Will Canada’s courts uphold our Charter rights? (Ft. Bruce Pardy)
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Summary
In the wake of the Supreme Court of Canada's ruling that abortion is not a constitutional right in the U.S., my guest today is none other than the tireless champion of individual liberty, Professor of Law at Queen's University, Dr. Bruce Parry. In this episode, we chat about the state of the Canadian legal system and whether our individual liberties are actually being protected.
Transcript
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hey everybody welcome back to the show today we deal with a very important topic is the supreme
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court of canada interpreting the letter of the constitution and protecting our charter rights
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and freedoms or have they gotten into the business of social engineering to pursue so-called
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progressive agendas that limit our individual liberties as it turns out i'm recording this on
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a very historic day in the u.s when the supreme court finally overturned roe versus wade liberals
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are having a collective meltdown but the point is when a liberal dominated supreme court decreed
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the right to abortion in the original roe versus wade decision they overstepped and took over the
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job of state legislatures since abortion is not a constitutional right in the u.s so many may
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disagree with this decision but i happen to think it's the right one my guest today is none other
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than bruce party who is executive director of rights probe and professor of law at queen's university
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he's a tireless champion of individual liberty and writes widely on the subject it's truly my
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pleasure and privilege to welcome bruce to the show to chat about the state of the legal system in canada
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and whether our individual liberties are actually being protected hey bruce uh welcome to my show welcome
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to the podcast it's really an honor and privilege to have you here and i'm really looking forward to
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our conversation um about um canada's legal system hello rupa thank you very much for having me yeah
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so bruce you know let me just um start by um telling you what i experienced during the freedom
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convoy protests i was struck by something that uh by by an image of many people carrying a copy of the
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charter um the ones i spoke to strongly believe that their charter rights uh weren't being enforced
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and from some of your writings it sounds like you also don't believe that those rights are being
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enforced partly because the courts are too deferential to the legislature to the government
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and perhaps uh they also share the progressive agenda of the government um what would you tell the
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average canadian who doesn't necessarily get the niceties of constitutional law why their charter
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rights were apparently not being upheld um say on issues like bodily autonomy right it's a very good
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question and you know one of one of the silver linings if there are any uh about this period is that
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more people are coming to a personal understanding of how the legal system works and how the charter works
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and how it doesn't work and what it means and maybe what it should mean and so on and before this was
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all background noise to a lot of people but now it really matters now it really matters in in in in
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the very practical uh sense of their everyday lives and so the first thing i would say to them is
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look there's a there's a difference between uh saying that your civil liberties have been infringed
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which is undoubtedly true and saying your charter rights have been infringed which is a legal question
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so the civil liberties thing is very straightforward you know if you're told you can't go here and can't go
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there and if you do you have to wear a mask or have to have a vaccine you're being told what to do
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and so in a very real sense your liberties are being infringed but that leaves up on the question
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about whether they're being infringed in a legally remediable remedial sense uh in a way let me put that
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better in a way that the courts will remedy if you if you complain about it and that's not quite so clear
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uh yes over time uh the courts and the especially the supreme court has tended to embrace a progressive
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way of interpreting the charter but but but also one of the main problems is the charter wasn't really
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built to withstand an all-encompassing uh managerial state and so one of the distinctions i i try to
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explain to people um is the difference between negative and positive rights
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and many of the most important freedoms in the in the charter are negative freedoms in the sense that
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i don't mean negative in the sense that they're bad and negative in the sense of what the government
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needs to do to comply with them and the negative right simply means you just governments just leave
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people alone just don't do anything and if you leave people alone to their own devices then you've
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complied with the negative rights whereas a positive right on the other hand is a right to receive
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something from government or otherwise so um welfare or access to housing or access to airplanes or access
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to something that the government rules or other people are are denying you and so if we go along
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with the idea that the charter is built basically the freedoms anyway are built upon the idea of a
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negative freedom the argument from the government has been all the way along in this well we're not
