Making Sense - Sam Harris - September 11, 2019


#168 — Mind, Space, & Motion


Episode Stats

Length

36 minutes

Words per Minute

138.1451

Word Count

5,111

Sentence Count

297

Misogynist Sentences

2

Hate Speech Sentences

3


Summary

Barbara Tversky is an emeritus professor of psychology at Stanford University and a Professor of Psychology at the Teacher s College at Columbia University. She is also the President of the Association for Psychological Science, and she regularly speaks about embodied cognition at conferences. In this episode, Barbara talks about her new book, Mind in Motion: How Action Shapes Thought, and we talk about the evolution of mind prior to language, and the way in which our sense of space and motion have governed our capacity for thinking. We talk about cognitive tradeoffs, and other topics, including the role of memory, and how our categorical thinking is derivative of space. And we discuss the importance of the hippocampus, which occupies half of the brain, and is responsible for memory and other cognitive functions. We don t run ads on the podcast, and therefore, therefore, are made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers.We appreciate what you're doing here, and would greatly appreciate it if you became a supporter of the podcast. Please consider becoming a supporter by becoming a subscriber. You'll get access to all sorts of great shows and resources, including The Making Sense Podcasts, as well as access to our most up-to-date episodes, and access to the latest podcasts, books, and much more! Sam Harris and Sam Harris' newest podcast, Making Sense: A User's Guide to all things Making Sense. . Making Sense is a podcast all about making sense in the world through the lens of psychology, neuroscience, psychology, cognitive psychology, and neuroscience, history, and philosophy, and everything in between. It's a podcasting, and it's made possible because of you, the reader's love, not by you, by you. This is a show about the reader, not the reader. , not the writer, the listener, the maker, the creator. - Sam Harris and the reader and the writer. -- it's all about the making sense of it, by the reader -- and the listener. ...and the story of it all, by us, by me, again, again and again, by her, the viewer, and so on and so much more. Thanks for listening to this podcast, again & again, thank you for listening, again again, for listening. Thank you, Sam Harris, for your support, and your support and all of your continued support, agains, and more, and again and more.


