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- December 28, 2021
Will the UCP survive in 2022?
Episode Stats
Length
22 minutes
Words per Minute
183.97061
Word Count
4,157
Sentence Count
213
Misogynist Sentences
3
Summary
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Transcript
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Misogyny classification is done with
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What will 2022 look like for Jason Kenney and the United Conservative Party of Alberta?
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We'll talk to an insider to find out. I'm Candice Malcolm and this is The Candice Malcolm Show.
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Hi everyone, thank you so much for tuning in. And over the Christmas holidays,
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things slow down a little bit. So rather than talking about the news of the day,
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we like to take a step back and sort of analyze what the state of affairs are
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in the conservative movement in Canada and conservative parties and conservative governments
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like the one in Alberta. And so to do that, we're going to look ahead to see what is in store for
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the conservatives, specifically in Alberta, but also conservatives across the country. We're going
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to look at that UCP convention that's coming up probably in April and we want to sort of break
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it down and understand what the year is going to look like. And to do that, I am joined by
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frequent guests here on True North and The Candice Malcolm Show, conservative strategist Vitor Marciano.
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Vitor is a longtime conservative strategist. He was a senior advisor to former Wildrose leaders,
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both of them, Danielle Smith and Brian Jean. He was also an Alberta National Counselor for the
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Conservative Party of Canada. And Vitor is now an energy advocacy consultant based in Edmonton.
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Vitor Marciano, thank you so much for joining The Candice Malcolm Show.
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It's a pleasure to be here.
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So in a recent interview we did, we talked a little bit about how Jason Kenney survived the UCP
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convention, but that the big question will come next year in a leadership review. So let's look
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ahead to 2022. Walk us through what does the year look like? What's going to happen to Jason Kenney?
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Ah, I mean, it's still hard to predict. Depending on the final voting method and all of the details
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of how the convention works, Jason Kenney may or may not survive it. If it's a, delegated is the wrong
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word, but if it's a leadership vote at a convention where you've got to pay 300, 400 dollars to attend
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with some new rulings from Alberta's elections commissioner about what money PACs can put in,
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Jason's got a shot at surviving it. If it's a one member, one vote thing, he's not going to get
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enough results. But it looks like it's going to be a convention. So there's, I'd say it's 50-50 whether
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or not Jason survives it. And then that makes for sort of a crazy year in Alberta politics, because
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we're going into the last, you know, we're right now we're 16 months away from an election. So
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by the time that the decision is made on Jason Kenney, there'll be 13 months away from an election.
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So when, when is the, when is the convention scheduled? First of all,
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right now it's scheduled for about April 9th, but that could change. There are discussions happening
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at the executive party level. There was a motion made by more than 22 writings to force one before
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March 15th, whether or not the party will accept that, whether or not it'll end up getting in front
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of a judge, because that's actually inside the party constitution, the mechanism that was used to
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try to force this vote. That's all up in the air. But, you know, at the latest, by the second week
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of April, we'll know whether or not we have Jason Kenney staying or Jason Kenney going.
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And so, so walk us through the scenarios. So, so if the party, it looked like they rallied around
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Jason in the last leadership convention, Jason Kenney, you know, what would, what would the party
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look like if they rally around and what did they have to do to continue in office to maybe change
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things to govern in a more responsible, more popular way to get ready for the, the, the big
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sort of provincial election the following year? If Jason Kenney survives the leadership review,
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I think the party's in trouble and at some risk of coming apart. I do think, I think the way he'll
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survive it will cause all sorts of problems. And then, you know, his likelihood of winning an election
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against Rachel Notley will look, it looks highly unlikely that they have problems in every region
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of the province. They have problems with every voting segment. If Jason started to do a variety
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of things dramatically differently, maybe he could turn that around. But, but change has not been Jason's
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strong point. You know, an awful lot of Jason's experience, you know, if you watch Jason Kenney on
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any given day, he looks an awful lot like the Jason Kenney you saw the month before and last year and the
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year before that. It's just, there's no, there's been no evolution in his presentation, in his style,
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in his format, in his ability to delegate jobs to other people in the government. It's still very
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much government by Jason. It's not working right now. So if, if Jason survives, that's a problem.