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making you do anything we're not the the vaccines are not mandatory in the sense that we'll throw you
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in jail or issue a fine uh you're free to wander about the country you can walk you can drive you just
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came on a plane but by the way there's no charter right to get on a plane that's a positive right to
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access an airline and you know that there's some credence to that argument because that's the way
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the charter is built but here's the problem we've come to the stage now where this managerial state
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controls everything everything your economic relationships your social relationships your
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movements your ability to have a license for driving for practicing a profession and so
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what's happening is the government is doing indirectly with all these little rules
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what it might not be allowed to do directly by saying you must get back and and so it's not really
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serving the purpose that people think it's supposed to serve yeah so yeah no i i i wanted to actually
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you know uh follow up on that i i feel that my own observation is that governments um have been rather
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sneaky uh when it's come to vaccine mandates uh those that have imposed these vaccine mandates on the
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on their people um you know instead of just saying hey we're mandating vaccination for example austria
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tried to do that this past winter and then backtracked um you know they've said you need a vaccine for
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the following activities xyz uh travel dining out etc but not a technical mandatory vaccination which is
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punishable by uh fine or jail um but then even then the restrictions imposed by the vaccine mandates
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could reasonably be argued uh as in that they're impeding a person's uh normal life uh so it's
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basically mandatory vaccination and all but name um so do you think that the courts have been too
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deferential in accepting the government's rationale for the mandates as reasonable limits as set out in section one
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like the the court story on vaccine mandates is still yet to be fully told because a lot of
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these cases are still pending and so we'll find out i mean and none of these none of these
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covid cases have gone to the supreme court yet so there's a lot of the story still to to find out
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um but on other matters i think you're absolutely right and the one reason i i i would expect
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that we don't actually have literally mandatory vaccines is that that would be a much easier charter case
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to make because we have in section seven the right to security of the person and that includes the
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right to bodily autonomy in the sense that we have the right to give informed consent to any kind of
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medical procedure but so right there you've got a a a a real reason why a mandatory vaccine would
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probably hopefully be found to violate that that that right however if it's not a full-on requirement if it
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is as you say you know little bits and pieces so as to avoid infringing that right this is essentially
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what's what's what's happening and um the argument goes and i think again there's some credence to the
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to the legal approach here uh that that if you are asked by your employer say for example whether it's the
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employer alone and of course employers employers private employers are not subject to the charter
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because they're not governor but a lot of employers are are imposing these mandates under cover of a
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government rule a government directive a government recommendation uh so people are saying well i'm
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being coerced by my employer to get a vaccine and in a sense they are because i mean the threat is
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do this or you'll lose your job but the problem is that that's not quite the same thing as the
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charter means in terms of the the right to bodily autonomy the right to security the person because
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if you think of this in terms of other kinds of job requirements and i know they're not the same
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thing i just i know people are going to say but but the one thing's not like the other thing and
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they're right but the example that i use is getting a haircut so let's say your employer brings in a new policy
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it says all our employees must have short hair and you don't want to have short hair and you have
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to go to the barber to get a haircut and you think i'm being coerced and in a way you are but
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it's not unlawful coercion because it's part of the policies that the employer is entitled to make
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so in the same way i mean let's try this if you go to to let's say you want to buy a bike and you find
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a used bike for sale you go to the person selling the bike and you say i'll give you 100 bucks for
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the bike and they say no 150. and they say if you don't pay me 150 you can't have the bike now would
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we say those people that the seller of the bike is coercing me into into buying the bike no we
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wouldn't say that because you can say no i don't want it and walk away okay same idea i seem abstract
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idea with your job you know you're it's a deal right you work and they pay you and one day the
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employer comes along and says well i don't want to pay you unless you have a hair short haircut
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so it's coercion in a sense but not in that unlawful sense where you might be fined or imprisoned if
