Masha Gessen is a writer for The New Yorker. She's been publishing there since 2014, and joined the staff in 2017. She s the author of nine books, including The Future is History, How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia, and The Man Without a Face, The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin. She writes for the New York Review of Books, as well as The New York Times, and she s also been a science journalist, writing about AIDS, medical genetics, and mathematics. She once wrote for a popular science magazine in Russia, but then got fired for refusing to send a reporter to observe the great Vladimir Putin hang gliding with Siberian cranes. She is a visiting professor at Amherst College, she s won a Guggenheim Fellowship, a Carnegie Fellowship, and a Neiman Fellowship. And I ve long wanted to get Masha on the podcast. I ve been a fan of her writing for years, and I m increasingly worried that any false note here becomes just so counterproductive that, in the aggregate, it just seems guaranteed to get Trump re-elected. In this episode, we cover a lot of topics, including: Russia, the Me Too movement, and immigration. And perhaps, if we have time at the end, we can talk about immigration, which might seem unrelated, but is almost unified in the character who currently occupies the presidency of the United States. And I want to cover many of my topics, and these may seem unrelated. I m in no way related to these, but they re both real and real in my mind, and they ve got to do it in a way that s not just about Trump and Russia and the U.S. And they can do it that way because they can be real and they can t do it so well, can they do it right? - The Making Sense Podcast is a podcast by Sam Harris, a writer, a professor, a friend, a researcher, a fellow traveler, a poet, a humanist, a nerd, a good friend, and so much more. Please consider becoming a supporter of what we re doing here. Thank you for listening to the podcast, I really appreciate what we're doing here, I hope you like it. - Sam Harris - Thank you, too, byeeeeeee - your support is making sense? - Your support is helping us make sense of it, too much so that we re making it so much of it helps us all a good thing.
00:04:04.640And I got my start as a journalist in the gay press in the 1980s.
00:04:10.140I spent several years writing about AIDS, which was great training.
00:04:13.440And then in 1991, I went back to the Soviet Union, still the Soviet Union, on assignment.
00:04:20.380And that sort of shifted my entire journalistic career.
00:04:24.340And eventually, I moved back to Russia and lived there for more than 20 years.
00:04:28.560And then I was, and I became both, I kept writing for American publications and writing books in English.
00:04:37.220But I was also writing for Russian magazines and then edited several Russian magazines in succession.
00:04:43.540And then I was kind of driven out of the country at the same time that many people were driven out of the country during the crackdown that began after Putin's reascension to the so-called presidency in 2012.
00:04:59.460So, I came here at the end of 2013 and gradually sort of stopped writing for Russian publications and then became a staff writer at the New Yorker.
00:05:11.700So, let's focus on the Russia piece first.
00:05:14.640Why were you specifically forced to leave Russia?
00:05:17.680Was it just the reality of what it was like to be gay and Jewish or both gay and Jewish in Russia at that point?
00:05:26.760Or was it because something you were doing journalistically?
00:05:30.660Yeah, actually being Jewish, I think, had nothing to do with it.
00:05:33.440But, you know, there are a couple of ways to look at it.
00:05:37.720One is that it's just that the reality of being queer in Russia and being a queer parent in particular,
00:05:44.340I was threatened specifically by name in the media by politicians with having my children taken away.
00:07:04.160I think that the protests were framed by most people as protests against rigged elections.
00:07:10.380I think that the catalyst in, to a large extent, the catalyst was sort of the blatant spectacle of the transfer of power from Dmitry Medvedev,
00:07:24.360if you remember such a character, back to Vladimir Putin, in what they made clear was a prearranged transfer of power.
00:07:32.600And the voters were expected to rubber stamp it.
00:07:36.340Now, it's not like Russia had had real elections for more than a dozen years.
00:07:40.800You know, elections had become an empty ritual.
00:07:44.240But somehow, I think that exposing how empty that ritual was, was insulting to people.
00:07:50.400I mean, there's a way in which things can become obscene when they're exposed, even if everybody knows that they exist, you know, kind of like genitalia.
00:08:32.660That's, that's an interesting analogy.
00:08:34.240I'm not sure that it holds because it suggests that Russian citizens generally feel like they,
00:08:40.820they have civic duty that they need to perform if they're forced to do so.
00:08:44.020I'm not sure that that's, that's actually the case.
