Juno News - September 28, 2019
What you need to know about the Liberal election speech law
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Summary
A newly revised law, part of the Canada Elections Act, Section 91, makes it a crime potentially punishable with jail time if you publish false information. Now, this is being challenged by the Canadian Constitution Foundation, the Executive Director of which is Joanna Barron.
Transcript
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We hear a lot about misinformation and disinformation. Media outlets in Canada
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have been devoting their entire resource teams to trying to unearth misinformation,
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but is there a legal penalty for people that might say something untrue in an election?
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Well, yes, a newly revised law, part of the Canada Elections Act, Section 91,
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makes it a crime potentially punishable with jail time if you publish false information.
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Now this is being challenged by the Canadian Constitution Foundation,
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the Executive Director of which Joanna Barron joins me now. Joanna, thanks for your time today.
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So why is this piece of the legislation being challenged and what is it that the CCF takes issue
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with? So in our view, the legislation is almost comically overbroad and almost comically violates
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the Charter's guarantee of freedom of expression, which is contained in Section 2B. And also in our
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view, we also have a section in our Charter that asks whether violations of rights are justified in
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a free and democratic society. In our view, given how overbroad the provisions are, given the lack of
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connection with the ostensible purpose of combating fake news, with how the provisions actually work,
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they're absolutely not justified. And that's why we're bringing an application for the legislation
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to be heard and determined on its constitutionality urgently, i.e. during the critical election period,
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which is when the right to free speech and political speech is sort of the most important.
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And indeed, speech during an election globally is considered at the center of the notion of free
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expression. Now, I know this section is not new, but it has been changed. And I'm curious why its
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current form is problematic or in your view, unconstitutional, but not its prior form.
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Yeah. So the legislation changed, made modifications from previous form. The legislation was brought in
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December 2018 in two major ways. The first is that it broadened the category of people that you could
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be punished or fined for making false statements about. It used to be just a political candidate or
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prospective candidate, but now it's a very wide group, including any figure associated with a
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political party. So a CEO who has hosted a fundraiser for a Liberal MP or for an NDP or Tory MP could be
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construed as a figure associated with a political party. The second is that there's a broad category
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of the types of statements that are punishable, including professional qualifications, association
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with a membership or group. And that could be something as narrow as your professional qualifications
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for being a doctor or lawyer, or it could be as broad as an allegation that, for example, Andrew Scheer
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is associated with the yellow vests. So it's quite nebulous in the categories. And finally,
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and this is, in our reading, the most severe of the modifications of the legislation, it doesn't
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matter whether or not you know the statement is true at the time that you make it. Even if you are
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innocently retweeting something that turns out to be false on this legislation, you could be
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investigated and fined at any time, at any time during the election, after the election, by the
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commissioner of Canada elections. If you are prosecuted under this, is the burden of proof
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that the state has to make lower than it is in a criminal proceeding? We would think not because
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there's jail time on the line. So it would be treated as beyond a reasonable doubt. However,
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there's absolutely there's there's no provision in the legislation that really would be very difficult to
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prove. So for example, the statement needs to be made with the intent or purpose of affecting the
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political election. But pretty much anybody who's on Twitter making political statements about about a
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candidate could be construed as making the statement for one other purpose than to ultimately affect the
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election in some way. Yeah, and that's what I find the most troubling about this is that there are
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obviously facts and certain things that are indisputable. But a lot of political discourse,
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and a lot of what a politician might say is untrue is something that really is subjective in nature.
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And you could all look at the same basic facts and take dramatically different interpretations away
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from that. And it sounds from what you've said and what I've read into this that that could be
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construed under this as false and therefore worthy of prosecution. Absolutely, it empowers the
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commissioner of the Canada of Elections Canada who's an unelected bureaucrat to be the arbiter of truth
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and to initiate prosecutions at the cost of who you and I the taxpayer on the basis of determining
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what's true and what's false. And our view is that political speech is best regulated by an open
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marketplace of ideas and that bad ideas and false allegations are best best countered by more facts,
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more allegations and media literacy rather than threatening to put Canadian citizens in jail for
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being active on Twitter during an election campaign. Obviously the, or I shouldn't say
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obviously, I would presume that the basis for this was reaction to this idea of foreign collusion that
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really is more of an American problem that I think has spilled into the Canadian discussion. But
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I'm wondering, do you think in cases where there is blatant misinformation, disinformation with a
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very specific aim at manipulating election, do you think that a law is required if it had a narrow
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focus? Or is your view that the marketplace of ideas can deal with this? So I think that the experts
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we've consulted with are very clear that these types of laws targeting primarily domestic citizens are
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very unlikely to deter foreign actors who are spreading disinformation. And I'm glad we should
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distinguish misinformation and sort of innocently distributed false information. For example,
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during the Boston Marathon bombings, a rumor spread on social media that the suspects had been
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apprehended. In fact, that was false, but people believed it to be true. Disinformation is, of course,
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the more nefarious example of Russian or Chinese bots deliberately spreading lies, creating fake Facebook
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groups and things like that. But in fact, it was quite controversial in the legal community when certain
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actors that were identified to be behind some of the antics that we saw during the US 2016 election,
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when they were indicted in the United States, because the view of the legal community is that they
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couldn't really be prosecuted. So these types of domestic solutions are not really proportionate
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to that end. The Canadian government does have other initiatives that are specifically designed
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at preventing those types of attacks, including consulting with social media networks, Facebook
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and Twitter. The practice is called jawboning, essentially pressuring them to adopt enhanced security
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measures. And of course, that's outside of my area of expertise. I'm a constitutional lawyer.
