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- January 28, 2024
What’s next for the Emergencies Act challenge?
Episode Stats
Length
13 minutes
Words per Minute
170.71764
Word Count
2,367
Sentence Count
122
Summary
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Transcript
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00:00:00.000
The big news of the week has not been the flip-flop of Ken McDonald, but it's been the
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federal court's trump card, if you will, on the federal government declaring that the use of the
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Emergencies Act was unlawful. It did not comply with the Emergencies Act and the measures employed
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did not comply with the Canadian Constitution. We've talked a lot about what this means in terms
00:00:32.780
of the legal arguments that are being put forward. We spoke a bit yesterday on the longer-term
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implications of this and what it'll mean if it goes to the federal court of appeal and
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most likely beyond that to the Supreme Court. But I wanted to delve into this in a bit more detail
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because there have been a lot of questions. And one big one is how this has been such a divergence
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from a lot of the other case law on constitutional freedoms in the last few years, which have been,
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as I've said on the show, very deferential to the government and not particularly mindful
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of protecting people's freedoms. James Manson is the Director of Legal Services with the Justice
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Center for Constitutional Freedoms and joins me now. James, it's good to talk to you. I should
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say to my audience, by way of disclosure, I sit on the board of the Justice Center for Constitutional
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Freedoms, but that has no bearing on this interview. And this is not to be taken, James,
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as a performance review by your board. Thanks very much, Andrew. You showed up on time,
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so you're getting a passing grade so far. But welcome. Let's start there. I mean, we've seen
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a lot of dismal rulings on constitutional freedoms in the last several years, on COVID-era cases,
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on free speech cases. Why did this one, in your view, go the other way? Like, where was the judge
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going with this that we haven't seen many of his colleagues go? That's an excellent question,
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Andrew. And, you know, I have been struggling with the answer to that question for a couple of years,
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probably like you, probably like a lot of the viewers and listeners. Why is it that these courts
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have been so unwilling to, you know, even consider the Charter of Rights or consider these very
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important issues dealing with all the COVID stuff? Why were they so unwilling to do that? And yet,
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a couple of days ago, Justice Mosley comes right through and gives us that win that we were looking
00:02:23.860
for so desperately. Why was that the case? And I think part of it may be legal. There may be a legal
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answer to part of that. There also may be a psychological answer to part of that. Now, I'm not
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a psychologist, of course, but I think that back in those days, a couple, two, three, four years ago,
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we all remember the fear, right, that was going on in our society. There was a lot of it going on.
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And I mean, I think maybe some of us felt it to a greater or lesser degree, but I think a lot of
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people in society were very, very afraid. And I think that that fear extended throughout society,
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which would include government, the judiciary, a lot of people in positions of authority. And I think
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a lot of this may have come from the reticence, the fear to say, I can't take a position on this,
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I can't hear this, I'm too afraid of getting COVID and getting sick and potentially dying, or, you know,
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all the horrible things that we were talking about back a few years ago. I think a lot of that may have
00:03:28.960
been partly what was responsible. And so the reason I say that, Andrew, is because now we're
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three years later, we're four years later, we're not quite so worried anymore about COVID. Now COVID
00:03:40.840
is a bit of a punchline. I don't mean to be that glib about it. But people say, Oh, I got COVID over
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the weekend, and it sucked. And I had to stay home and no big deal. That's where we are now with COVID,
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right? So I think partly there's a psychological explanation. But the other explanation, Andrew,
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is more in my bailiwick, which is legal. And so I think maybe the COVID stuff was
00:04:05.120
much more scientifically driven. It was much more about, you know, whether there is a scientific
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explanation for vaccines, or whether or not staying at home is the right thing to do medically or
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whatever. And there's all these scientific expert reports flying around for all that stuff. And the
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courts were really reticent to get involved in all that. Because of course, expert opinions,
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expert evidence in the courts, it's always very, very tricky. And in this particular case,
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we weren't really talking so much about any of the stuff that was really COVID, really hardcore COVID
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stuff. It was a totally different question, which was about the Emergencies Act, which is a very,
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very, very, you know, complicated issue. But it's very legal, it's very constitutional. It's much more,
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it's something that that a judge or a court would have much easier time grappling with, in the abstract,
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than COVID, science, medicine, all that stuff. And I mean, don't get me wrong, Andrew, I totally
00:05:10.220
think that the courts should have gone there anyway, with all the science, they totally should have.
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But that's, that ship has already sailed, of course.
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Yeah, I mean, to find a judge who is an expert in science and medicine is very, very difficult. It's
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incredibly rare. So judges have to be deferential to the experts. And when the government puts out,
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you know, all of these people in lab coats, it's very easy to say, well, okay, they're, yeah,
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that must be science. And your point about the legal aspects, I think is incredibly important. Now,
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I'm not a lawyer, I kind of play one on TV sometimes by, because I've studied these cases
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and covered them. And I have people like yourself, whose expertise I get to claim credit for in later
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shows when I repeat it back to my audience. But the Emergencies Act is a very well written piece
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of legislation, I think, in terms of spelling out the test. And, and I actually found it very easy
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to go kind of point by point through all of the premises and caveats that it gives,
00:06:08.860
and try to line that up with the government's argument. And to be honest, there was not a lot
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of subjectivity in the test for a national emergency, in the test for a threat to the
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security of Canada. The only time you got into a pretty ambiguous territory was when it talks about
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cabinet has to have a reasonable belief, because they're carving in a bit of subjectivity there.
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But that was where I thought Justice Mosley's decision was much stronger than Commissioner
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Rouleau's decision in the Public Order Emergency Commission, because he was probably, he was really
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accepting the government's very muddied and muddled interpretation of that legal test, whereas
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Justice Mosley was much stricter and more literal with it, which is, I think, how it was intended.