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If Jason doesn't survive, the party will go into hopefully a quickie leadership race, but maybe not.
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And, and whoever's the new leader is going to have to work really hard to sort of show Albertans
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change, a change in style, a change in approach that makes them march back to the UCP. Because
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right now they've been with Rachel Notley at a majority government level of support for over two
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years. And, you know, there's a real risk that that support level crystallizes. You know, we're all
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more actively involved in politics. We think that voters are political. Voters aren't that political.
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And, and you do get seat changes every now and then. And there's a risk that what's happened with
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the UCP will pile on to the seat change that happened with voters when they rejected the PCs
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in 2015. Like that, that it may actually walk in that rejection, and that it becomes complicated.
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Well, and it's interesting, just given the mayoral elections that happened earlier in 2021, as well,
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you know, this idea that, that conservatives will always reign in, in Alberta. You know,
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we saw two very progressive mayors being elected in both Edmonton, which might not be so surprising,
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but Calgary as well. We've had over a decade of, of a left-wing progressive mayor and, and just
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elected another one. So, so there obviously is an appetite for something that's not conservative
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in Alberta, which might be a surprise to some.
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People forget this, that even in the heyday of Ralph Klein, north of 35% of Albertans were voting
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center-left. And, you know, the center-right party to win has to hold its base, motivate people,
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be doing good and interesting things. It's gotta be, it's gotta be good government. And one of the
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problems that's happening right now is that this government's got, it gets into tunnel vision,
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and it pays attention to one or two things at a time. And there's thousands of little issues that
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hundreds of little stakeholder groups would like the government to fix, and they can't get these
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things on the government's agenda. So they start to get mad at the government. And lately, an awful lot
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of those little things, a lot of, a lot of those little agenda items are coming out of rural Alberta.
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So now, you know, roughly just under half of the seats in Alberta are not in Edmonton proper or
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Calgary proper. Well, those used to be very secure for the Conservatives. They are not as secure
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anymore. And this is a problem. This is a dramatic problem. And, you know, the Canadian government's
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been relatively ineffective. And it's, this is a, like, you know, if you don't want to blame them
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for COVID, if you don't want to blame them for the economy, but you could say everything else they got
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right, then they'd be in better shape. But what happens is, you know, there are subgroups within
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farmers who think that stuff has been done wrong, and realtors who think stuff has been done wrong,
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and charitable groups in rural Alberta who think stuff has been done wrong. There's all sorts of
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these little compounding grievances that create an issue. Absolutely. Okay, well, so when I think of the
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big issue, when I think of what Jason Kenney sort of got brought in, and the thing that, when I talk to
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friends in Alberta who weren't political at all, that just what, what they saw, and what they thought
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of Jason Kenney, was that somehow, that the oil and gas sector in Alberta would be protected, would be
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boosted, that they'd have a fighter that would fight back against Justin Trudeau, and his sort of
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heavy-handed policies, you know, change the rhetoric from, from Rachel Notley. But we look at the state of,
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of energy in, in the province of Alberta. You look at some of the things that Justin Trudeau has
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implemented. I mean, he was at the COP26 conference in, in October, November 2021, and he, he, he pledged a
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hard cap on oil and gas. His rhetoric is getting more and more vitriolic towards energy workers. And then
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at the same time, we see a sort of lawlessness that happens with activists blocking critical
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infrastructure, stopping pipelines from being built, or, or people from getting to their job
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sites. And it doesn't seem like there's a lot done now. Obviously, Jason Kenney can't stop Justin
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Trudeau's rhetoric. He can't stop the lawlessness in British Columbia when it comes to allowing
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resource workers. But I think what, what people really wanted was, was an advocate, and someone
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to champion this issue. So, so what, what can be done? I mean, I don't want to be unfair to Jason to
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say that he should be doing things that are outside of his jurisdiction, but, but what, what can be done,
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uh, from an Albertan perspective, or even from a Canadian perspective, um, to push back against some of the stuff,
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Vitor and, and stand up for, uh, the, the, the industry that's so vital to our economy, the core
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industry really of our society. It's funny because Jason Kenney, if you list those things off as what's
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and you're saying what can be done, Jason Kenney is doing a lot of the correct what's. The problem is
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the how's stink. So we do, we did need somebody out there defending the industry,
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creating it as a sort of partisan war room that doesn't do things particularly well that that
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wasn't useful. He, you know, the war room should have been going out there and looking for the
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thousand points of light of people who are prepared to defend the industry and providing grants and,
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and subsidies and funding studies and doing lots of the clever things the left does. Instead,
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the war room decided that they would make themselves as important, you know, important. It's not working.