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You know, I wouldn't support something like this. But just as a devil's advocate position
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on this, it seems like if the focus of the law was to protect and preserve the integrity of the
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election, it would be a lot more focused on an instant remedy to get rid of content that was
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apparently misinformation rather than prosecuting people, as you note, I mean, weeks, months after
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the election. And that makes it, you know, very suspect in my view. And I again, I don't support
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necessarily letting publishers be put under the thumb of the state instantly. But if there is an
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election integrity issue, that would seem to be a lot more of a realistic way of dealing with problems
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Yeah, I don't think that there's a silver bullet. To be honest, this is a new problem and a problem that
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we're going to have to deal with fake news and the information age. But our essential, the nub of
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our position is that we should not run roughshod all over our time tested constitutional guarantees
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of free expression in order to propose solutions to this. And furthermore, I would add, there's a lot
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of questions about how this would be enforced, when it would be enforced. The problem with laws like
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this that are draconian and vague and confusing, what does membership mean? What does affiliated mean?
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Is that it creates an instant chilling effect. And in our applications, we adduced affidavits from
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various groups, Canadian taxpayers, Federation political commentators saying, yeah, we've scaled
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down our speech, we've tampered down in our speech, because we don't want to threaten the health of our
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organizations, we don't want to be expose ourselves to possible criminal liability. And so when you have
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confusing vague laws like this, the damage is immediate. And that's why, for us, this application
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is urgent, because the damage is being done right now as we speak. Yeah, and I'm glad you mentioned
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the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, because I thought that Aaron Woodrick, who's the federal director there,
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made a really great contribution when he said, look, we've had to take down a part of our website,
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we've had to scale back any advertising, we've had to do all of this. And it's not because he thinks
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that they're peddling misinformation, but because the law has forced people into this self-imposed
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censorship, which is very dangerous, because that is where even the threat of the state
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cracking down the hammer on you is enough to say, you know, I don't know how this is going to push
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forward. Precisely. And that's why the CCF is seeking public interest standing, meaning we have,
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we believe that we have a stake in this issue, then it raises a broader issue of national importance.
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Even if an individual hasn't actually been charged under it, it's pressing and substantial,
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and the damage is being done now. Now, why put it forward now and not earlier
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on when it came out? Because obviously you are running out of runway, it seems.
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Yeah, certainly. And to be completely candid, we weren't really aware of this issue until we inched
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closer to the election season. We started hearing from people about, as people were preparing their
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communications plans, and we just, we weren't aware of the issue previously. Luckily, it's a pretty
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simple issue. The only question is whether or not this law is constitutional in accordance with
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Section 2B and Section 1 of the Charter. We have one expert report. The Attorney General and the
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government lawyers are free to induce their own expert report. It's not a very complex matter. And
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the Attorney General, Minister David Lemedi, does have the power to expedite the hearing of this matter.
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So it should be able to be heard in a reasonably short course. Now, would a judge have to hear this
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and decide it? Or could a judge on the application alone say, we're going to suspend the legislation
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pending a hearing to determine its constitutionality later on? So what you're speaking about is in
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essence called an injunction where a law is prevented from being applied pending a determination on the
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merits. Our reading of the law is that following a 2000 decision, Stephen Harper v Canada, which was about
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third party elections rules, the law is pretty clear that an act of parliament is presumed valid,
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and you can't get it struck down without a full hearing on the merits. So again, in the interest
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of expediting the proceedings, we're not seeking an injunction because the law to us is quite clear.
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We would like to just have a discreet and expedited hearing on the merits. Wonderful. Well, we'll certainly
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be following that. Joanna Barron from the Canadian Constitution Foundation launching a legal challenge
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and joins me now. Joanna, thank you so much for your time today. Thanks so much, Andrew. Best of luck.