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- March 10, 2023
Will Trudeau do anything about Roxham Road? (Ft. Aaron Wudrick)
Episode Stats
Length
27 minutes
Words per Minute
196.11345
Word Count
5,453
Sentence Count
286
Summary
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Transcript
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turbo
).
00:00:00.000
Hello everybody. I'm Rupa Subramanya and welcome to the Rupa Subramanya show. Today we have a great
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guest. Erin Woodrick is director of the domestic policy program at the Ottawa-based think tank
00:00:29.680
at the McDonnell Laurier Institute. He's been at the forefront of some great commentary on some very
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big domestic issues like immigration reform, healthcare, the opioid crisis, and more recently
00:00:42.540
allegations of foreign election interference in our elections. All of these issues have been in
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the news lately. We're going to talk about them and it's a real pleasure to welcome Erin to the show.
00:00:54.660
Erin, welcome to the show. I wonder if we could just start by chatting about something you wrote
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recently in the Montreal Gazette on immigration reform. You start with the crisis at Roxham Road.
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I've written about this as well recently. You have this crazy loophole in our third safe country
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agreement with the U.S. where would-be asylum seekers, if they cross illegally, or what Canada
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euphemistically calls an irregular border crossing, they have to have their case heard and not be sent
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back to the U.S. Now, the Americans aren't too shy about enforcing their borders, yet the Trudeau
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government has been extremely lax. Why do you think this is? Is it driven by politics, incompetence,
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or is something else going on here?
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Yeah, look, it's a bit of a pickle from a legal standpoint. Because of this deal we have with
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the Americans. It basically is a loophole, like you say. I mean, it's a loophole that's being abused
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dramatically right now, right? I mean, for many years, no one cared about this loophole because
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there was nobody coming. But the numbers of people who are coming, and to be clear, it's nothing like
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on the U.S. southern border or what they see in Europe with millions. But relative to what Canada
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had got before, we're talking about tenfold increases in the number of people. And I think
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this really starts to eat away at Canadians' confidence. I think a fundamental thing for a
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lot of people is having integrity on our borders. I mean, countries have to have borders. If you don't
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have a border in a country, you're kind of not really a country. And yes, of course, every country
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is going to be able to decide how many refugees can we absorb, how much humanitarian support are we
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willing to offer? That's up to people in any given country. But you can't have people sort of abusing
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the system and sneaking in and using loopholes. That undermines, I think, trust in our borders
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and our system generally. And frankly, it's not even fair to other refugees who are going through
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the right process and following all the rules. I mean, they're essentially getting crowded out by
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these people who are breaking the rules. Yeah, no, absolutely. So, you know, a couple of
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follow-up questions to that. So, Roxham Road is not a legal border crossing, yet it was closed during
00:03:04.300
the pandemic. And then Trudeau decides to reopen it, I think, I believe, in the fall of 2021.
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Why would you reopen a border crossing that is not legal?
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Yeah, it doesn't make sense. I mean, why have legal ones if you're going to sort of openly send
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this invitation? And let's not forget the Prime Minister had previously sort of, you know,
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signaled that, you know, Canada is welcoming and almost sort of inviting people in not so many words
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to abuse these loopholes. So, you know, he says, well, you know, we've got a 5,000 mile border and
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we can't block all the spots. Well, as you point out, it was closed during the pandemic, so it can
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be done. And secondly, yes, maybe you can't close, you can't, it's not like you can stand a cop, you
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know, every 10 feet across a 5,000 mile border, but you can certainly make it harder. You can certainly
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make it less accessible for people. And, you know, they say, well, that's dangerous, but it might also
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deter people. I mean, people are doing this. They're using Roxham Road because it's easy to get to.