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Um, there's some amazing stories that are happening in our energy industry, stories about energy
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transformation, carbon recycling, carbon tech as a whole. This government's been not very good at
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telling them. Um, the number of times the government has an announcement to make about interesting
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technological things in the oil and gas sector and they show up and they hold the press conference
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and they make the press conference so overtly political and they don't have any negotiations with
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the media that literally there's an oil and gas CEO standing there and they don't get any questions.
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All of the questions are for the premier or for the minister. And this is a inability of the government
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to negotiate the story. I mean, the politician should use their bully pulpit to get the media in the room.
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They should do a 20 second, 30 second introduction on how magical the technology is. And then say,
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let me let you speak to the, the boss, the person who's invented this. Let me talk up these, these
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wonderful stories that actually have the potential to define Alberta for the next 50 years. They
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haven't done those things well. And so everything ends up being viewed through a political veil and,
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and, and the political veil is Jason Kenney. And a lot of the stuff that's happening isn't happening
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very well. And then the other part that, that Jason suffers from is he campaigned on and won
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because he was going to fight Justin Trudeau. And there's an awful lot of people in Alberta who are
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feeling like, no, no, you're fighting us more than you're fighting Trudeau. Because frankly,
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fighting Trudeau is difficult and complicated and there's got to be clever ways to do it. And
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you've got to do it in a way that's, you know, you've got to disagree without being completely
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disagreeable, except for the times when you really should be completely disagreeable. A lot of this stuff
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hasn't been done very, very well. And it's made it complicated. It's complicated. The oil and gas
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sector are going to have a great year in 2022. And it's not going to help because they're having a
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great year, but they're banking that money. They're paying down debt. They're putting out dividends
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because they're not sure that there's going to be a great year in 2023 or 2024 or 2025. And so they're not
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reinvesting in the industry. And it's that capital reinvestment that really keeps people employed
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in the oil and gas sector. You know, it's going to be a great year for CNRL and Suncor and Imperial Oil,
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probably worth holding their stock. But it's not going to be a great year for energy workers,
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because there's not going to be as much energy work as everybody expects, even though the industry is
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going to be going. Interesting. Let's just change gears a little, Vitor. So one of the sort of good
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news stories, I think, from Alberta in the last year was this equalization referendum, because I
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think that there was a pretty clear message that was sent to the federal government that Albertans
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aren't happy with the fiscal formula. They're not happy with the way they're treated federally. And if
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anything, maybe Alberta wants to be treated more like Quebec and be given more autonomy, more independence,
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allow more control over their own business. Do you think that the equalization referendum
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will have that impact? What do you think will happen in this next year with this vote?