Transcript

00:00:00.000 Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast.
00:00:08.820 This is Sam Harris.
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00:00:46.820 Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast.
00:00:48.920 This is Sam Harris.
00:00:51.200 Today I'm speaking with Barbara Tversky.
00:00:54.080 Barbara is an emeritus professor of psychology at Stanford University.
00:00:58.360 and professor of psychology at the Teacher's College at Columbia University.
00:01:03.520 She's also the president of the Association for Psychological Science, and she has published
00:01:08.860 more than 200 scholarly articles about memory, spatial thinking, design, creativity, and she
00:01:16.820 regularly speaks about embodied cognition at conferences.
00:01:20.400 And she was married to one of the most famous and influential psychologists ever, Amos Tversky,
00:01:28.100 who partnered with Danny Kahneman in all those studies of judgment under uncertainty, and
00:01:33.620 he would have certainly won the Nobel Prize along with Danny had he lived.
00:01:38.840 Anyway, Barbara and I talk about her new book, Mind in Motion, How Action Shapes Thought,
00:01:44.000 and we talk about many topics in this vein.
00:01:48.680 We talk about the evolution of mind prior to language, and the way in which our sense of
00:01:53.620 space and motion have governed our capacity for thinking.
00:01:58.260 We talk about the importance of imitation and gesture, the sensory and motor homunculi in
00:02:04.540 the brain, the information that's communicated by motion, the role of mirror neurons, the sense
00:02:11.660 of direction, natural and unnatural categories, and the way in which our categorical thinking
00:02:17.360 is derivative of our sense of space.
00:02:20.540 We talk about cognitive trade-offs and other topics.
00:02:24.360 And now, without further delay, I bring you Barbara Tversky.
00:02:35.020 I am here with Barbara Tversky.
00:02:37.360 Barbara, thanks for coming on the podcast.
00:02:39.700 My pleasure.
00:02:40.700 Thank you.
00:02:41.860 So, you have written a fascinating book.
00:02:45.440 I think our conversation will be largely focused by your book.
00:02:49.260 And the book is Mind in Motion, How Action Shapes Thought.
00:02:54.860 But before we jump into the book itself, can you summarize what your intellectual history
00:03:00.320 looks like?
00:03:01.260 What have you focused on, and who have you been?
00:03:05.000 Well, I won't go back to childhood.
00:03:07.120 Let me start with graduate school in psychology.
00:03:11.160 There's a long story before that.
00:03:13.040 But when I entered cognitive psychology, and it was an exciting time, everything was open,
00:03:21.140 brilliant people were around me, the language was king.
00:03:26.720 And in many ways, it still is.
00:03:29.660 And that came from many sources.
00:03:32.460 It came from propositional thinking and philosophy.
00:03:36.200 It came from Chomsky and language.
00:03:40.700 And both of those areas were very much on everybody's mind, exciting us.
00:03:47.500 It came from our own intuitions, that somehow, when we're thinking, we're talking to ourselves.
00:03:56.780 And even that, so that seemed wrong to me.
00:04:01.320 There's so much thinking that isn't that.
00:04:03.360 And how do those thoughts come?
00:04:06.240 And how do the words come?
00:04:07.940 They just pop in our mouths.
00:04:10.140 And it came from psychology, where people were showing that the length of a verbal description
00:04:16.080 predicted your memory for the visual world.
00:04:19.920 So all that struck me as incomplete.
00:04:23.480 We have a huge memory for faces, most of us.
00:04:28.080 We can remember faces that we haven't seen in years.
00:04:31.280 We can't begin to describe them.
00:04:34.600 Same with scenes.
00:04:36.680 And if you think phylogenetically and brain-wise, space in one way or another, and it's multimodal,
00:04:44.900 occupies half the cortex.
00:04:46.960 It was around evolutionarily long before language came.
00:04:51.800 So it struck me that, first of all, it must have its own logic that's different from language,
00:04:58.720 and that, if anything, space served a foundation for language and thinking, not vice versa.
00:05:06.760 So that governed more or less what I was doing.
00:05:13.460 At first, it was intuitive.
00:05:15.080 Later, I realized it was pretty systematic, and that helped me carve future research.
00:05:22.640 But in many ways, spatial thinking was marginalized because of the hegemony of language.
00:05:29.000 So people thought it was maybe like music or like smell, some specialized interest, but not central.
00:05:38.260 What seems to have changed that, and now everybody's jumping into space,
00:05:43.560 was the Nobel Prize in 2012 to O'Keefe and the Mosheers for place cells and grid cells,
00:05:51.260 which seemed to capture our spatial thinking.