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And if you make it less easy for them to abuse loopholes, and it follows that fewer people are
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going to abuse them. Yeah. You also make a very interesting observation in your piece,
00:04:11.980
in this op-ed, that unlike most Western liberal democracies, Canada has a near universal all-party
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consensus, at least among the major parties, political parties, in support of large increases
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and immigration targets. But you note that in some ways, this is a facade. People are afraid to
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challenge the official position because no one wants to be branded a racist or a xenophobe,
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and the consensus could crumble very quickly if things go south. Do you want to elaborate on this
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argument? What's the actual level of support for high immigration targets in Canada? And how are the
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major political parties positioning themselves on this issue? Yeah. So first, I want to be clear.
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I mean, I'm a child of an immigrant. My wife is a child of immigrants. I'm from immigration. I think
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immigration has been good for Canada. And I think we are lucky that we live in a country where we have
00:05:05.820
people who come here because they want to be Canadians. So that's a good thing. I also think that,
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generally speaking, Canadians are welcoming to immigrants. What I'm talking about, you know, in the
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piece I wrote is that this idea that people can't have reasonable concerns, most obviously about the
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number of immigrants that are coming. And the reason for that even has nothing to do with even the types
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of immigrants. It has to do with things like housing. It has to do with things like infrastructure. It has
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to do with things like the fact that people can't find doctors. I mean, what is the point in welcoming
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people to a country where you have nowhere for them to live and where they instantly become competitors
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and exacerbate a demand problem for housing? That's already a huge problem for the Canadians
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who are already here. So I think we need to be reasonable. We need to listen to the concerns about
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people who are saying, hold on. Can we take this many people? What is the impact going to be on the
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rest of the country? Can we manage this level of immigration? We have to take that seriously,
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because if we don't do that, I think we're going to get a much nastier backlash. And I don't think
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anyone is going to like the outcome. Okay. So since you mentioned a number,
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you said number in your response, what is the magic number? I know a lot of people have been
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a little taken aback by the fact that Canada is now going to have 500,000 people coming in every
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year starting next year, I think. What is the magic number? I mean, I get all of the arguments. I've
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made these arguments myself that can the system actually support this large influx of immigrants
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coming in. I'm also an immigrant myself. But I do have concerns, just like the ones that you raised.
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Can the system actually support this large number of immigrants coming in? How do you decide the
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number? Why 500,000? Yeah. Well, maybe part of the problem is that we're picking a number,
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right? I mean, we don't do this for a lot of other things. The government is trying to centrally plan
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a metric, which is really should be more market driven, right? I mean, part of the decisions that we make,
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and our system is already structured this way, frankly, to a better degree than other countries,
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where the point system, you know, the immigrants that we select outside the humanitarian and the
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family categories are based on our economic needs, right? The government tries to estimate. So,
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but we should go a step further in a lot of cases, you know, I think, and the model I mentioned in my
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piece is for refugees. I mean, the evidence shows that privately sponsored refugees that have people who
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support them and help them integrate and help them learn the language and find jobs, they have much
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greater success. It's a win-win for Canada and for the refugees than the ones that have government
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sponsorship. I think when it comes to economic categories, we need to look at this more. It
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needs to be employer driven. It needs to be driven by places and industries where they have labor
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shortages and they can't find people. That's a better fit than picking a number and saying,
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well, we're just going to let in 300,000 or 500,000 or 800,000. It should be a market driven process.
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That I think is the better way to ensure both they have the support and that there is a defensible
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rationale for letting those people, that level of people in.
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Yeah. You know, I was also struck by this analogy that you make in your piece.