00:08:46.080I think that, I think there was something sort of deeply offensive to people's sensibilities when it was made clear, you know, how, how little they mattered,
00:08:54.780even though each one of them individually felt that they mattered very little.
00:08:59.320So, so the, the, that's how the protests were framed.
00:09:01.520For me, you know, the, they were really anti-Putin protests.
00:09:05.000I mean, that's, that's, that's what drove me.
00:09:06.460I don't, I didn't want Vladimir Putin to preside over free and clear elections because I don't actually think it's possible.
00:09:15.340But I thought that if the rest of my compatriots were willing to, for once, pay attention to the fact that the entire electoral system had been dismantled, then that was a good thing.
00:09:25.680And certainly, you know, the protests were incredibly inspiring and invigorating.
00:09:29.140Well, so what do we actually know about Putin that is uncontroversial?
00:09:35.380I mean, we're living in this surreal moment now where Putin appears to be popular, at least among Republicans in the U.S.
00:09:44.100And we have a president who will not say a bad word about him.
00:09:48.200And I want to talk ultimately about the consequences and implications of that.
00:09:52.860But what can you say as a journalist about Putin that is, that you really feel is not, in fact, disputable?
00:10:05.080I mean, you know, I wrote a fairly long book about Putin that, that was essentially a compilation of, of things that we know about Putin.
00:10:15.480And if someone were to say, well, listen, he's, you know, all leaders of countries, you know, have to take a hard line from time to time.
00:10:24.740And he's, he's not better, but he's certainly not much worse than any other prominent leader on the world stage.
00:10:31.960And it's not a terrifying obscenity that we have a president of the United States who treats him as a normal leader.
00:10:39.420What would be the first things you would say to, you know, what would you pick out of Putin's bio that would argue against that kind of carefree attitude?
00:10:50.180Putin is a bloody dictator who jails and kills his opponents and has waged several illegal wars to the tune of hundreds of thousands of lives.
00:11:03.060And so I do not think it is okay to treat him as a normal leader, no matter how much the current American president aspires to be like him.
00:11:12.780And what's the status of public opinion generally in Russia now, insofar as you can gauge it, both toward Putin and toward the U.S. and Europe?
00:11:24.880Because what we see, at least what someone pretty far from the facts, like myself, sees in the media is the suggestion that there is a, an extraordinary degree of anti-U.S. and anti-European sentiment there.
00:11:42.480And that some of this is kind of framed as of a piece with Putin's popularity as a leader, that he's kind of bringing back the strong country of Russia that has been so demeaned really since the fall of the Soviet Union.
00:11:58.200How would you describe public opinion in Russia?
00:12:01.020Well, I wouldn't describe public opinion in Russia.
00:12:03.140What I would say is that in a country that has no public and no opinions, it is very difficult to talk about public opinion.
00:12:13.660Putin, over his 18-year reign, has presided over the near-complete destruction of the public sphere.
00:12:20.500You can't have public opinion without a public sphere.
00:12:24.380If only a particular position, a hysterical, mobilizing, you know, country under siege position as it happens, but really any position becomes the singular position that dominates the entire public sphere, then you can't have any meaningful opinion either.
00:12:39.820Right. And that's why the subtitle of my book is How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia, because the lived experience of being in Russia now is the lived experience of being under totalitarianism.
00:12:56.060Even though Russia doesn't have a totalitarian regime, it doesn't have a regime of state terror, but what it does have is total domination over the thoughts and feelings and perceptions of its citizens.
00:13:07.960So, there is no such thing as public opinion.
00:13:11.280But that view, the view that dominates, that emanates from the Kremlin and that dominates the public sphere or what passes for a public sphere in Russia, is the opinion that Russia is a country under siege and that it is at war with the United States.
00:13:26.700And that war is being fought by proxy in Ukraine and in Syria.
00:13:31.400So, well, that's scary because even if you can imagine most Russians are not happy with how Russia is being governed, if you think that there's a consensus that really the real enemy is outside and it's the U.S., it paints a picture of the potential for a dangerous level of support for a ramping up of aggression.
00:13:59.320I remember hearing at one point that the prospect of nuclear war with the U.S. was being kind of casually referenced in the context of some political campaign.
00:14:11.120I don't know if it was Putin's or someone else's in Russia.