00:05:54.820 And then very recent research has shown that those same cells in the hippocampus don't just
00:06:04.840 gather information from all over the cortex to code a place, but they also code events and
00:06:11.180 time and people, again, gathering multimodal information from the cortex, and that those
00:06:19.420 place cells are mapped in a two-dimensional array on the grid cells.
00:06:23.960 So the grid cells in rats map space, but in human beings, they seem to map conceptual relations,
00:06:32.380 temporal relations, social relations.
00:06:35.640 So that helps me argue that spatial thinking is the foundation of thought, not the whole edifice,
00:06:45.620 but the foundation.
00:06:47.420 But that's taken a long time.
00:06:49.760 Well, this is fascinating.
00:06:52.600 At first glance, I think we can easily argue about the primacy of space and movement through
00:07:00.600 space because just in evolutionary terms, if you can't move, if you can't sense the environment
00:07:06.960 around you and respond with any action in that space, there's no basis to evolve intelligence
00:07:14.780 or anything else.
00:07:15.780 Intelligence only matters because you can do something with it that affects your survival.
00:07:22.080 A sense of space and the world and a capacity to move within it had to have come online very,
00:07:29.460 very early.
00:07:30.440 And as we know, long before language does, the point you made about describing faces is fairly
00:07:38.880 revelatory about the, with regard to the impotence of language compared to a memory for, in this
00:07:48.640 case, the visual object of a face, which we know is represented uniquely in the brain.
00:07:53.320 When you imagine trying to describe a person's face so that others could recognize it on the
00:07:59.700 base of your linguistic description, apart from, you know, describing someone who has a huge
00:08:05.200 scar or, you know, is missing an eye or something, I mean, it's just, it's a completely hopeless
00:08:10.120 task.
00:08:11.640 And yet, as you say, we instantly recognize faces out of among the thousands or tens of
00:08:18.520 thousands we might recognize instantly.
00:08:22.220 So, and I'm just going to kind of just feed in you more areas where we might go here.
00:08:26.960 The other thing that occurs to me is that our sense of space is really the foundation of
00:08:32.860 our ontology, our sense of what is real or what exists.
00:08:37.260 When you think of the existence of something, you're really thinking of, you know, by default,
00:08:43.180 things in space.
00:08:44.280 And then there are abstract ideas or abstract quantities that people, you know, philosophers
00:08:50.300 have wanted to argue for millennia now that have some existence.
00:08:54.520 But because it's not obvious where they exist, that has always been somewhat inscrutable.
00:09:01.240 So when you think of things like numbers, right, does the number seven exist?
00:09:06.080 In what sense is the number seven an invention?
00:09:09.140 In what sense is it a prior reality?
00:09:12.040 Well, the impediment there to our thinking about this seems to be the question of where
00:09:16.620 are the numbers?
00:09:17.780 You know, without people, where would the numbers be?
00:09:20.480 And, you know, so I would add that our sense of what is real and what can be real is also
00:09:28.460 anchored to this prior sense of space.
00:09:32.220 Thank you.
00:09:33.980 You've gone over a lot of what I tried to do in the book.
00:09:38.360 And number is fascinating because animals, many animals, many species, every day there's
00:09:45.540 something new or another new animal that can count or not really count, but estimate quite
00:09:52.680 accurately. So animals without speech, without any complicated language like ours, can solve
00:10:01.780 all kinds of fascinating problems that are very difficult to solve. Babies can do that. And
00:10:09.620 all of that seems to be without language. So there are other ways of thinking that aren't
00:10:16.860 language. And number seems to be tied very much, as you suggested, to space. Those of us who have
00:10:24.720 number words, and not every language has number words, tend to line up numbers on a line. The spacing
00:10:32.180 between numbers affects how we collect terms in algebra. If you look at the notation system that we
00:10:40.940 now use, and there were many notation systems that preceded it that weren't as successful,
00:10:47.980 the notation system depends on space. The most right-hand column are the ones, and to the left of
00:10:55.620 that are the tens, and to the left of that are the hundreds, and so forth. And that spatial way of
00:11:03.100 arraying numbers becomes essential to our thinking, and we do it without even realizing.
00:11:12.020 That's one of the reasons why the Roman numerals screwed everybody up. There are many things you