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I agree. I totally agree. I can't improve upon your comments, Andrew. I mean, I mean, I think that,
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I mean, we're talking about two different animals, obviously, the Public Order Commission, and then
00:07:05.460
this. And I think the listeners and viewers know all about what those two different animals are
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designed to achieve. One may be totally different than the other. One is subject to appeal, and one
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is subject to much more rigorous cross-examinations and evidentiary requirements, and the other one is
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not, etc., all that stuff. But I think really what every reasonable observer needs to, I think, admit
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at the end of the day, is that this decision from the federal court is much more authoritative,
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shall we say, with respect to the actual text of the legislation, the actual intent of the
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parliament in bringing it into effect. I mean, remembering this all came out, Andrew, from the War
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Measures Act back in 1970, and the whole debacle of the FLQ crisis, basically, parliament got
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together and said, we have to change this. It has to be much harder to invoke these very,
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very stringent, very, very serious powers. And this is what they came up with, right? And so to say
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that the government suggested, or maybe Justice Rouleau acquiesced in, to suggest that it
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should be easy, or that it should somehow fall to the executive, to cabinet, to just be able to do
00:08:26.760
this whenever it basically wants to, is crazy, in my view. It is totally, totally anathema to what
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parliament did in, you know, enacting this brand new piece of legislation a few years, 50 years ago,
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right? Yeah. And I wanted to ask a little bit about the mechanics of the next step. We know the
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federal government is going to be appealing this, which means it will likely go to the federal
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court of appeal. I've heard several lawyers say that the federal court of appeal is almost certainly
00:08:57.900
going to take this up, given the circumstances. But I'm curious, and I don't know if you can
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actually drill this down into a statistical analysis, but how commonly are trial court decisions
00:09:10.140
from the federal court overturned by the federal court of appeal? Or is it really a toss up?
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Yeah, I don't have that statistic. You could probably, I'm not sure if you could find it,
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if you looked. I can tell you, though, that in this particular case, first of all, just so that
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everybody's clear, it's not a question of whether they will take it up. They have to take it up.
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If the federal court of appeal gets a notice of appeal from the government, they have to do the
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appeal because the government and anybody on our side also would have the right to an appeal in this
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case. The second appeal, which in this case would be to the Supreme Court of Canada, that one would
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need to be done by permission. You would have to get what they call leave to appeal. So anyway,
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we're in the first step. This is an appeal as of a right, which means that you can appeal it. There
00:10:04.880
will be an appeal. Now, the question becomes, what happens on the appeal? There's different tests and
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different factors and different things that happen on an appeal based on the type of proceeding we're
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talking about. So this isn't a trial with a jury, for example. This was what we call a judicial review.
00:10:28.100
I don't need to bore everybody with exactly what that means. It's a bit different than just a regular
00:10:32.760
case. But basically, when you go on appeal from this decision, from a judicial review, the standard
00:10:41.800
of review, which is what we use to say, what does the court of appeal do? What is their function?
00:10:46.880
What are they looking for? Sometimes the appeal court has got a very narrow function. They're only
00:10:54.240
looking for some place where the judge made a mistake, screwed up, did something really, really
00:10:58.520
wrong. In other cases, like this one, basically, it's kind of a rehearing. It's kind of a do-over.
00:11:09.400
Not entirely a do-over, but kind of a do-over, which is to say that what the appeal court has to do
00:11:18.200
is take a look at the lower court judge's reasons and determine if they basically applied the right
00:11:24.720
standards of review to the declaration and whether or not they applied it all properly. Now, that's all
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very formal language to say it's kind of a do-over. So we're going to have to see how much of a do-over
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we're talking about here. Are we going to literally have 11,000 pages of the record put before the
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court of appeal? Are we going to have a multi-day hearing in the court of appeal? Is it going to take
00:11:51.680
months to get there while everybody prepares their briefs again a second time? I don't know as I sit
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here. I hope not, because I don't want to have a totally second kick at the can on the part of the
00:12:07.540
government. My thinking, my hope anyway, is that this is going to be a fairly tailored process.
00:12:17.980
But nonetheless, it's possible that we get into everything all over again, that we get into the
00:12:23.200
mootness again. It's possible that we get into the national emergency finding again. It's possible
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that we get into the national security threat findings. It's possible that we get into the
00:12:33.420
Charter of Rights again, because of course, the Section 2 and Section 8 violations of the, you know,
00:12:38.900
with those regulations, those horrible regulations, freezing people's bank accounts. Yes.
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It's possible that we have to revisit all of that. And given the way the government is going these
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days, that they seem to be completely unable to recognize and respect the rule of law. I'm sorry
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to be so spicy when I say that, but it appears like I honestly can't believe, Andrew, that a government
00:13:08.700
would consider appealing a decision like this. Well, yeah, I mean, I can't believe they would
00:13:13.720
have done the first thing, which was freezing the bank accounts right in the get there. That's a fair
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point. I mean, they're only they're only real recourse is to just keep digging in and hope that
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eventually they're going to get some seal of approval from from a court, I guess. Well, and as
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you said in your last segment, I mean, we're not going to get help from Mr. Singh. So yeah, it's
00:13:31.160
basically it's basically 2025 or bus, right? Yeah. Yeah. Very, very well said. James Manson is the
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Director of Legal Services with the Justice Center for Constitutional Freedom. Thank you so much, James.
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Thanks, Andrew. Cheers. Thanks for listening to The Andrew Lawton Show. Support the program by donating
00:13:47.820
to True North at www.tnc.news.
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