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- May 18, 2024
Why Canada should take its fertility crisis more seriously
Episode Stats
Length
13 minutes
Words per Minute
184.34445
Word Count
2,439
Sentence Count
133
Misogynist Sentences
4
Hate Speech Sentences
6
Summary
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Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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Hate speech classification is done with
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We're doing all the nostalgia here, but talking about kids is a good segue into our next topic,
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which is the reality that most Canadians are not having them, or I shouldn't say most,
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but Canadians are having children in fewer and fewer numbers. And I would say fewer and fewer
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young Canadians are coupling up and actually building that basis of a family that might in
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turn have children. We have a fertility rate that is well below replacement, and no one from a policy
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perspective has really decided to tackle this head on, which is why we end up talking about this
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in the context of immigration as a population growth mechanism, because there are not Canadian
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families having kids with enough numbers to increase the population that way. It's a third
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rail in politics and policy. We talked about it a little while ago with Ginny Roth when we caught
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up at the Canada Strong and Free Network Conference, but it was delved into in a very thoughtful piece
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that was published at The Hub, We Are Not Taking Canada's Fertility Crisis Seriously Enough. The
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author of that is Dr. Tim Sargent, who's a distinguished fellow with the Centre for International
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Governance Innovation, and also the Deputy Executive Director at the Centre for the Study
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of Living Standards. Tim, it's good to talk to you. Thanks so much for writing this and for
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coming on today. Thanks for having me, Andrew.
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So let's begin by talking about the term crisis here, and why is this, in your view, something
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we can call that? Well, for me, it's a slow motion crisis, but it's a crisis nonetheless.
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You have a society that's basically not reproducing itself. That's not a society that's probably
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going to exist over the very long term. And it's a little bit like boiling the frog. We've had
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low replacement fertility rates for quite some time. But we've seen just in the last 10 years,
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our fertility rates gone from 1.6, which wasn't great, but it was a similar level to countries
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like the UK, the US. And now it's down to 1.3, and it's dropped quite rapidly. And this is something
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that started before COVID. So it's related to something, I think, quite deep seated in our society.
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One of the things that I find interesting is that we used to, people that talk about this issue and
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look at this issue, look at Japan as being the worst of the worst. Japan has always been the
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standout example of a country with a true fertility crisis, and they're at 1.3. So we're at really what
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we've always looked at as being the worst in this around the world. That's right. So we always used
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to look at a country like Germany, for instance, and say that, well, they had a lower fertility rate
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than us. But now Germany is higher than us. We're at 1.33. They're at 1.45. So we really are dropping
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down the league tables here. And we're down to levels close to Italy or Japan. We're not as bad
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as a career, for instance, which is now down at 0.72. But we're still at quite low levels now. I mean,
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what 1.3 means is that for every 10 Canadians, there will be only four grandchildren.
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Now, the one thing, I mean, there are two aspects of this. There's the domestic picture,
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and then there's the global picture. And the one thing that we fail to take into consideration,
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even if you say, okay, well, Canada can perhaps grow its population by immigration. Well, that still
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isn't changing the global crisis that we see unfolding, because this is happening around the world.
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countries like Hungary that have really, as a matter of government policy, tried to right this
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trend are in short supply. What do you think that is? Is it that countries are just uninterested in
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talking about this issue because they just are scared of it? They're afraid of the politicization
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of it? Or is it that no one has found a solution?
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I mean, I think it's both. I mean, some countries, I mean, Hungary is one. But of course,
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even in Canada, if you look at Quebec, for instance, in the late 1980s and early 1990s,
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they were introducing policy to encourage people to have more children. I mean, partly, I think nobody
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wants to be seen to be telling women how many children that they should have. You know, nobody wants
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a sort of a handmaid's tale kind of society. But the reality is, if you actually ask women how many
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children they want, they will generally say more than two. On average, it's a little bit more than
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two. That's true, not just in Canada, but across the Western world. So then the question is, why aren't
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women having more children, even though they say that that's what they want? You know, urbanization,
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I think is a key factor here. Obviously, people have more money. They're likely to find leisure
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pursuits and things, you know, ways to spend that money rather than starting a family. If you look at
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countries around the world, I mean, nobody's had huge success. Even in a country like Hungary,
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where now, you know, if you're a woman and you have four children, you don't pay any income tax,
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which sounds, I think, pretty attractive to a lot of us. They've managed to move their birth rate up,
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but they're still significantly below fertility. Countries like Poland have tried this as well,
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at least try to increase fertility. So we're seeing, you know, perhaps, you know, doing a little bit
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better. Quebec, when it had its baby bonus, did see its fertility rate tick up from around about 1.4
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to around about 1.6, 1.7. So countries do seem to have some success on the margin, but the only
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advanced country now that has an above replacement rate fertility is Israel. And of course, there's a
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very special circumstances around Israel. There's a wicked problem aspect here in that you have a
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number of different, you know, influencing factors here, and you could tackle one and not the other.
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I mean, one that you touch on in your study is the delay in many young Canadians in leaving home.
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So if you have one fifth of adults, 25 to 34, living with their parents, these are the data you've
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showed, then that raises a number of practical challenges to your dating life, for example. It
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raises challenges then in partnering up with someone where you, so that's one example. And we can look at
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then, okay, why are Canadians living at their living at home? Is it economic? Okay, well, we have an
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economic issue, a housing issue, you could solve that. And you maybe have only accounted for, let's
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say, 10% of the problem, when you have all of these other factors.
