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- February 16, 2022
Trudeau is marching Canada down a dark path
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Length
18 minutes
Words per Minute
185.253
Word Count
3,406
Sentence Count
156
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Transcript
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Why on earth did Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoke the Emergency Act and what exactly does
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it give him the power to do? I'm Candice Malcolm and this is the Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning into the podcast today. So as you know,
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Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergency Measures Act on Monday afternoon. This is the most dramatic
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move possible for a Prime Minister in Canada, giving himself broad and sweeping powers that
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are previously unprecedented during peacetime. So these powers were not used during the Oka
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crisis in 1990. They were not used following 9-11 or following the terrorist attack on Parliament Hill
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when an active terrorist shooter entered Parliament just steps away from where members of Parliament
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were meeting. But Trudeau invoked them this week. Why? Because a small group of maybe a few hundred
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truckers refused to leave and continued to camp out in Ottawa. Was the Freedom Convoy really that
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big of a threat? Was this necessary? And what exactly does this give Trudeau the power to do?
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Well, to help me make sense of all of this, I am joined by Ryan O'Connor. Ryan O'Connor is a
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Toronto-based lawyer working as a partner at Zayuna Law Firm. O'Connor has written articles in the
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Toronto Sun, Post Media, and Post Millennial. Outside of his work as a lawyer, O'Connor serves as a director
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on the board of Ontario Proud. And I think most importantly, Ryan, you are married to the wonderful
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Jessica who represented True North when we sued the Trudeau government's debate commissions back
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during the 2019 federal election. We won triumphantly because of her work, her brilliant work as a
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lawyer, and it was a huge victory for all Canadians for free speech and freedom of press. So thank you
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so much for joining us today, Ryan. Well, it's good to be with you, Candice, and that latter point is
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probably my proudest accomplishment. Me too, me too. Well, Ryan, I want to, on a more serious note, I want to
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ask you about the Emergencies Act because there was sort of a lot of confusion as to what it did.
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I know that some people online last night were saying that this was, you know, martial law and
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it was suspending civil liberties and other Trudeau supporters were pushing back saying,
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no, it doesn't go that broad and this has parliamentary oversight. So can you help us
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make sense of what exactly this act does and how it works?
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So the Emergency Act was enacted in 1988. It replaced the War Measures Act, which the Prime Minister's
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father Pierre had enacted in 1970 in response to the October crisis, the terrorist attacks
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were going on in Quebec, kidnappings, assassinations. And one of the reasons why this was enacted was to
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ensure that this emergency legislation that we had was compliant with the Charter, which had come into
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effect six years prior. There are very strict criteria that have to be met in order for
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the federal cabinet in this case to declare what's called a national emergency. There has to be,
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broadly speaking, a threat to public safety that's beyond the capacity of a province to deal with.
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And in fact, the national emergency is defined as being beyond the capacity of any, pardon me,
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the capacity of any of our current laws to address. So it can be seen to be sort of a last step for a
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government that has exhausted all options in a time of actual crisis. But there's a very real
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question from a legal perspective is whether or not that definition of national emergency has been
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met and whether or not we're in such a crisis at this stage in response to protests and some blockades
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that would warrant the enactment of very significant legislation that can trample on Canadian civil liberties.
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Well, so what does the Trudeau government say? Like they must have issued some kind of
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legal documents saying what the crisis is, why they believe it's a crisis, and why the current laws
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are not enough insufficient to help them deal with this?
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Well, they've issued an order in council, which is an order of the federal cabinet.
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One of the justifications was the economic impact that some of these blockades have had.
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And let's bear in mind that the blockade in the Windsor, Detroit area, the Ambassador Bridge in Ontario,
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has been clear that blockade is no longer impacting the local economy or the Canadian economy broadly.
