they need to in order to win.
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So if we want to see more conservative politicians in this country, we want to see more conservatives
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promoting true conservative values and ideas. It's not just up to the politicians to lead us down that
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path. We need to have help from other people in society. We need more people to defend conservative
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values. We need activists and leaders from the rest of society, from civil society to step up and help
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pave that path. We need more voices articulating a conservative vision for Canada, more thinkers and
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leaders defending conservative values, promoting and defending our history, our tradition, our way of
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life, as well as the basic ideas like human dignity, liberty, and having a robust civil society that's
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capable of solving some of the tough problems we encounter without always having to rely on the heavy hand
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of government. So today I want to focus on an organization that does just that. It's called Cardus
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and I really encourage you to check them out and to support the great work that they do. So it was
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originally founded all the way back in 1974, but that back then it was called the Work Research Foundation
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and it worked alongside and in support of the Christian Labour Association of Canada. It was originally
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just there to sort of help out the Christian Labour Association with conferences and writing and those
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kind of things. And then Cardus as a think tank came into existence in the fall of 2000 with Michael
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Van Pelt as its first president and the first full-time employee and Ray Pennings, who is joining me on the
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program today. He secured the initial grant and was sort of the mastermind of this project. So the two of
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them together founded Cardus. Cardus focuses on human dignity, strong families, religious freedom, formative
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education and healthy communities. Those all sound like wonderful things that I would like to hear more of
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from politicians. And I think that the way to do that is to have more people in society talking
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about these ideas, aware of the impact that they have and how much we need these sort of secondary
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institutions, not just relying on government for everything, but again, relying on civil society,
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relying on communities, relying on strong families. And I just want to read one bit from my friends over
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at the Hub. They did a spotlight on Cardus celebrating 20 years since Cardus was formed and they wrote this,
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and I think this is completely spot on. And I think it's so important. And this is part of the reason
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why I want to talk about this today, but they say this. So while modern conservatives are comfortable
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pointing out all of the different ways that government is the problem or is not the solution
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to the problem, they're less comfortable actually explaining what the solution is. So for Cardus,
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the answer is found in culture, religion, and civil society, which means we need to build a road that
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connects these things to politics and policymaking. I think that's right. I think that's absolutely brilliant.
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And I'm so pleased today to be joined by Ray Pennings, the co-founder of Cardus to just sort of delve
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into some of these ideas a little more. So Ray, thank you so much for joining us and congratulations
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on 20 years of Cardus. Well, thank you so much for having me. It's a pleasure. Great. Yeah. Well,
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so to any of the audience out there who's not familiar with Cardus, why don't you give us a little
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bit of overview on what it is that you do day to day and what you focus on? Well, Cardus is a think tank,
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so we, you know, in terms of our day to day work, it's not dissimilar from other think tanks.
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There are, we actually call ourselves a think tank plus, and we do so for a couple of reasons.
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Think tanks usually are focused on the political and policy sphere. And the core premise of our
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existence is that while government and the state and politics is part of, it is not the entirety of
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public life. And in that sense, we want, we pay a lot of attention to the other institutions of
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society, be that the family, the community organization, the business organization, the
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church. Our, our premise, in that sense, we're probably more Burkean conservatives talking about
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the little platoons and how they contribute. And our argument is that many of the problems of public life
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that people are looking to government to solve are in fact better solved through other institutions.