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You know, it's an analogy between your argument on immigration and a very similar situation with
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socialized medicine, for example. So for decades, again, there was this all party consensus on
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socialized medicine and many Canadians apparently identified this as a key feature of Canada or the
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Canadian identity. Anyone challenging it was seen as, you know, was branded as cruel and heartless
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and no party really touched it. But now you have these provincial healthcare systems that are
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basically collapsing all over Canada. They're falling apart and provincial governments are now
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finally testing the waters by privatizing more services. How do you see this debate on socialized
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medicine and allowing a private alternative play out over the coming months? You know, could this be an
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election issue? I should note that one of the things that struck me about the immigration issue
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is that there are a lot of liberal voices in the pages of the Globe and Mail and the Toronto Star, I
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think, that have been raising concerns about, you know, can we actually support this large influx of
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immigrants? Yeah, look, first on the healthcare debate, I think the tattoo is gone. I think it's gone. I
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think that's a good thing. I think we can actually have a grown up discussion about healthcare. I mean,
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it's kind of bizarre the language around healthcare. It only really is here, right? I mean, you don't have
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this taboo against private healthcare in any other country, including progressive and lefty parties
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and politicians in other progressive countries. They just don't have this strange taboo around
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private healthcare. So when it comes to immigration, you know, what my hope is that we get out a little bit
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more nuanced, that we can recognize that people can have legitimate concerns about immigration that isn't
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because you're a racist. And I don't want to say there aren't any racist. I mean, there are some
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people that just don't want immigrants because they don't want people who don't look like them
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to come here. I'm not talking about those people. I don't agree with those people. I agree with the
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people who say, you know, I would be fine with welcoming new people, but I can't find a family
00:10:03.260
doctor. My kids can't afford a home until you address these things. I am voicing the fact that I'm
00:10:09.180
concerned that we don't have the ability to absorb, you know, hundreds of thousands of new people,
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because there's just no room and nowhere to put them.
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Yeah. I mean, again, I mean, I asked the question, why, why this increase in immigrants? Is there a
00:10:25.980
labor shortage in the country? Of course. I mean, we know that there is a labor constraint in Canada,
00:10:32.220
exacerbated by the pandemic. What exactly is going on? Like, you know, I'm a little puzzled.
00:10:38.460
Yeah. Well, look, part of it is demographic shifts and every, especially every sort of,
00:10:43.980
you know, developed country is going to be dealing with this problem. You've probably seen,
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people have seen in the news, the fertility rate has dropped sort of across the developed world.
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You know, historically the immigration is sort of made up for that gap. And now, and now the debate
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is like, well, what's the right level? And there's another separate debate about this because some
00:11:03.180
people say, well, why do we need new immigrants or why do we need to have more babies? Well,
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are all our social safety nets are built on this sort of pyramid, right? Where you sort of,
00:11:10.460
there are more people working than are retired. That ratio is shrinking dramatically. So it's going to put a
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lot of pressure on our healthcare system on, you know, pressure to increase taxes, things like CPP.
00:11:21.020
So we do need to do something. We need to get the right mix between, you know, immigration and,
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and having, you know, families in Canada, having the amount of kids they want to have. It's not about
00:11:30.940
telling people they have to have kids, but surely, you know, there was other work out there showing that
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there are a lot of Canadians who there's a gap between how many kids they have and how many they
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want to have. Surely that seems like a legitimate public policy problem for governments to be wrestling.
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Yeah, no, absolutely. Shifting gears a bit, in your role as director of domestic policy at
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McDonnell Laurier Institute, I believe you commissioned a study last fall assessing the response to the
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opioid crisis in BC versus Alberta. This, this issue has been heating up with, you know, you have the
00:12:06.620
usual progressive commentators decrying Alberta's approach and praising BC's. What is the real story
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here? What exactly is the difference in approaches between the two provinces? Are they really that
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different? And what, what, in your opinion, is the way out of this opioid crisis?
00:12:24.220
Yeah, look, this is, this is obviously a very charged topic. And I think it's hard to separate
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the politics of some of the facts here, right? It's, it's very highly charged and politicians have
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a very strong interest to sort of make anyone proposing some alternative as the villain.