00:11:16.060 can't do well with Roman numerals. Right. They use space in a complicated way,
00:11:21.260 right, that didn't work. Right, exactly. So, right, space is underlying how we array things in the mind,
00:11:30.400 and how we then array them in the world. Our natural state of awareness of ourselves in the
00:11:38.140 world presents the body as a kind of object in the world for us. You know, most people feel that
00:11:44.820 they're interior to the body in some ways, the subject, and that their body is out there among the
00:11:51.800 other bodies, you know, and vulnerable to the impositions of the environment. How do you think about
00:11:59.720 our sense of embodiment? So, I've got five different tracks running in my mind. I'll see if I can keep
00:12:08.380 them and organize them. First, I avoided that term because it's used so differently by different
00:12:15.460 thinkers, and because it's become a buzzword, and I always worry about buzzwords. They're first
00:12:21.700 celebrated and then vilified, as any fad is, so I worried about that. And I thought if I brought it up
00:12:29.320 in a book meant for the general public, I'd have to go through all that philosophy, and what did Andy
00:12:37.980 Clark mean? What did David Korsh mean? What did Larry Bob? And I didn't want to do that. Right. But I do
00:12:45.160 think I've shown many phenomena where the body is involved in thinking. Certainly, the mirror neuron
00:12:52.400 system that we internalize facial expressions that we see, we internalize actions that we see in our
00:13:02.400 own motor system, and often that gets expressed in squiggling and moving the body in one way. We also
00:13:10.420 imitate, and that is a way of thinking, and it's a way of remembering, and it's a way of understanding.
00:13:18.960 So that's one component of embodiment. Another that I've looked at and other people have looked at is
00:13:26.500 gesture. And there we're re-externalizing internal thoughts by setting up some sort of spatial motor
00:13:38.560 representation of whatever it is worth thinking about. So if you ask someone for directions, they'll
00:13:46.000 almost inevitably use their arms and their head to indicate how you should move. And often those
00:13:54.920 gestures say more than the words do. The words are more brutal. People can't necessarily express that
00:14:02.280 information well in words. They forget turns and so forth. So you want to watch the gestures, and
00:14:11.160 usually we do, even implicitly, we somehow pick them up without conscious awareness that we're looking
00:14:19.080 at them, or when we're making them, that we make them. So those gestures can serve your thinking. They
00:14:27.620 can also serve my own. So if you sit on your hands and try to describe a route, a complicated route to
00:14:35.660 somebody else, you're probably going to have trouble doing it. And we brought that phenomenon into the
00:14:43.540 laboratory. We had, and I wish I could show you the videos because they're quite fascinating.
00:14:52.080 We asked people, we put people alone in a room. They're reading complicated descriptions of space,
00:14:59.700 locating eight or nine landmarks in an array, and either you're walking through it, and this is on
00:15:05.980 your right, and that's on your left, and now turn right, and now you see that sort of route description
00:15:12.420 or a north-south-east-west description. So people had to read these. They're hard. We were going to test
00:15:20.460 them, and while they're doing it, 70% of our subjects, of our participants, are staring at the screen, and
00:15:29.620 their hands are essentially sketching a map. So that's an abstraction, right? It's lines, lines for paths and
00:15:38.720 points. They stamp on the table for places. People do it quite differently, though the lines and dots are pretty
00:15:47.800 similar. We've done the same for explanations of mechanical systems, like how a car brake works.
00:15:56.080 And again, people are reading it. They're enacting it with their body, often in huge gestures,
00:16:02.520 sometimes smaller. People, again, do it differently. And when we tell people to sit on their hands while
00:16:10.420 they're reading, they perform worse on the tests. So it's not, it's 70%, it's not everybody, but a good
00:16:21.360 portion of people spontaneously gesture. They're not looking at their hands. So somehow that representation,
00:16:30.120 that encoding is spatial motor. It isn't visual. And again, if they do it, they're better.
00:16:38.220 Blind children gesture.
00:16:42.240 Yeah, that's fascinating.
00:16:43.740 And again, that's not our research, but again, it's, and they can't know that their gestures
00:16:49.540 are communicating something to you, or they're unlikely to at four years old. So it seems to be
00:16:56.460 helping their own thinking. And that feels like a mystery to me, that those actions of the body that