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you don't do it and so same argument is being applied with the vaccines is it you are being
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coerced on threaded loss of your job but it's not unlawful coercion because you can always walk away
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and find a job somewhere else ignoring the fact that these vaccine mandates are very broad
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and being pushed by governments in many sectors so that the appearance of your freedom to go and
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find another job without one is a loser yeah and um you know i just wanted to um shift gears a little
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bit and i wanted to bring in some uh international comparison um and specifically i was struck by a
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recent um uh news development um from india uh india's legal system is based on the same uh british legal
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system on which our legal system is based as you know um and laws are made by parliament and and
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recently in indian and you know and the courts by and large tend to defer to the legislature
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having said that the uh recently the indian supreme court ruled that bodily autonomy must be protect
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protected as laid out in the constitution and that vaccine mandates which the federal government never
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never imposed were unconstitutional again it's worth pointing out that this is in a country where the
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courts have generally been uh quite uh deferential to the government meanwhile back in canada it's
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noteworthy that during the course of the pandemic legal challenges to lockdowns mandates and other
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restrictions have mostly failed in the courts um and whose decisions have uh mostly been in line with
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uh got the government's view on on on the pandemic um and similarly you know our arbitrators uh on
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matters such as challenge challenging workplace uh mandates have invariably um uh you know tended
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to favor the government's view this is a puzzle i mean i've been trying to uh understand this how
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do you explain that canadian courts have been so deferential to the government when it comes to
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covet 19 rules and restrictions in in particular i i mean they seem to be even more deferential than
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any other westminster country like india uh my comparison is not the us where their courts are
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much less deferential well they do tend to be deferential in this country but not but not across
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the board i mean it depends upon the cause and there are some situations in which you can think of
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through the years where they have not been deferential so for example it was the courts and not the
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legislature that brought in a gay marriage to canada it was the courts that said no no this is required
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by the constitution you will do this and that's not deferential at all so it it does tend to be the
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pattern it's it's it's there's exceptions to the pattern of course but the pattern has been
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that they're deferential to governments in one direction but not in another direction our courts tend
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to be very progressive in fact in uh the first press conference that the chief justice of supreme
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court held when he was first appointed as the chief justice a reporter asked him whether or not he
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agreed that the supreme court of canada was the most progressive in the world and he said he agreed
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with that and was very proud of it and that that is that is a a court acknowledging the political
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perspective that they're coming from and you can see that reflected in a lot of the judgments
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and so the the the deference that's being being applied as i said the supreme court has not yet
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heard a code case but the other courts that have heard lockdown cases and so on have tended to be
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deferential and in some cases a couple of cases that the uh in family law for example a couple of judges
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have even taken judicial notice judicial notice of the effectiveness and the safety of the vaccine even
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though that was one of the factual matters in contention now judicial notice is is not a kind of
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thing that courts are supposed to use about facts in dispute they're supposed to be a shortcut to deal
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with facts that nobody in the right mind would contest like the sky is blue what is uh judicial notice bruce if
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judicial notice is like is a is a conclusion okay the court can come to a factual conclusion a court can
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come to without the need for evidence so in a courtroom i mean technically speaking here's the
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basic rule the basic rule is the court knows nothing nothing everything you hear in a courtroom any
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factual conclusion must come from evidence that you hear from witnesses or from documents in the courtroom
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now there are some facts that are so notorious like the sky is blue that you really wouldn't want
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to take the court's time to get a witness to explain that the sky is blue i saw it was blue this morning
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and so on so that's a shortcut to to cut through then that rule so as to get at the real matters
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that are in contention and and and for an efficient use of court resources but it's not meant to be used
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for the matters that are in dispute for which you should need evidence and in these in these couple of
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instances we have courts so deferential to the government narrative that they take judicial
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notice of the safety and efficacy of the vaccine which in these family law disputes between you know