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It should. And I honestly believe that a lot of the smaller provinces are actually going to be keen
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for constitutional discussions, because everybody's going to be hurting for money because of how COVID
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changes healthcare spending. But Jason Kenney's kind of half dropped it already. He celebrated that
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he got the vote, but he hasn't introduced the motion in the legislature that, you know, in Alberta,
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we actually have a law that says you needed to have a vote before you can have a motion in the legislature
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to introduce constitutional negotiations. The Supreme Court has said a motion in a legislature
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introducing constitutional negotiations puts an obligation on the other provinces in the federal
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government to negotiate. Well, Jason Kenney should act on that. He hasn't. But I do believe he will at
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some point. And I do believe that that will get the ball started. I think constitutional negotiations
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are a good thing for Canada. I'm very much in the minority. Everybody I know who's like a former senior
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staffer to a prime minister or a premier, they are all like, ah, constitutional negotiations. They're afraid
00:14:20.240
of these things. You don't know what could come of it. And my answer is, unless you think Canada is
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perfect the way it is, whatever could come of it is probably a good thing. You know, the last time we
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tried this was 30 years ago in 1992 with Charlottetown. Heck, if you were to show Canadians have a debate
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today as to whether or not if Charlottetown had passed, things would be better. A lot of people might
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think they would be. Every 30 years discussing important constitutional matters is good for a
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country. Well, and to conservatives who might not like the 1982 charter and might not feel like it
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really cements some of the rights that we hold near and dear, you know, a constitutional discussion is
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the only way to make progress on that. I tend to agree with you on that one. I want to talk a little
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bit more about the federal scene and federal politics because in our last discussion we also
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talked about how Erin O'Toole might be in a bit of trouble. Now, it seems like the conservative
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caucus has sort of rallied around him and that, from my perspective, it's like, you know, they may
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not be happy with the job he's done and the direction he's taken, but the devil you know is
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better than the devil you don't know and, you know, the uncertainty of who might run for leader of
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this party and what that might look. But that in of itself is a problem. Why aren't there more talent?
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Why aren't there more exciting people out there who want to have the chance to become prime
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minister? I mean, leading the conservative party, aside from leading the liberal party,
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and that job is taken. It's the best opportunity that you have to, you know, a couple of years ago
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we had a whole bunch of people running. There were, I think, 17, 18 candidates and there was
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excitement around, you know, Kevin O'Leary joining the race and some high-profile cabinet ministers.
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Whereas, you know, when it comes to the race that Erin O'Toole ran and won, it was sort of
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uninteresting. And now there isn't really anyone sort of challenging him. So why is it that the
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conservative party leader job is so unpopular that no one wants it? And what do you think about
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Erin O'Toole and the job he's doing? Okay, well, let me start with Erin O'Toole. I think right now
00:16:19.520
his caucus is giving him a chance to prove himself. Like, I don't think they're supportive, but I don't
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think they're ready to take him on just yet. They want to see whether or not he's learned from his
00:16:30.880
mistakes and he can improve things. I mean, to be fair to Erin, he did talk about how Stephen Harper,
00:16:37.040
after the 04 election, retooled, you know, still had a tough year in 05, late 05-06 wins because
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they're learning, they're changing, they're doing things differently. So an awful lot of the CPC
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caucus is looking to see if Team O'Toole does things differently. So far, it's not looking good.
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Like, an awful lot of this is back to, you know, it's back to the hows. It's the how you manage
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caucus. It's the how you share the limelight. It's the what you put in the window. Actually,
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it's not even the what you put in the window. It's the how you put stuff in the window,
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how you communicate to Canadians, because you can take the exact same message and deliver it in a
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way that's boring and doesn't move people or deliver it in a way that creates some sense of
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excitement and future optimism. He's got to get that act together. Right now, he's benefiting from
00:17:28.400
the fact that there's only one or two people who in his caucus who look like they might be better at
00:17:33.840
the job than he is. And they all have questions around them that slow people down, even though
00:17:40.320
people might be emotionally intrigued by them. Nobody's super excited about someone because they
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they've gone past the emotional intrigue to the intellectual certainty that they'd be a better
00:17:52.640
leader. I presume you're talking about Leslyn Lewis, Pierre Polyevs, is that sort of what you mean?
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Leslyn, Pierre, Michelle Rempel. There's lots of wonderful people, but they all have little
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little things that make people go, what? Got to check that out a little bit more. You need to
00:18:07.600
understand why that happened. Things like that. In terms of why the job is not particularly appealing,
00:18:13.760
well, it's because it's not really one conservative party. It's like three or four, and it's hard to
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hold them together. It's often a war to hold them together. So that part of the job isn't really
00:18:25.120
appealing. Then the way we do politics isn't really appealing for outsiders to come in.