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There are still some blockades at border crossings, we understand. But it appears that law enforcement
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officials have the ability and the discretion to deal with that. But some of the other justifications,
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again, just don't make sense. They're concerned about political donations that might be financing
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the trucker convoy and the blockades. And again, citing the economic impact that blockades have had
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because Canada's recovering from the pandemic. We've had two years where government policy has
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imposed very significant restrictions on the economy that have had economic impacts for small
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businesses and individuals. So the government's using justifications for these extreme measures that,
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frankly, have existed for the last two years and it hasn't utilized. So it's a bit perplexing reading
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the order in council. And there's also a reference to an impact, I'm paraphrasing, on supply chains,
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on economic activity. Well, you know, the government's mandates have had that impact on
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economic activity long before these blockades were imposed. So those are some of the justifications
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that the Trudeau cabinet has used to justify invoking this national emergency.
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Okay, one other question on this topic of why they would do this. So there was a tweet on Tuesday
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afternoon from Ashley Burke over at the CBC. She writes this,
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public safety minister says, what's driving the demonstrations across Canada is a, quote,
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very small and organized group driven by an ideology to overthrow the government for whatever
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means they may wish to use, unquote. She goes on to say that Minister Mendocino said that the arrest
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in Coutts, Alberta is an example of this, what the government is concerned, talking about how a
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cache of weapons were seized. And she continues to say public safety minister Mark Mendocino has said
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there have been multiple people trying to characterize the blockades as about vaccines
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and mandates, and about fatigue with the pandemic. But he says that is not what is driving this
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movement. So, so, Brian, this is the first I'm hearing about this whole idea that that this whole
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freedom convoy was just a front to actually overthrow the Trudeau government and that there's a small,
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you know, serious group of driven by ideology to overthrow the government.
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Was that mentioned in the Order in Council? And is this something that you've heard before?
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Well, that's not specifically mentioned in the Order in Council. It's not something that I've heard
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generally. There's been rumblings online about the motivations of some of the protesters. You know,
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this is a very broad movement in Canada. I'm sure many of them would want to see
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this government replaced with a different political party given how they've, you know,
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the policies have enacted during the pandemic. But I don't know if this is based on intelligence that the
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government has access to and is letting the public know about. So I'm not so sure where it's going
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with that. But the government has to be very careful that this national emergency was not
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declared solely because it might disagree with the objectives of some of the protesters.
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If you simply disagree with the government and want to have a protest, that's what happens in a
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liberal democracy. And it cannot and should not ever be used as justification to impose very
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sweeping laws that can restrict assembly, very sweeping laws that can freeze, in this case,
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use bank accounts without judicial authorization, and to clear otherwise legal political protests.
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So the government is treading on very dangerous water. If they believe that this is something
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ideological, you know, an attempt to take over the government, so to speak, without justification.
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So it's somewhat concerning to hear that when the government didn't even indicate that in its
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announcement yesterday.
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Okay, so we sort of get some kind of a murky picture of why the government would do this.
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Let's, let's talk a little bit about what they now have the powers to do, because you touched
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on a little bit seizing bank accounts, and Christy Oferlian came out talking about how insurance
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policies can be canceled, people can lose their corporate bank accounts. And Justin Trudeau talked
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about how truck drivers, sorry, tow truck drivers can be compelled now to tow these trucks, because that
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was part of the problem that they were having before. So can you help us understand what exactly
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is being enabled and whether any of this, these options and these new powers have been exercised?
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Well, we'll have to, we'll have to wait and see if they're exercised. The cabinet now has given
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itself the authority to issue orders that they had expressed the intended to yesterday, commandeering
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tow trucks to clear heavy vehicles from protests, freezing the assets of accounts that are believed to
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be financing the convoy and, and also, or alternatively, the blockades. Now, the cabinet
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can under the legislation was properly invoked, and the emergency was properly declared, then the
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government does have wide latitude to issue those, those regulations. Some of those regulations haven't,
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to my mind, been published yet. So we'll see. And the government does have seven days to issue a motion
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before parliament, which can be discussed and debated about its justification and its intention. So a lot
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of this is still unfolding and remains to be seen. But this is very broad legislation that does allow
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cabinet wide latitude to issue those, those orders. And some of those have very significant civil liberties
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implications, commandeering private property and freezing bank accounts, the most significant of that.