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separated parents about whether or not the child's going to get vaccinated it is one of the main things
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that's in contention so it's just uh it's it's quite a remarkable um trend or or pattern that you have
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courts embracing what essentially is a particular narrative on things as opposed to starting from
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a blank slate and saying i know nothing about this and we'll we'll see what we'll see what your
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witnesses say we'll see what your experts say and we will we evaluate the evidence on that basis
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but but back to your question about about the comparison between india and and canada i i don't
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know the particularities of the text that the indian courts were working from but here here is one
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characteristic of our law and it may be the case in india as well if they're based upon the same
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system but one of the characteristics of our system shared throughout the commonwealth is that of
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legislative supremacy and the charter and the constitution is an exception to that principle in
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other words if you're looking for the starting place where the system begins it's really legislative
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supremacy and not the charter so the idea of legislative supremacy is that a body like a
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legislature that has democratic legitimacy can make laws about anything there was and it does not have
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to justify those laws based upon evidence or data or rationality or benefit or any of those things
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um the one exception is whether or not it that law violates a charter right but that's a burden that
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the person alleging the violation has to prove so people are seeing these policies seeing these statutes
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that are causing harm they're causing economic harm they're causing physical harm they're violating civil
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liberties and they think well this can't this can't be lawful this can't be right this must be a
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violation and the government hasn't shown hasn't shown the data that it's based on hasn't it hasn't
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justified the benefits hasn't done the cost benefit analysis let's see it hasn't shown it to us therefore
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it must be invalid no that's not that's not the criteria for available if you have a properly elected
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legislature and it passes a statute then the statute is valid unless you can show the violation of a
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charter right there are only a couple of exceptions where all of this information becomes relevant
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all the facts that people are focused on and rightfully so if you can buy if you can show a
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violation of a charter right then and only then you get into a section one argument because section
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one requires the government to justify as a reasonable limit the violation of the right and
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then the facts become important but unless you can get over that threshold first then the government
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doesn't have to answer to to to these kinds of of requests to justify what it is that they've done
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right um so bruce you've also noticed and um you've written uh that the supreme court of canada has
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uh increasingly taken on an activist progressive stance rather than sticking to interpreting the law
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and the constitution as as written why do you suppose this has happened and where do you think we're
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heading with this do you think that um um that conceivably the supreme court could become much
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more politicized as it is in the us yes well let's start with this every judge has their own philosophy
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and so when we talk about courts in general we're talking about trends as opposed to saying every
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single judge thinks this way which is not true at all uh you know in supreme court canada for example
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they often have dissents on various things and that's a healthy sign i think that the judges are
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are are are are are treating their tasks as individuals and not as a group which is good
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um the fact of the matter is that our courts have been as political as this courts in the us
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i think forever except that it's more noticeable in the us because you have essentially two competing
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sides and when you have two competing sides you can see that you can see the battle going up and you
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can see the inclinations in the political sense and sometimes in the partisan sense but it's it's
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when we say political we also mean a much more broader sort of philosophical or ideological take on
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things um it's not that our courts are immune from that it's just that we don't have these two sides
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we we have a prevailing progressive country with progressive courts and like i say this is not the
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case across the board it's not the case with every quarter every judge uh but but it's not it's not
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a distinctly two sides fighting phenomenon as you will see in the us and so we've been able to to uh
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sort of promote this myth that our courts are not political sure they are sure they are they're just
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not they're just not in the same kind of dynamic as as in the states and perhaps not as partisan here not
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as partisan here because frankly most of the mainstream political parties are pretty much on
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the same page too as opposed to more conflict on that ground in the us yeah and that that brings me
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up to this uh to to a related question uh the current chief justice of the supreme court was recently in