00:18:31.120
Then frankly, when outsiders come in, they usually get their butts handed to them because politics is
00:18:35.280
not the same as being an executive for a corporation. So people who might have the
00:18:40.240
intellectual horsepower or the organizational horsepower or the business horsepower to do
00:18:46.640
the job, man, that job's not that attractive. We've evolved in a strange direction that kind of
00:18:53.360
makes you have to be kind of crazy to want to lead a political party. And I say that as somebody who's
00:18:58.800
helped people who led political parties, it's not a pleasant job. So I think Aaron can survive the year
00:19:07.120
by doing a series of small changes in process and probably reconsolidate that caucus. But he will
00:19:15.920
get one more kick at the can. And if he doesn't succeed, he is gone. If he changes things dramatically,
00:19:23.760
if he rethinks how he presents stuff, if he rethinks how he shows off his caucus, if he rethinks how he
00:19:34.000
big picture vision, a big Canada vision of the Conservative Party, if he does some innovative
00:19:42.000
messaging things that change the nature of the Conservative coalition in this country,
00:19:46.720
then he could have some good success. But it's going to be an interesting year to watch.
00:19:55.280
I'd say, you know, like I said earlier about Jason Kenney, I think Aaron O'Toole,
00:19:59.360
it's 50-50 on whether he's still the leader at the end of 2022.
00:20:02.960
Oh, that's interesting. One of the things that I've been thinking a little bit about,
00:20:05.680
Vitor, is how the Conservatives have already fractured. I mean, if you go back to
00:20:10.000
the 2017 leadership race, it was very, very close between Maxime Bernier and Andrew Scheer. I mean,
00:20:16.800
Bernier was leading on every ballot all the way up to the very last one. And yet, here we are a few
00:20:22.320
years later, and Bernier is like in a separate universe. And I sort of wonder, like, are libertarians
00:20:28.880
still welcome in the Conservative Party? I mean, you sort of saw O'Toole's heavy-handed pro-vaccine
00:20:33.680
mandate, pro-vaccine stuff during the campaign. It seemed like they just wanted the libertarians and the
00:20:38.800
civil liberties people to shut up and go away, and kind of wrote them off in the same way that
00:20:43.040
Trudeau did. Do you think that presents a problem for the party? And this is the last question,
00:20:47.040
because I know you have to get going. But I just wonder, like, do you think that the
00:20:50.640
libertarians and Maxime Bernier wing would ever be welcomed back under any scenario to the Conservative
00:20:55.280
fold? Yes, but it's probably going to have to involve Aaron O'Toole and a whole bunch of people
00:21:00.800
admitting that in our chase for security and safety, we might have given up more freedoms.
00:21:09.440
And some of the things we were told and we repeated might not have been accurate. COVID is making fools
00:21:17.440
out of politicians who think they have certainty. And one of the things that is missing is a smart
00:21:26.400
politician would be talking continuously about the uncertainty around COVID and appealing to
00:21:32.560
Canadians to be decent and kind to each other because we have lots of different opinions based
00:21:37.920
on the uncertainty and we're reacting to different parts of the uncertainty and in different ways.
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Hopefully COVID goes away quickly or doesn't go away at all, in which case more people will sort of
00:21:52.800
say, oh, yeah, we can't continue to live like this forever. And that will that will adjust the curve.
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But bringing libertarians and civil liberties folks back into the conservative tent in the next
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little while is going to be tough. Interesting. All right, Vitor, well, I really appreciate you
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coming on. I hope you and your family have a wonderful Merry Christmas. And it's been great.
00:22:12.560
We appreciate having you on True North and on the Candace Malcolm Show throughout the last year.
00:22:16.160
And hopefully we'll see you again a lot in the new year. I'm looking forward to it.
00:22:20.320
Happy New Year to you and everybody who's watching. All right. Thank you so much, Vitor. Thank you so
00:22:24.480
much for watching. I'm Candace Malcolm and this is The Candace Malcolm Show.
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