00:17:04.500 are actually abstractions are helping you comprehend and remember. And when you watch these people
00:17:15.080 gesturing, you get the feeling, first of all, you see them thinking, and that's exciting, but you get
00:17:22.140 the feeling that the gestures are translating the words into thought.
00:17:27.400 Yeah, no, I can feel that internally sometimes when I speak, that gesturing is helping me complete a
00:17:35.840 thought, and that if I were prevented from gesturing, it would be a kind of impediment.
00:17:41.540 Right, right, right. So, but words too, I'm happy with. I use them a lot, and I rather like them. But if
00:17:53.460 you look at our language, it's again expressing actions on thought, we raise our ideas, we put them
00:18:01.580 forth, we tear them apart. These are all ways we talk about objects. So we're thinking of ideas as
00:18:09.580 objects and acting on them. Lakoff and Johnson went through many of these metaphors, and Tommy and
00:18:17.120 other people before him, or before them. But there almost isn't another way of talking about thought,
00:18:25.940 except as actions on objects.
00:18:30.300 So the role of action and the ways in which we represent it and the body that can perform it,
00:18:40.940 so much of this is counterintuitive and unconscious. And some of it's in principle unconscious, some of
00:18:47.920 it I think we can become conscious of, or we can become conscious of some of the related facts. I'm
00:18:54.760 thinking of things like the sensory and motor homunculi in the brain, which is the strange proportions
00:19:02.640 with which various parts of the body are represented and tied to action. So for instance, we have a much
00:19:10.920 most people who have seen this from a psychology textbook, this is something you talk about in your book
00:19:16.060 as well. But we have much larger areas of neural real estate devoted to representing the hands and the lips
00:19:23.780 than the feet or the shoulders. And so that the fact that those areas are so much better mapped is tied to the
00:19:35.880 fact that we do much more with our hands and lips than other parts of our body, and we derive much more
00:19:43.720 information. We can act on the world with much more precision. And yet it's not, you know, looking internally, you
00:19:52.120 don't, you can't necessarily sense that your sense of your body is warped in that way. And people are surprised, you know,
00:20:02.880 when you can perform this experiment on yourself, and see just how different your, your two-point
00:20:08.720 discrimination is. You know, if someone puts, you know, two pencil tips on the palm of your hand, you can
00:20:14.880 differentiate that, that it's two with those pencil points very close to one another. But if you, if they do
00:20:20.800 that on your back, you know, you, you, it feels like one point even when there's something like, you know,
00:20:25.840 I forget an inch or a half an inch between pencil points. So it's, it's not necessarily intuitive and
00:20:32.400 available for direct inspection. And so too with things like, I mean, you mentioned mirror neurons,
00:20:39.120 and these are, these are neurons in the brain that, that were discovered by Rizzolati's group. And
00:20:45.840 actually one of my advisors at UCLA did work, Marco Iacoboni, on this topic. And, you know, much has been
00:20:54.000 made of mirror neurons and perhaps too much has been made of them, but they're the regions of the
00:20:59.520 brain and, and now more than one, which respond to the actions of others. And, and certainly a case can
00:21:05.680 be made that we understand the actions of others, both their, their intent, intentions and goals,
00:21:11.920 by mapping them back onto our own bodies, you know, essentially moving in our imaginations as we,
00:21:20.160 as we, as we see other people move. And I think, I think this is something you say in your book. I
00:21:25.600 mean, we can notice this in the difference between the way experts will watch certain kinds of, of
00:21:34.000 behavior. I mean, if you're an expert in yoga or ballet or some sport, your brain will show a different
00:21:40.000 response to the movements of another expert performing those disciplines than a naive brain will,
00:21:46.800 because you know what it's like to move in that way. And, and I think many of us can appreciate
00:21:52.640 this internally from watching sports where it's different watching a sport that you've spent a lot
00:21:57.840 of time playing yourself because you really, you, you know it from the inside and, and, and it's,
00:22:02.800 it's just amazing to see the best people in the world perform that sport because you can sort of
00:22:07.440 emulate what they're doing in your imagination, but then they, they exceed what you, what you've ever done.
00:22:12.320 So I, I guess I, you know, I just deluged you with a lot of, of your own information, but I guess,