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Well, so interestingly, we've heard several legal groups and constitutional groups come out and
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oppose this, the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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which are both sort of more centre-right rule of law groups, but also the Canadian Civil Liberties
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Association, which is more of a left-wing group. They've all condemned the decision to invoke these
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powers. Do you think that will have any bearing? Do you think that, you know, lawyers trying to stop this,
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like, what can lawyers do to try to stop this? What can Canadians do to try to stop this? And do you think that
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these critics will have any impact on this? Well, largely depends on the focus of a challenge.
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We still have to see whether or not co-trucks are being commandeered, bank accounts are actually being
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frozen, or if this just is an attempt to disquelch opposition to this government. It is heartening,
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from my perspective, to see those who might be identified as more progressive groups, as well as
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groups on the other side of the spectrum, more conservative in nature, opposing this. That tells you that
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a lot of lawyers oppose this. You know, this again is that this is unprecedented. This act has never
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been invoked before. And those who have been lobbying for the invocation of the Emergency Act,
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whether they be politicians and those who may be supportive of this government, we know the NDP
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has endorsed this, despite not endorsing a lot of the, you know, the recent pandemic restrictions,
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necessarily. You know, it's unfortunate to see them endorsing it. But at the same time,
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it's heartening to see that there are people who generally oppose this. And look, at the end of the
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day, if you oppose the protests and the motivation behind them, and oppose the blockades and the
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motivation behind them, you know, what's to say the government can't use these powers in the future
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against a cause that you support? And it should give all of us clauses, Canadians, as well as lawyers,
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that when you start to exercise this power, and it starts to become normalized, it may be used against
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cause that you causes that you believe in. And we're all for it and liberal democracy,
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if that's the case. Absolutely. And so many of the people who
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are okay with it today are cheering it along. We're the same kind of people that were ripping
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their hair out over over just sorry, over Stephen Harper's. Like I saw Stephen Taylor tweet that,
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you know, many of the same people who agree with this were very upset when Stephen Harper
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removed the long form census. And that was something that they thought was a threat to liberal
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democracy. And here they are standing standing quietly by. So, I mean, it's interesting,
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because we you know, we talked about groups that have come out against it. We've also interestingly
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seen some people come out in favor of it. I saw Peter McKay tweeted in favor of saying it's necessary.
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I believe he had a piece in the National Post saying that same thing. I haven't really heard a huge
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uproar from Candace Bergen and the conservative caucus. You know, why do you think that there haven't
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been more, why hasn't there been more political pushback? Doug Ford, the premier of Ontario, seems
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to be perfectly happy with it. Why are these conservatives going along with a huge power grab
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by a liberal prime minister? I think there's a tension there with those on the conservative
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side of the spectrum, because they often portray themselves as being supportive of law and order.
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And, you know, there are some lawbreakers like, you know, the best example was the Ambassador
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Bridge blockade, any sort of blockade of critical infrastructure should be dealt with in the
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confines of the law. But the law already allowed us to allow governments, pardon me, and police to clear
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the blockade in Windsor without a national emergency. We've seen some of the other blockades be
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be cleared out in various other places. So I think there's a tension on, you know, for conservative
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parties say, well, they want to still support law and order. And this is a way to do so. But what I
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find fascinating more generally is that no one on any side of the political spectrum seriously called
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for the invocation of the Emergencies Act, when our critical infrastructure, rail, forestry and the
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like, were being impeded during the protests and blockades in February 2020. No serious person was
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advocating for the potential suspension of civil liberties and the imposition of the Emergencies Act.
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Yet for some reason, that's par for the discourse this time. And I find that to be incredibly
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disheartening. No one should approach this from a political perspective, they should approach it
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from a civil liberties perspective. And I think we should all be alarmed wherever anyone is on the
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spectrum about the challenges of civil liberties that this is presenting.