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And so we, we're a think tank, but that serves not just the political, but the entire broad sphere
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of civil society and public life. That's great. It seems like so many think tanks on the conservative
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side or the classical liberal side in Canada focus squarely on economics and sort of conventional
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thinking that, you know, the conservative movement in Canada, it's a big tent. There's lots of different
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types of conservatives. There's libertarians, people that are more traditional or social
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conservative. But, but, but there's sort of conventional wisdom, Ray, that, that, that the,
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the winning ideas are the fiscal ideas, the economic ideas, and that it's when the cultural issues
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and the social issues kind of come up during elections, that it's bad for conservatives. And therefore,
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we should just sort of push these ideas aside, ignore them, kind of come to the consensus of the
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left-wing liberal establishment in the country. Whereas it seems like Curtis is taking the complete
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opposite approach. And so I want you to maybe to tell me a little bit about how it is that these
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cultural issues can unite conservatives just as much as economic issues. Well, let me answer that in
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two ways. First, pragmatically, and then, and then more fundamentally philosophically. Pragmatically,
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you know, Stephen Harper in 2003, De Civitas, argued on the importance of social conservatism alongside,
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and social and cultural conservatism alongside economic conservatism. His approach, I, the day
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after he was elected in 2006, I, I wrote a piece that was published in Policy Options, which highlighted
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that his was a coalition that required all of, and I identified six different branches
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of conservatism. And in many ways, I think the secret to the decade, Harper decade in office,
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was the fact that they recognize this was a coalition of interests and, and incrementally built
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along that, along that way. I would argue that when conservatives have focused only on economic
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issues, they typically have lost. I actually don't think that is a formula for success in today's Canada,
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Canada, which steps back to more fundamentally. And I think the argument is, it's because who we are is
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fundamental as human beings. We are not just consumers, we are not just people who are focused
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entirely on making money. And there are a lot of people who have a lot of money who aren't all that
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satisfied and happy in life. We are created, and this is, you know, obviously, there's, there's a
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fundamental anthropology that is contested along the way, but Curtis would come from the perspective
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that we are created as image bearers of God, imago dei, that gives us dignity, that gives us worth,
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that also makes us social beings. And we find flourishing and happiness and satisfaction when we're
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in relationship with others. Whether that relationship is in the family, whether that's in
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the community, enterprise being a shared social relationship, I think, you know, any go to Harvard
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Business Review, go to any successful entrepreneur, and they'll tell you that if you only focus on making
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money and not any other values, you rarely will continue to make money. You know, in many ways,
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profit is like breathing, it's essential in a market economy. But when I wake up in the morning
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and think about the fact that I need to breathe, it's probably a sign of sickness, not health.
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Right. Well, and I mean, there's, there certainly seems like there's been a crisis of meaning and
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purpose in our society that so many young people don't really see, they don't have the same motivation,
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or they don't really know their role, because our social roles are changing so much. And this is
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particularly the case for young men. And I think that the meteoric rise of Jordan Peterson speaks
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volumes to the fact that he was saying something that was sort of different than the traditional
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conservative message. But unfortunately, it doesn't seem like our political class has really
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joined on to that. Because I mean, we're seeing a little bit of a crisis in the Federal Conservative
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Party of Canada, where, you know, Aaron O'Toole, the leader, sort of took the party more to the
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center, more to what we would describe as like a liberal light, and didn't really defend conservative
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ideas and values. And we're seeing it across the country that, you know, before it was like, you
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know, let's stay away from these divisive social issues, because they drag us down. And, you know,
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maybe people perceive that Andrew Scheer being a social conservative and a Catholic hurt his ability
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to win that election. But now, you know, the cultural issues that we're talking about are a little bit more
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more basic to the country. Like, is Canada a horrible, genocidal country? Did we found it on
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all of these terrible institutions that need to be demolished? Or is there something there? And again,
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I don't really see very many conservative politicians really coming out and defending Canada against some
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of the worst accusations against us. So I'm kind of wondering what, what's Curtis's position? And how do
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you think we can influence more of that kind of leadership to talk about, meaning some of the
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things that you were talking about human dignity, from our political class?
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I, in many ways, Curtis started in 2000, out of a sense that the political institutions were failing us,
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and that the ideas that were needed were very unlikely to come from within, and therefore,
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they needed to come from outside of the political institutions.
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I say that as a former candidate for the Canadian Alliance, having been involved extensively in
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political campaigns. The argument, I think when we take a look, and let me be very clear, my
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criticism would be as much on social conservatives, in terms of how they have engaged the political
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sphere, and I would say typically not very wisely. So they haven't done themselves a whole lot of
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favors in terms of making making the argument for their cause. I don't think you're going to win by
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by cherry picking hot button issues and somehow polarizing and us versus them culture wedge in
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society. I think instead, you know, I think some of the the immigration, you know, we look at what
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Jason Kenney did when he was involved in the outreach for the conservatives. Many immigrants to this
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country share values in terms of family, in terms of community, and a sense of identity. They tend to
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be entrepreneurial and pro market, but there's a whole lot more to what they understand and expect
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out of the public square and the shapes they're voting. I recall speaking to Civitas in 2003 on
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why collective bargaining is fundamentally a conservative idea. I had the predictable line of people at the
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mic ready to challenge in terms of my defense of unionism along the way. Now, my defense is not a defense of
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mainstream contemporary unionism, to be sure. But I would argue that collective bargaining is not only
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economically feasible, it recognizes the fact that a workplace is a community and there are a diversity of
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interests and that when labor and management can work together in terms of building the larger pie, there are all sorts of
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things positive that can happen. And there are models around the world quite different than the
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adversarial North American model in which collective bargaining should be seen as a positive. You know,
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I look at some areas in Europe where, you know, the EI system, for instance, doesn't belong to government.