00:22:18.480 you know, I want to hear whatever you have to say about what's available to consciousness here
00:22:23.600 for us in, in how we represent the body and the, and the bodies of others and, and our actions and
00:22:29.040 the actions of others.
00:22:30.160 So I'll start backward. Well, no, I'll go back to the beginning. You, you've summarized a lot of
00:22:36.640 things that I wanted to say and things that I've learned since then and frustrate me because I
00:22:42.800 want to add them. So going back to the, to the homunculus map, which is exaggerated, as you say,
00:22:51.440 and we did find that recognizing other parts of other bodies is often more tied to their neural
00:23:01.360 size than it is to their actual size. So, and those were studies done long ago. If you look at
00:23:08.560 children's drawings all over the world, they tend to be these tadpole drawings that are heads, big heads,
00:23:15.680 and arms sticking out and legs sticking out and the rest, those and feet and hands, often lots of
00:23:22.560 fingers. And these again, seem to be how children think of the body, even though what they're seeing
00:23:31.600 is very different. So I think some of that is coming out nicely that a child is drawing what they think
00:23:39.280 and they think of their body as the, the really big moving parts and functional parts and, and not so
00:23:47.200 much the actual sizes. And I get frustrated when parents want drawings to be, or teachers to be more
00:23:54.720 realistic. I mean, there's something to learn from drawing realistic things, but I also appreciate the
00:24:02.480 expressiveness of drawing what you think and certainly modern art is full of that and charming and
00:24:11.280 frightening. And I mean, those kinds of abstractions that, that are always fascinating. So that's bodies.
00:24:21.280 One research project that I admire, and this is related to the mirror system is work of Maggie Schifrar and
00:24:28.400 her colleagues. And she brought, so there are these point light demonstrations. You take somebody in a
00:24:35.520 lab, dress them all in black, put lights at their joints, and ask them to jump, play ping pong, dance,
00:24:44.320 do all sorts of different things. When observers see those light arrays statically, they make no sense at
00:24:52.880 all. You hardly even know it's a body. But when they move, as they naturally move, you can see
00:24:59.440 it's a man, it's a woman. You can see if somebody's happy. You can see if somebody's heavy. You can pick
00:25:06.720 all that up from these lights and there are fewer than ten of them scattered at the joints. You pick up
00:25:12.960 all that information and you pick it up quickly, again implicitly. And it helps small women like me,
00:25:21.040 walking dark streets at night, to pick up somebody else's movement quickly. So I know if I'm in
00:25:28.320 danger in some way or not. So those skills we need quite quickly. What Schifrar and her colleagues did
00:25:37.760 was bring in pairs of people, friends, and have them do these different videos, and bring them back
00:25:46.720 three months later and watch those videos. And they were watching videos of themselves,
00:25:53.120 of their friend, and of a stranger who was part of another couple. And their task was to identify
00:26:00.880 what the people were doing, playing ping pong or dancing, and that they did pretty well. But they
00:26:07.360 were also asked, who is it? And naturally, not surprisingly, they were better at identifying
00:26:15.920 their friends than perfect strangers. But they were best at identifying themselves.
00:26:23.840 That's actually kind of counterintuitive because you spend less time actually seeing
00:26:28.640 your own, certainly your gross body movements. I mean, you don't actually see your leg movements
00:26:34.480 very much, or your body moving through space. So that's kind of surprising.
00:26:38.320 I agree. It's surprising. So what's the theory? And there isn't a better theory than mirror,
00:26:48.800 that you watch that movement, you implicitly map it onto your own body and the way your body moves,
00:26:56.720 and it feels right. It's like trying on a piece of clothing and it fits.
00:27:02.880 And here it's trying on a pattern of motion, and it fits. It feels like me. So that is,
00:27:12.160 I think, counterintuitive, as you say, and quite surprising, and relates certainly to the work that
00:27:20.320 was done later on recognizing motor activation. When you're watching something that you're expert in,
00:27:29.520 the classic experiment was comparing capoeira dancers with ballet dancers. And for both observers,
00:27:38.800 both kinds of observers watching either kind of dance did arouse the motor cortex, but the dance you
00:27:46.480 knew aroused more. And that gets into your observations about athletics. And here,