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So I think both on the sort of liberal and conservative sides, you've seen some,
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both some exaggerations and some sort of vilification, misrepresentation of what these
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two differences are. You know, what we have in British Columbia and most of sort of the West Coast
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United States is what they call the sort of the harm reduction safe supply approach. The logic behind
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this is people are going to do these drugs anyway. So we're going to give them clean versions of the
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drug, which is to say, I mean, there's still drugs that are bad for you, but they, they don't have sort of
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street ingredients in them. So, you know, the odds of an overdose are lower, you have these
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safe injection sites, so people have help on site, so they don't die. You know, the thing that that
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has done, of course, is that people, they don't die at these injection sites, because there are people,
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their staff around. So that's the sort of thing that the safe supply advocates are sort of declaring
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victory on saying, well, people come to these sites, they do drugs, they don't die, that's a win,
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because you can't help people recover if they don't die. That's their argument. I think if that's
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where you stop the analysis, that's pretty hard to argue with. The problem is there's a lot more
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going on here. I think a lot of people believe that it's, you know, yes, keeping people alive
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is important, but it's not the only thing. What happens after that? How do you help them recover?
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How do you incentivize them to recover? What are the impacts of things like, if you look at places
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like the Lower East Side and Vancouver, I mean, the 10 cities and homelessness is growing,
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it is not shrinking, crime is rising, it is not shrinking. So there are other problems
00:14:01.980
associated with this. Like, yes, it's great that more people aren't dying. That's a victory. I'm
00:14:05.980
not saying that's bad. But you can't just stop there and say, you know, we won, this is the solution.
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And in Alberta, what they're doing is a little bit different. They do have an element of harm
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reduction, they don't give you the street drugs, they give you sort of synthetic drugs that address
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the high, but don't, sorry, that address the craving, but don't give you the high. But they have all
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kinds of levels of off ramps into treatment, which is all fully funded. So, you know, in Alberta,
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it's not just about keeping you alive. It's about what can we do to try and get your life back on
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track as well. That's the real distinction between these two approaches. I think some people are trying
00:14:40.540
to frame Alberta as some sort of, you know, retro 1980s, you know, you know, throw everybody in jail
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who smokes one joint kind of thing. That's not what Alberta is doing. Alberta is trying, I think,
00:14:51.260
to take the best of the harm reduction approach, which is keep people alive, but also recognize
00:14:55.980
that for society's benefit, and for these individuals, you can't stop there, you have
00:14:59.900
to try and look at everything you can do to help them recover to get them off drugs and to to
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incentivize recovery, which is was something that we don't see in places like risk formula.
00:15:10.220
Yeah, so you know, on a related issue, BC took the extraordinary step recently of
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legalizing the possession of a small quantity of illegal hard drugs, I believe of hard drugs such
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as cocaine, heroin, etc. Yet, the production, sale and purchase of these drugs is still illegal.
00:15:31.820
So can you tell me how exactly this is supposed to work? How does it make sense to legalize
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possession when you can't legally buy it?
00:15:38.780
Yeah, I think this is just another step in the whole destigmatization argument,
00:15:42.780
right? It's that we can't. And it's also a matter of, well, we don't want to criminalize
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someone who's got an addiction if they can't help themselves. And all they're doing is feeding their
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own habit, as opposed to increasing the supply and getting other people addicted, you know,
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that that's a relatively minor crime. You know, my response to that is that is this really going to
00:16:01.420
change very much? I mean, in a lot of cases, when these laws were on the book, they weren't enforced
00:16:05.660
anyway. So I really don't know that there's going to be a really dramatic shift here. And, you know,
00:16:11.180
when I come back to the stigma issue, I mean, I think there's a legitimate debate about, you know,
00:16:15.260
sometimes stigma is that it can be a useful incentive to people, right? And I find that
00:16:20.300
there's a big disconnect in sort of progressive circles between stigmatizing things like cigarettes
00:16:26.220
and alcohol versus cannabis and hard drugs. I mean, why in some ways is it acceptable to try and
00:16:34.300
stigmatize it and see that as an effective way to get people to change their behavior? In other cases,
00:16:38.940
it's like, well, we can't do that, because it will it won't help. I just I find there's an
00:16:43.820
inconsistency there. Yeah, no, absolutely. I'm switching gears yet again, Aaron. Let's talk
00:16:51.340
about the public inquiry into the Emergencies Act. You know, it's disappointed many, including myself,
00:16:59.340
I've I've written about this as well. And despite all of the caveats in what Rouleau said, ultimately,
00:17:07.820
he was rubber stamping what the Trudeau government did. Again, you take you had an interesting take
00:17:14.540
criticizing the report. You're you're also a lawyer by profession. Could you could you dissect
00:17:20.220
where you think Rouleau went wrong and whether he ought to have found whether he ought to have found
00:17:27.180
whether the government acted incorrectly in using emergency powers? You note in your piece that the
00:17:33.580
Rouleau report is not the last word. And ultimately, this will be decided in the court of public opinion,
00:17:40.220
presumably at the ballot box in the next election. Do you think this this will whenever
00:17:45.820
that will whenever that's expected to happen? Do you think this issue will resonate enough with
00:17:50.780
especially fence sitters that could sway how they how they vote in the next election?