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It belongs to industry associations and unions together. I've often, you know, we've had our trouble with our
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EI in terms of the differences between seasonal work and cyclical work in Eastern Canada and having those
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rules apply to a manufacturing base in southwestern Ontario and a recognition that doesn't work. There
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are some structural things that flow up. This isn't just about hot button moral issues. This is about a way of
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organizing life away in terms of what is my obligation to those, to my co-worker, to my employer, to my
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neighbor. And fundamentally, it all roots back to the fact that as a human being, I have a dignity and
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a worth and I'm a social being. And flourishing is going to come in as I live with and alongside others.
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No, that's great. There's definitely been a political sort of realignment. And I think that some of the
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things that conservatives today are realizing is that, you know, they have a lot of allies with
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traditional blue collar union voters that might have, you know, used to vote for a party like the NDP.
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But with all of the identity politics and the sort of left wing fad issues that the left wing parties
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are consumed with, they've sort of ignored and neglected this big part of their base that sort of
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could very much fall in line with conservatives in terms of some of the values that you're discussing.
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And I think to some extent, there has been an overreach on the part of the progressive left,
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in which, you know, they are more proselytizing than anybody on the right that I see. And there
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is a sense of a forced identity that a lot of people, you know, it's not politically correct to
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say all of these things, but a lot of people say, wait a minute, that's not me. That's not what,
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that's not how we live our day to day life. And that's increasing the disconnect between public
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life and family life. And I think, within the cracks that are there, the light is shining in,
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and they're in, I'm reasonably optimistic in terms of what the future might look like.
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Well, that's great. One of the things you mentioned, when you're talking about community
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is sort of the obligation that we have to one another, all the political parties, talk a lot about
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your rights, your freedoms, your liberties. With regards to COVID, we did start to hear more about,
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you know, the obligation that you have to others, and this idea that you might sacrifice yourself
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for the betterment of society. But it's not something that we are used to hearing from our
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politicians. So maybe you could tell me a little bit about what you think the duty of a Canadian is,
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or ought to be, and how, you know, we can talk more about not just, you know, what you can get from
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the government that you, the country that you live in, and the government. But what is your
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obligation as a Canadian to provide to society? Well, I think, you know, ultimately, it is about
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the stewardship of gifts. We all have equal dignity and equal rights as citizens along the way. But this
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notion, this notion of sameness, sometimes we transform equality, and equity into sameness. And
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yet we intuitively know from, you know, being two or three years old on, you know, in kindergarten,
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grade one, I realized I wasn't the same as some other people in the class, some of them could run
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faster, and, you know, we're more athletic and smarter, and all of the other things.
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And I think, you know, there is a sense in which difference itself is not a bad thing,
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and it can be celebrated. But when we view our gifts, not just in service of an autonomous self,
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in terms of how can I win, and how can I get, but have a sense of the common good,
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have a sense that a rising tide lifts all boats. You know, when we work together, and any business
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recognizes that. I have yet to meet the entrepreneur who's been successful in the long run,
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who says, I've done it all. The most successful entrepreneurs say, I took risks, and then I found
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people who had particular gifts and talents that I didn't have. And together we accomplished it XYZ.
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There is a sense in which we just know that is how we are created. That's how the world is made.
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We don't live on islands all by ourselves. That's not the ordinary way of life. And I think having a
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rich sense of a shared flourishing, a shared common good, ultimately makes us happier as individuals,
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than simply saying, I'm going to pursue my own happiness, and I don't care who I have to trump on
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in the process. Because most of us discover the fact that trumping on other people doesn't feel very
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good either. Right. Well, and I think some people have a misconceived idea of what happiness means.