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the news for speaking out against the freedom convoy and uh you've argued very persuasively uh that the
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sitting chief justice that you know by doing so this uh by him doing so this tarnishes the the perception
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of impartiality uh if any challenges uh say to the emergencies act uh eventually reaches the supreme
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court um why do you think chief justice wagner thought it was okay to opine on a matter in such a
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strong way uh um you know as to be siding completely with the government um aren't are there any sanctions
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uh for uh in the system for for this kind of behavior i cannot answer why he did that you'd have to ask
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him uh yeah but the the the the remedies for this kind of thing range from refusing oneself from a case
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now to be to be sure that case none of so there there are at least four challenges right now to the
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invocation of the emergency act and none of those cases have been heard yet much less found their way
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to the supreme court of canada and so who knows perhaps if and when one of those does reach the
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court maybe the chief justice will see fit to recruit recuse himself from the hearing of that case
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i mean who knows um but he is the chief justice of the whole system and so i would have thought that
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his expression of a view on a particular dispute like this would have ramifications that extend
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beyond his actual sitting on the case and might influence other judges within the system whose
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courts essentially uh report report to the supreme court of canada in the in the hierarchical sense
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um so i'm not sure that simple recusal would would fix the effect that that uh the expression of
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opinion has had in this case uh that has already been done right in a sense that's right that's
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correct that's correct and and the degree of influence that the expression of that opinion has
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had is impossible to calculate it would be very very difficult to figure out what the effect was whether
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or not it was zero or minimal or substantial i mean who who knows we can only speculate i mean is
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there is there is there a you know something we could do to prevent this kind of uh thing from
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happening in the future should should there be a code of conduct for supreme court justices and other
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officials you know that they should remain uh silent on matters that could that could come before them
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or you know which could take them into the area arena political contestation well in fact there is one
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already this the canadian judicial council has uh a document called ethical principles for judges and it does
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suggest as as do as do decisions of the supreme court itself say that judges must must be and must appear
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to be impartial on all disputes that that come before them um it's a very well established and not not
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not contentious legal principle uh the the whole idea of impartiality is that you refrain from forming
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and being seen to form a view about the case you haven't heard yet uh and if if remarks outside of
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the courtroom are such that it's clear that that's not the case then one of the parties going to
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reasonably perceive that that they're already at a disadvantage before the cases happen uh so i it's
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it's it's this is pretty straightforward stuff you would have thought and yet we now have the the uh
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the practice of the chief justice and this chief justice is not the first one um the chief justice now
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holds press conferences uh every year uh with journalists to talk about this and that and i suppose that
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you know could be done in a way that avoided this kind of a problem but it also risks this very thing the more you
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express opinions about matters that might come before you the the more likely it is that the perceived
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impartiality of the court would be put at risk um so you know i wanted to go back to progressivism
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something that we touched upon uh earlier in our conversation um and it sounds as if progressivism
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in the service of collectivism has taken hold in in our legal system uh essentially working as a um
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handmaiden of the of the of the technocratic state and you've you've argued uh this in several of your
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recent writings um the question really is you know as believers in individual liberty and uh and
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originalists uh you know as in interpreting the constitution as it was written how do we reclaim
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our freedoms in such a context yes you know this is this is the question rupa it's the question that
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we're all asking ourselves what do you do when the institutions in your society seem to have adopted a
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completely different philosophy than the one that you believe your society is built on yeah and if i had
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an easy answer to that i i'd be i'd be shouting it from the rooftops and i i really don't but uh but but but
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first i mean the first reality is that it's it's really got to come from the people and part of the
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problem during these past two years is i mean in addition to the problem that the technocrats have taken
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over in addition to the problem the courts don't seem to care in addition to the problem that the you know public health
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officials have been given more power than they deserve and so on the the real problem is that a
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whole bunch of people a very large portion of the population seem to be fine with it and and wanted