00:17:56.300
Yeah, I mean, on the first point on the electoral consequences, I actually think the people,
00:18:00.940
you know, on in the minority on this issue. So, you know, supporters of the convoy,
00:18:06.140
I think it's going to resonate more with them because they it's going to be fresher in their mind.
00:18:09.980
I mean, a lot of the people who came to the protest, I mean, they did it out of exasperation.
00:18:14.780
They did it out of frustration. They did it because the measures being imposed on them were
00:18:18.780
causing real hardship in their lives. And so for them, that is going to weigh heavily on their mind.
00:18:24.620
I would I would guess that probably most of those people were not voting liberal anyway.
00:18:28.620
So I don't know about the electoral consequences. You know, in terms of the report itself,
00:18:33.980
first of all, I do want to say there were some there were some good parts of the report.
00:18:37.580
I thought that Rouleau did a much better job than some other certainly other observers recognizing,
00:18:43.420
for example, that, you know, not everybody in the convoy was a racist and there was not,
00:18:47.420
you know, he I think he did a fairer job of saying, you know what, the media and some politicians,
00:18:52.380
they really didn't help this by trying to characterize this as some, you know, uniformly hate
00:18:59.100
filled get together. I think he I think he did a better job with the nuance there. So I'll give him
00:19:06.060
credit for that. What really bothered me, though, was that while recognizing it wasn't his job to make a
00:19:11.820
legal determination, he kind of went ahead and did it anyway. And then he did it with all these sort
00:19:15.980
of caveats saying, well, you know, I'm not entirely sure and I recognize reasonable people could disagree
00:19:22.060
and I recognize the court is going to have the final say on this. But anyway, I'm going to go
00:19:25.740
ahead and say I think it was valid under the law. You know, to me, the lawyer, you either you either
00:19:31.500
sort of state your opinion because you're supposed to and stand behind it or don't say anything at all.
00:19:36.780
He could have actually just demurred and said, you know what, it's not my job to make a ruling of
00:19:41.580
legality. That's for the court. And he didn't do that. The other thing, a theme that sort of ran
00:19:47.420
throughout it that bothered me was that he seemed to almost be leaning all the time to looking for
00:19:53.180
ways to make it easier to use the act. You know, people need to recognize this law is so unusual and
00:19:59.580
extreme. It's basically supposed to be it's designed to be very hard to use. Like you should have
00:20:04.460
government should have to jump through so many hoops to use this thing that they almost never
00:20:07.660
even want to think about using it. And all the recommendations that Rouleau makes are almost
00:20:11.900
about how can we make it easier in the future for a government to use this in any context.
00:20:16.860
I think that's very problematic. I think it's against the spirit of the act. And I think it's
00:20:20.540
the opposite. I think the government, if anything, there were there were some wiggle rooms over certain
00:20:26.140
interpretations. People are probably familiar with this definition of a threat to national security
00:20:32.460
under under the CSIS Act. I mean, these are things that were put in place to make it hard to use.