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They think that happiness is just, you know, the joy that you might feel, the freedom of a day,
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and they don't recognize that, you know, happiness is built over time with, comes in hand with more
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responsibility, with service to others, with the sort of, you know, building families and communities,
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and these kind of things that we don't, we don't often hear much people talking about, you know,
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especially for my generation, that the sort of emphasis was really, you know, you go to school,
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you get an education, you get a good job. And that's, and that's the pathway. That's,
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that's the focus. And, and, you know, family is almost like a distraction from that. And I feel
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like there's so many people who miss the opportunity, or forgo the opportunity to have
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family and have kids, because they're so focused on a career, so focused on the economic side,
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that they're really missing out on something much deeper in life. And one of the things I've noticed,
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Ray, is that the generation younger than me, so young Canadians, I noticed this in a poll that
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you did, they might be more inclined to have a more traditional view of things like whether there
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should be religion in public life and the importance of family and marriage. Can you tell me a little
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bit about the poll that you've had, and maybe how this could help conservative politicians, because
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conservatives have a tough time appealing to young people in general. So maybe how these new
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shifting values could could help conservative fortunes?
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Yeah, we, and, you know, Curtis, right from the beginning, has, we've defined our roots explicitly,
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we are rooted in 2000 years of Christian social thought. That said, within our staff, and that we
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have the entire range, Catholic, Protestant, there's no one denomination, nor are we churchy or narrow
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in that regard. But in right, in light of the fact of, you know, what are the roots of happiness,
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what is the purpose of life, there are some fundamental questions on which we recognize
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Canadians differ, we live in a pluralistic society. But we think it's valuable to put our stake in the
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ground to say here is where we're coming from. And I think that has lots of implications. You know,
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there, the poll that you referenced, we pulled over 4000 Canadians half over the age of 40 half over
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under the age of 40. What is interesting is in terms of the role of faith in public life,
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by approximately 10% younger Canadians are much more open to being authentic, including those that
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they differ with. But saying it's better to instead of privatizing these conversations, it's better to
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have them in the public square. It may come as a surprise to most, but statistically speaking, the most
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likely to have read a sacred text or to have gone to a place of worship in the last 30 days of someone
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under the age of 30 on a per capita basis. So younger people and immigrants are the are the areas in which
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there is the most connection to faith and faith communities in this country. And I think that for,
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I would highlight the fact that among those groups also are the most who are, I would say,
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they're agnostic or don't have anything to do with faith. What they value is an authenticity,
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authenticity and not the fact of, you know, we've been measuring since 2017 and we have four categories.
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You have the very religious and the very non-religious. The very religious category is held
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firm about one in five Canadians, you know, and that includes all faiths, you know, are very regular
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and we use seven measures to do that. What has happened in the in the years that we've been studying
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it is there has been a shift from the middle to the non-religious side in which the person who would
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have checked the box and said, you know, I'm a Catholic or I'm an Anglican or I'm a Presbyterian or
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Baptist, whatever, gone to church perhaps once or twice a year or not at all, but had been baptized.
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But it really was not a meaningful part of their lives. Those are the people who are becoming
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increasingly hostile to religion. However, younger Canadians, those who were not raised in traditional
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faith, immigrant Canadians, there is a growing sense of a recognition of the importance of faith
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and faith institutions. And I would highlight, you know, go down University Avenue in Toronto and
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take a look at the names of the various hospitals and recognize the fact that, you know, our healthcare
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system even today relies on religious communities who are raising significant monies for the, you know,
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the Jewish community for the MRI machines at Mount Zion and, you know, the Catholic communities.
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Health, education, social services, a vast proportion of that even today is being delivered by
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faith communities in our country as part of our, as part of the system of delivery. And, you know,
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it's a story that by and large has been forgotten, but it is and remains part of the public square.
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And if all of that were to disappear tomorrow, Canada would not be at all the place that most of us
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has taken for granted. Absolutely. I think that's right. I think that for myself as well, I wasn't
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particularly raised in a religious family, go to church once or twice a year, but I found that when I
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was older on my own, I sort of, again, the same thing that you feel like there's something deeper
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here and maybe it's wise to turn to some of the traditions and ideas of the past that got us here
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instead of just throwing them out and saying, you know, we're too enlightened for this now. It's like
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there's wisdom in, in the past. And I know a lot, many of my peers feel similarly to that. Well,
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we'll end the interview on that note, a little bit of optimism that younger Canadians are, are seeing the
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value of tradition. Ray Pennings, thank you so much for joining us and keep up the good work over there
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at Cardus. Thank you so much, Candice. All right. Thank you so much for watching.
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I'm Candice Malcolm and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.