00:14:14.100And there's nobody else in Russia or one of its political campaigns.
00:14:19.760Yeah. But, you know, the idea that the prospect of nuclear war in particular between Russia and the United States could be a kind of happy talking point over there.
00:14:31.760First of all, do I have that? Is that factually correct? Or what is that story that I'm dimly recalling?
00:14:36.820It's an understatement. It's not just a step of political campaigning.
00:14:41.960It is enshrined in Russia's military doctrine that I believe was changed in 2012.
00:14:49.500Don't quote me on that. It may have been 2013.
00:14:51.080But the Russian military doctrine reserves the right of first strike in response to any attack, including a non-nuclear one, that threatens the integrity of the Russian Federation.
00:15:06.520And the Russian military doctrine also identifies the United States and NATO member countries as its primary strategic enemies.
00:15:14.780Well, I can only imagine we have a similar doctrine, right? We haven't disavowed any possibility of first strike on our side, have we?
00:15:23.000I would have to check, but I believe that according to the military doctrine, first strike is actually reserved for immediate nuclear threat or nuclear strike.
00:15:37.880So the belief that America is the enemy is, insofar as you can, you say you can't really judge public opinion, but you feel that this notion is fairly well-subscribed, however cynical people might be about the information that comes to them through state-run media?
00:15:58.520I don't think you're understanding what I'm saying, or maybe I'm not making myself very clear.
00:16:02.320I'm not saying that public opinion can't be judged. I'm not saying that people are cynical. I'm saying that public opinion actually doesn't exist.
00:16:09.400I'm saying that people have been robbed of the ability to form their own opinions, right? So it's just not a thing that is.
00:16:16.900So all we have to deal with is what, you know, what we see in the Russian media.
00:16:21.940You believe you can't gauge how much the products of the Russian media that we see significantly influences the view of people on the ground in Russia.
00:16:33.900No, no, no, Sam. I'm saying people don't have views.
00:16:36.580But how is that possible? Like if you were, if we're going to ask everyone in Russia whether they thought America was a good place or a bad place,
00:16:44.500and they all answered that question one way or the other, you would say that the answer would be meaningless or?
00:16:50.040Yes, I would say that the answer would be meaningless because you can predict with 90% accuracy, or actually 86% accuracy, as the polls show,
00:16:58.500that people will say exactly what was last on television.
00:17:02.840So if a television is talking about the United States being the enemy, then if you conduct a public opinion poll,
00:17:09.760then you would get 86% of people saying, yes, the United States is our enemy.
00:17:13.440If tomorrow we become best friends with the United States, people will say exactly that.
00:17:18.820That's what a totalitarian society looks like.
00:17:22.340And that's what I mean when I say that people don't actually have views or, you know, they are,
00:17:29.220it is a matter of survival in a totalitarian state to be able to accurately mirror the signal that comes from above.
00:17:38.900Well, that's interesting. It's sort of, well, so I'll just put the question to you.
00:17:43.440Given that, is there potentially a silver lining to Trump's approach to Russia?
00:17:50.900The fact that we have this glad-handing narcissist who simply does not care or maybe even seem to know
00:17:59.040about the human rights violations of the people he's creating photo ops with,
00:18:03.720the fact that Trump is taking that approach to Putin, and we'll leave aside the Russian hacking scandal
00:18:11.300and everything else that might trouble us, is there a potential silver lining there in that
00:18:16.040relations can thaw between the U.S. and Russia, and then a different message gets passed to the Russian population
00:18:25.620and we essentially de-escalate a very tense situation, albeit with various casualties.
00:18:32.300I mean, it doesn't help people in Syria, it doesn't help people in Russia all that much,
00:18:36.820but it does possibly close the door a little bit to the prospect of some horrible conflagration between Russia and the U.S.
00:18:46.320I don't see how that happens because, you know, the imaginary mortal combat between the United States and Russia
00:18:57.140is not a function of American politics or American behavior.
00:19:02.100It is a function of Putin's need to have a mobilizing idea.
00:19:08.620The only mobilizing idea large enough to fit sort of the superpower ambitions left over from the Soviet Union
00:19:18.820is the idea of conflict with the United States.
00:19:23.840Putin has absolutely no interest in having that conflict diffused
00:19:28.600because his entire politics is constructed around that conflict.