00:20:38.540
And Rouleau is basically viewing them as obstacles. And I'm like, yes, they are obstacles. They were
00:20:42.620
there for a good reason. And we should keep them there. We should tighten them up. We shouldn't be
00:20:46.220
saying, Oh, well, we've got to make it easier for governments to use this tool down the road.
00:20:50.540
And I fear now because of that report, there are going to be people who are saying, Oh, yeah,
00:20:54.780
let's, let's make this easier to use. And one last thing on that,
00:20:59.020
I really feel a lot of people make that tremendous mistake of their position on the act and its use
00:21:05.580
falling along the line of whether they like the convoy or not. I think that is a tremendous
00:21:09.180
mistake. People need to think of it in a context where they don't know the nature of the protest,
00:21:14.860
and they don't know whether they're sympathetic to it or not. That is the proper test. Because
00:21:19.180
someday, and I genuinely worry about this, there's going to be a different government and a different
00:21:23.420
protest. And all the people that were happy to use this hammer on the convoy are going to be
00:21:28.220
horrified when a future government uses this act for all and they're going to use all the same
00:21:32.620
arguments that the Trudeau government used against the convoy. The only difference is that people are
00:21:36.140
going to be sympathetic to the cause where they weren't sympathetic convoy. And I am a firm believer
00:21:40.940
that governments should not use tools, you know, against their enemies that they then could then,
00:21:45.980
you know, have used against them down. If you don't use a tool, if you're not prepared to see
00:21:49.900
a different government with a very different point of view, use the same tool later on.
00:21:53.900
Yeah, no, absolutely. There's got to be some consistency. And this, you know, cuts through,
00:22:01.020
you know, partisan politics. And of course, I mean, what happened sets an incredibly bad
00:22:09.740
precedent for, you know, and as you point to this, that future governments could use this
00:22:15.820
for an issue that their supporters, you know, care about. And it's, it's, it's, it's very dangerous.
00:22:25.900
And yeah, and I have, you know, I must say, I'm just more than just disappointed. I'm actually quite
00:22:31.980
worried. But, but anyway, let's, let's talk about being worried. Let's talk about what's in the news
00:22:40.540
right now, which is China's interference in Canada's elections. Until now, I feel that Trudeau
00:22:49.020
has been Teflon man, many people have referred, referred to him in that way. But finally, it appears
00:22:55.020
that this very serious issue of China's interference in our elections, this might finally spell the end
00:23:01.900
for the Trudeau government. So far, the NDP, which at first joined hands with the conservatives in
00:23:08.140
agreeing that there should be a public inquiry seems to have gone radio silent after Trudeau
00:23:13.740
quashed the idea. Do you think this special rapporteur is meant to give the NDP a face saving,
00:23:19.660
a face saving way to keep supporting the government? How do you think, how do you think things will play
00:23:24.860
out? Yeah, look, with respect to the NDP first, I mean, I understand their rationale for striking
00:23:30.860
this deal is the sort of well, we could be a positive influence and we deliver a tangible result.
00:23:35.260
I don't know that they properly weighed the trade off to that. I think if to the average
00:23:39.020
Canadian, it just looks very bizarre to be both sort of a member, almost a coalition partner and also
00:23:45.420
a critic, like, like every time Jagmeet Singh opens his mouth to say, well, you know, I'm going to hold
00:23:50.700
the government account for this people were like, well, you, you'll have the power to do that right now.