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more of it and complain when it's in when that when the restrictions are taken off i mean that this is
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the central problem and so there's a lot of educating to do a lot of talking to do a lot of of trying to
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get people out of the trance that they seem to be in and i i i'm not sure that that very much will
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happen before that happens because many other institutions are are are are built upon and think
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that they're following public opinion public sentiment as opposed to pushing against it and
00:28:09.360
until they do have to push against it i'm not sure that they will feel compelled to to change the path that
00:28:16.560
they're wrong um yeah and and you know i also i wanted to you know ask you something about the
00:28:23.520
supreme court and the composition of the supreme court um you know even if the trudeau government
00:28:28.080
falls in the next election the composition will be the same uh do you think we are heading or maybe
00:28:35.360
should we be heading toward a u.s style situation where party leaders uh take a stand on what sort of
00:28:41.920
justices uh they would appoint to the supreme court or would this be too great a deviation from our
00:28:48.160
current westminster inspired model yeah that's a fair question i i'm not opposed to to to open hearings
00:28:56.720
and fights about who gets appointed to the supreme court i think it's healthy for a society to to to
00:29:02.640
to air these things and to make clear what the choices are and the consequences of those choices and
00:29:08.240
the fact that when you do appoint a person whoever that person happens to be that person is going to
00:29:14.640
carry with them some predilections and we need to know what the predilections are and and you know
00:29:19.520
people have said well you know with respect to the comments from the chief justice and so on
00:29:23.680
you know wouldn't you prefer that he has said these things so you know where he's coming from
00:29:28.800
as opposed to hiding it and you know they got a point maybe maybe it's just as well in that sense
00:29:35.040
that we don't pretend that our courts are all you know absolutely tabula rasa neutral and do not have
00:29:43.440
any inclinations before they sit down on at the bench maybe that's just so not true that we should
00:29:49.600
acknowledge it's not true and then air these things in public and and fight about it a little bit i mean
00:29:54.880
one of the things about the u.s political situation is they do fight about things and you know our you
00:30:01.280
know us polite canadians we don't like fighting but actually there's a healthy aspect to it as well
00:30:06.080
because you at least know you know where things stand and and what's at stake and and you know what
00:30:12.640
people represent and so on and i think a little bit more of that would be healthy yeah um and and
00:30:18.160
finally bruce could you tell us a bit about the free north declaration uh it's it's it's an initiative of
00:30:24.320
yours uh the intent behind the free north declaration and uh and how has it progressed since uh since you
00:30:31.760
launched it right yes so the free north declaration is is a is a statement of concern that that i and
00:30:39.600
three colleagues put together three other lawyers um and we this was last fall and we got to the point
00:30:47.840
of thinking you know what this is this is going very badly civil liberties are being are being crushed
00:30:54.000
um the the the the courts are not responding the legal profession is not responding uh we have to
00:31:02.480
say to the public that we don't agree with this we see something wrong we see that there's a crisis
00:31:09.360
and something needs to be done about it and nothing in the nothing in the declaration itself
00:31:14.080
is going itself to lead to any changes i mean it's just a declaration um we've had over 600 other
00:31:22.400
lawyers uh sign on to it uh over 90 000 citizens non-lawyers signed on to it which was very gratifying
00:31:30.720
and and and uh better than we had hoped um but it's it's really just a a shout in the darkness to say
00:31:39.200
things are not right people and we are losing things in this country that are really very
00:31:46.640
important we're crossing a threshold and we may not realize that once the threshold is crossed it's
00:31:52.800
very difficult to get it back and i i'm afraid that that that's exactly what has been happening over
00:32:00.560
these past two years standards and norms that we more or less took for granted in the before times
00:32:07.520
yeah are now out the window i mean before just to give you one one small example the idea before
00:32:15.680
that a business or an employer would have been able to ask you for your vaccination status or your
00:32:22.320
medical status in any other respect would have been seen to be outrageous and now it's outrageous to
00:32:27.120
object that that's the kind of change that we're experiencing and and we've got a big job to try and get
00:32:34.240
even to get back to where we were in in you know 2019. how hopeful are you about the future uh are
00:32:40.640
we going to be able to prevent uh the sort of infringement of our individual liberties and freedoms
00:32:46.960
going forward i am i am greatly concerned i i would like to hope so and i don't think i don't think
00:32:52.960
it's a a lost cause yet but i'm very um concerned because the this this managerial state that we've
00:33:02.240
spoken of tends to travel only in one direction which is it is bigger and more comprehensive and
00:33:08.720
more intrusive and as the technology gets better to to pay more attention to what we're doing to
00:33:15.280
surveil us and to make sure we're behaving properly those pressures will continue the the the state and it's
00:33:22.720
bureaucrats always want a little more control because they think that's their job to make
0.99
00:33:28.320
sure everything goes right and the opposite vision is one so the the division of the managerial state
00:33:35.760
in a sense is one of order order we don't want misbehavior we want compliance we want people to
00:33:42.880
behave in the interest of the common good we don't want you to say this we don't want you to do that
00:33:47.680
we want order the competing vision is one of a little bit of chaos you know free people do a lot
00:33:56.000
of different things and that's okay as long as they're not harmful to each other as long as there's
00:34:01.920
no violence peaceful chaos is a great society to live in but chaos is the kind of thing that managerial
00:34:09.760
states do not like and so i i hope their their efforts to stamp it out will be eventually pushed
00:34:18.800
back but it's going to be a very high amount in decline well on that note bruce uh i'm gonna we're
00:34:25.520
gonna have to end this but what a fascinating conversation um and i feel like we could have gone
00:34:30.480
on much longer um i really uh want to thank you for coming on to the show and uh i'm sure we'll have
00:34:37.280
lots to chat about uh if you come on again and i really hope you will uh at some point in the near
00:34:42.800
future so thank you for being here and it's been a great pleasure and privilege to have you uh to be
00:34:49.680
in conversation with you thank you so much it's been the pleasure of mind rupa i appreciate it very
00:34:54.720
much and i look forward to next time okay thank you bruce thank you so much