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Exactly. So you have to kind of look at people's life cycles here. I mean, you know, in order to have
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children, you know, first, you know, most people will want to be in a couple before they do that.
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And in order to be a couple, most people, you know, need to kind of leave home and set up a new
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family unit. So, you know, certainly there are explanations like housing, for instance. I mean,
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if you want to leave home, you need somewhere to live and start a family, you probably want a bigger
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house. So those are explanations that do touch at this whole sequence of events that needs to happen.
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But there's probably some deeper social cultural things going on as well. And as you say, Andrew,
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you know, you can't just look at one aspect of this problem. There seems to be something that
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the traditional model of, you know, you grow up, you leave home, start, you know, find a life
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partner, and then have children. That traditional model just doesn't seem to be as popular amongst
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Canadians or, frankly, across the Western world as it used to be. It's still what most people are doing,
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but few and few people are doing it. I've heard mixed, sort of mixed weight given to economic
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factors for people not having children, because I think we often hear, oh, it's too expensive to
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have kids, it's too difficult. But I've also heard some studies that have showed that's really not the
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reason people aren't, that very few people are refraining from having children because of the
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cost. And I was wondering if you could weigh in on that.
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Sure. I mean, the reality is, our grandparents, you know, had way less in terms of resources than
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we have, and yet tended to have more children. You know, my grandmother lived in a small village
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in the north of Yorkshire, and her husband was farm laborer, and they had four children.
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So, you know, some of these economic arguments don't really work. Generally, what we see is the
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more money people have, the fewer kids that they're having. And so, you know, I think to say, well,
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you know, we can't afford children. Well, okay, but why wasn't that true 20, 30 years ago? Because
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certainly, although incomes have been, you know, haven't really been advancing that much in Canada
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the last couple of years, if you look over the last couple of decades, people now are a lot better
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off than they were 20, 30 years ago. In your proposals of just possible policies that we could
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include, one that I found interesting, because it's not often, I don't often see it in this context,
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was looking at ways to reduce the formal educational requirements for jobs. So to actually
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basically get people into the labor market earlier. And I was wondering if you could expound on that a
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bit. Sure, because I think, well, one thing that's happening is people are spending longer and longer
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in formal education. And, you know, particularly for women, that's a problem, because fertility for
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women starts to fall after the age of 30, and falls quite significantly after the age of 35. So the more
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time you're spending in formal education, and people usually, for obvious reasons, want to put
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off starting a family until they've completed their formal education. Often, you want to get the kind
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of that first job, get your first step on the career ladder before having a family. So all of that is
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narrowing the window that people have to start a family and have children. And so I think we do need
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to ask ourselves as a society, do we necessarily need the, you know, the credentials? Do we need
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people to be spending quite as long in informal education as they as they currently do? You know,
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Canadians were a very, very educated society. And, and that's a good thing. But we now have so many
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people going to university, there are certainly a number of researchers have raised the idea that we may
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just be getting into a bit of a rat race. You know, think of medical school, for instance,
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huge number of people applying to medical school. And so you can be choosier about who you take, you
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know, in times gone by, it may have been just enough to have had a medical degree, but now people want
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you to do another degree first, and then maybe a master's degree, and then maybe some, some, some,
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some other training as well before you even get into medical school, which is to say nothing about
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the amount of time that you have to spend there. So it's what economists call credentialism. So
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the idea is that, you know, university often just simply acts as a way to, to, to filter people,
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according to ability, and spending five years there, as opposed to three years, isn't necessarily
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improving your, your, your, your human capital, what employers are just using university as, as a
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sorting mechanism, which is all very well, but it means that more and more of people's reproductive
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years are being spent, you know, going and getting these credentials.
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Well, and there's also been a decline of careers. I mean, we've all heard sort of the rise of the
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gig economy. And I think the economy in some ways has been a positive, it gives people opportunities
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and flexibility and whatnot. But a lot of that is not coming about because someone has chosen to engage
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in gig work, it's because it's been available to them. And that idea, I mean, not that we're ever going
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to go back to the eight days where, you know, you started a company and you're there for 40 years and
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you retire and it's great. Like, I think that era is, is pretty much over, but the, the inability for
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a lot of people or the apparent inability to find a career that gives them that stability is I think not
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helping. Oh, absolutely. I mean, when, you know, having a family is even, even getting married and
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and settling down and buying a house, I mean, that, that's a bet on the future. And so you need to have
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pretty positive view of the future. You need to have an idea that there's a, you know, there's,
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there's a bit of a ladder there. You know, hopefully that you'll, you know, you'll have a fairly safe
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and stable stream of income. And when you ask people about, about the future,
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Canadians are much more, especially young Canadians are much more worried about the future than,
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than they used to be much more concerned about their ability to, you know, to, to have a house,
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to have, to have a decent income. And so I, as you say, Andrew, yes, people may be, you know,
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making enough now, but will that stream continue in the future? People just aren't as sure of that
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as they might've been 20, 30, 40 years ago when the labor market looked quite different.
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Well, it's a fascinating piece in the hub. And if that is not enough for you, you should go and read
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the actual report in the Macdonald Laurier Institute, which is 56 pages, but very readable.
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And I think very significant. Dr. Tim Sargent, well done. And thank you so much for coming on.
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Thanks for having me, Andrew. Thanks for listening to the Andrew Lawton Show.
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Support the program by donating to True North at www.tnc.news.
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