00:23:54.620
I mean, you can right now you can hold them very accountable and he never does. So I just,
00:23:58.860
it just seems the very strange, the obvious question that I think a lot of people will ask,
00:24:04.060
you know, as to whether, you know, the, the prime minister is going to use another one of his
00:24:08.060
political lives up on this. I mean, if he's got nine, he's probably running out of them now,
00:24:12.620
you know, part of that is his specific government's track record, but part of it is also just how long
00:24:16.620
he's been there. I mean, people forget it's coming up on eight years that Justin Trudeau has been
00:24:20.540
prime minister. Every government starts to pile up baggage. This is not a specific
00:24:24.540
to him. And, you know, I mean, people, if people remember the euphoria of 2015, he was this fresh,
00:24:30.460
new progressive face. I mean, that's feels like a lifetime ago for a lot of people, including for
00:24:34.300
a lot of his voter coalition. So, you know, I do think, and the other thing too, I don't think
00:24:38.940
he's Teflon, man. I think he's consistently lost support over these issues. I think Blackface was a hit.
00:24:44.620
I think SNC-Lavalin was a hit. I think all the ethics violations were a hit. I mean, I think these
00:24:49.180
are hits. People forget he lost the popular vote the last two elections. Yes, the quirks of our
00:24:54.460
electoral system means he stays in power. Those are the rules of the game. But in terms of the
00:24:58.700
number of Canadians that voted for him, he was outvoted by his opponents the last two elections.
00:25:03.820
So he's not exactly starting from a position of strengths here, right? So I imagine they're going
00:25:09.900
to carry on as long as they can. I think the government is at the point now where they recognize
00:25:16.620
they're probably not the favorites in the next election. So they're going to try and forestall
00:25:20.060
that day as long as they can and hope that something comes up that might change the game,
00:25:25.020
you know, a misstep by Mr. Polyev or some other sort of economic good news or something that they can
00:25:30.780
change the channel with. Because right now, this Chinese interference story, it's interesting.
00:25:36.220
I think had Mr. Trudeau not sort of spent a lot of his political capital already, people might be
00:25:42.540
willing to give him the benefit of the doubt now. But with things like SNC-Lavalin and all these other
00:25:46.540
instances where he sort of, if not lied, certainly omitted things that he should have said. People now,
00:25:53.660
when he says things like, well, I didn't know, or well, I'm going to appoint an eminence,
00:25:57.660
you know, impartial person. A lot of people are not willing to give him the benefit of the doubt
00:26:01.740
of it. And that's, he only has himself to blame for that. Yeah. Well, I mean, since you mentioned
00:26:06.540
the elections, last question for you. If the election were called today, there's a good chance,
00:26:11.580
according to various polls, that Pierre Polyevre would be the next Prime Minister of Canada. If
00:26:16.860
the Liberal government survives its full term, then we won't see an election till 2025. How do you see
00:26:22.860
this battle playing out between now and then? Yeah. I mean, the interesting question for Mr.
00:26:27.980
Polyevre is that, you know, he was obviously elected with some very enthusiastic supporters.
00:26:33.020
I mean, he clobbered his opponents in that leadership race. It wasn't even close. I guess
00:26:36.860
the question for him is when the fire is burning that hot, how do you keep it burning at just the
00:26:40.860
right temperature, right? A lot of his people already in his coalition really don't like Justin Trudeau.
00:26:47.180
I mean, we already know that. The question is, those folks that are on the fence, maybe they
00:26:51.500
don't love Trudeau, but they kind of need an alternative that's a little more inviting.
00:26:55.980
How do we get those people? That's the tougher hill decline, those last 5% for Mr. Polyevre.
00:27:01.740
And it's going to be interesting to see how he balances keeping his supporters who are very angry,
00:27:06.780
happy and convinced that he's in their corner, while also reaching out to people who maybe aren't
00:27:11.260
really angry, but are kind of annoyed with the current government and could be sold on,
00:27:16.220
you know, voting conservative. How does he walk that line? That's going to be an interesting
00:27:20.060
challenge for him in the coming years. Okay. Well, on that note, Aaron, I really appreciate
00:27:25.660
you sharing your insights with us and for being on the show,
00:27:28.540
and I look forward to having you back again sometime soon. It was great. Thanks for having me.
00:27:46.220
Thank you,
00:27:48.040
I love you.
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