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Well, that sort of reminds me, we saw the image right around the same time as Justin Trudeau was
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making his announcement of invoking these Emergency Measures Act. There was a pretty ruckus looking
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protest in Gastown in my hometown of Vancouver, where they violently desecrated a statue, tore it down
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the statue of Gassy Jack, who that's sort of the latest person on the hit list, I suppose, for some
00:14:05.220
some left wing activists, they pulled the statue down. Interesting, because I haven't seen any of that
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kind of violence or desecration or destruction of private property at the trucker protests. But yet,
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you know, to your point, no one no one would have ever imagined evoking, invoking emergency measures
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over these things. Why, why, why does the society, why does the prime minister treat left wing groups
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so differently than pro freedom, working class groups? Well, the prime minister sees that there's
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an emergency, but it's not a national emergency. It's a political emergency. The prime minister is
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being squeezed from both ends of the spectrum. We've seen that in recent polling numbers. He's,
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his response has been seen to be inadequate by those who want a more forceful response.
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And his, he's also being opposed by others in the political spectrum who, who want to see him
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remove all mandates and all COVID restrictions and let Canadians move on with their lives.
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So that's created, as I said, a political emergency for the Liberal Party. And they're taking an
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opportunity, ironically, two years into the pandemic, when there may have been justifications,
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potentially, at the beginning of the pandemic to assert these powers.
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The prime minister is doing so now because he's being politically squeezed,
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and that just demonstrates the cynicism of this. This, again, is potentially very draconian
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legislation that should only be invoked in rare circumstances, perhaps if there's a war
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or a serious natural disaster. But the prime minister appears to be invoking it not for those reasons,
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but for his own political and partisan gain. And I frankly find that to be cynical and,
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frankly, an affront to liberal democracy.
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Well, I agree. I hope he pays a political price. Well, final question for you, Ryan. So what do you,
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what do you think is lying ahead? What's going to happen in the next few days here,
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both in parliament in terms of getting this, this emergency act through to the point where they can
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actually start using the powers? And then once those powers are enabled, what, what, what do you
00:16:00.020
expect to see on the streets in places like Ottawa? I don't know if there's anyone left in Windsor. I don't
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think so. But in wherever else these trucker convoy, convoy protests may pop up.
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Well, we saw with Ontario's declaration of emergency, it really didn't change things aside
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from clearing the blockade, which would have presumably been cleared anyways, there was a
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court injunction. You know, the trucker convoy in Ottawa has been there now going on for weeks,
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I don't think they're going anywhere. I don't know that there's an appetite to clear those
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individuals out, nor should there be if they're peacefully protesting in the parliamentary
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precinct. But what is going to unfold in parliament over the next few days is very interesting.
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The emergencies act requires that the government table a motion for consideration within seven
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days. The state of emergency, pardon me, the national emergency can exist for 30 days,
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there are opportunities to extend that. But there's also a built in accountability mechanism.
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And I just wonder if the Liberal government has really considered that there has to be an inquiry
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into the use of the emergency power, that inquiry has to start within 60 days after the end of the
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emergency. And there has to be a report to parliament on that inquiry within 360 days of the of the
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emergency. So there's a built in accountability mechanism. And while we hope that if there is
00:17:16.900
overreach that lawyers and legal organizations will be challenging any government overreach, particularly if
00:17:23.220
it breaches the Charter of Rights or Constitution otherwise, there is a built in accountability
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mechanism. And I'm hopeful that from that accountability mechanism over the next year,
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we'll see recommendations that will restrict government from ever using this this tool,
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which should be rarely used, but using it as a tool for political gain as opposed to supporting
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public safety and public health. Well, it's going to be really interesting to watch it unfold. I hope,
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again, Trudeau pays the price. I hope this backfires on him because, again, we've seen unbelievable
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abuses of power over the last two years, restrictions on our freedoms. And, you know, to pretend that
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this is some kind of a national emergency that warrants even more temporary emergency powers,
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I think to many Canadians is just a complete farce. So Ryan O'Connor, lawyer in Toronto,
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thank you so much for joining the show. Thank you for helping us understand and break everything down.
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Good to be with you, Candice. Thank you.
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All right. Thank you so much for tuning in. I'm Candice Malcolm, and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Thank you.
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