00:27:52.800 again, it's split-second inferencing that we're doing, nonverbal. There's no way in a fast-moving
00:28:01.760 basketball game that you can figure out what your team is doing, what the other team is doing,
00:28:08.320 what they're going to do. Who's faking me, right? How do I fake? I mean, the levels of complexity
00:28:17.200 that are required for those sports are extraordinary. And again, split-second, of course,
00:28:24.400 they depend on expertise and practice and so forth. But none of that is, it's much too fast for words.
00:28:32.080 It just couldn't happen otherwise. So one more thing on the inferencing. This is work of a talented
00:28:45.360 group in Genoa, in Italy. And I worked with them a little bit, but they did the major part of the work.
00:28:52.480 They can show videos of an arm reaching for a bottle. And they truncate the video before your hand
00:28:59.920 even touches the bottle. But you can tell from watching those truncated videos, whether the
00:29:07.200 person about to grasp the bottle is going to drink from it, is going to pour, or is going to give it to
00:29:15.680 you. And you know that before the hand gets there. So those intentions of other bodies, even normal
00:29:23.120 people are reading very quickly. It turns out, and this, again, I learned later, that children on
00:29:31.200 the spectrum have a harder time with that. And they also have a harder time making the movements.
00:29:40.960 Yeah. And as you know, mirror neurons have been implicated in autism spectrum deficits.
00:29:47.120 Yeah. Exactly. And in exactly that way. And to think that it's a motor action deficit that underlies this
00:29:57.200 very deep and disorder that seems to have huge implications for people's lives is fascinating,
00:30:06.400 right? Yeah. That it's a motor. And again, coming back to motor, it turns out that for people who are
00:30:12.800 aging and I belong in that category, moving and moving in space is more essential to preserving
00:30:22.400 cognitive function than doing crossword puzzles. Right? That emotion, again, is not just important
00:30:30.720 for our immediate survival, but for our cognitive facilities, and certainly for emotional and
00:30:37.520 social and just about every aspect of our lives. Yeah. I want to bring you back to sports for a second
00:30:45.200 because you referenced a study that I hadn't heard of related to this gesture study you just described
00:30:52.240 with videos of reaching behavior. There was a video study of basketball players shooting free throws
00:30:59.600 where they would stop the video before the ball reaches the basket at various distances from the
00:31:07.600 basket. And it showed that basketball players were better than coaches and fans and sports journalists
00:31:14.160 at predicting which free throws would make it into the basket. So you have kind of an expert audience,
00:31:19.600 but still the basketball players themselves were better at making these predictions based on the visual cues.
00:31:25.520 Right. It's probably being mapped in one way or another on their own body, and they've had enough
00:31:33.280 practice. People talk about basketball players as being free throw machines that they can sense
00:31:40.800 whether it's going to make it or not. I mean, that study I don't think has been done, but it would be nice to do.
00:31:47.520 What about sense of direction? I think we've all been enrolled in a vast psychological experiment where
00:31:58.320 we systematically degrade our sense of direction and also our sense of map reading because we're now
00:32:03.920 totally dependent on GPS. But some people famously have great senses of direction and some people have
00:32:11.680 terrible ones. I can attest that my wife Annika has a sense of direction that's so bad it's truly perverse.
00:32:19.440 I mean, it's actually what's fascinating to me about her sense of direction is that it's reliably wrong.
00:32:24.640 It's not just randomly wrong. It's just it actually contains information. She wants to go more often than not
00:32:31.760 in the wrong direction that is just diametrically opposite the direction we're supposed to be going in.
00:32:37.920 And it's almost like she knows what the right direction is and then has to flip it somehow to
00:32:44.560 go in the wrong direction. I don't remember if you touch sense of direction in the book.
00:32:49.120 Well, indirectly, right. And again, there's a long answer there. And it's complicated. You can remember
00:32:59.040 routes as procedures. You go down the street, turn right, turn left. You can have a more global map.
00:33:07.600 of the environment you're in, but you still have to place yourself in it. So you have this overview
00:33:14.640 perspective and then you have this immediate surroundings perspective where you're placing
00:33:19.760 yourself in it. And that's a trick that's hard and harder for some people than for others.
00:33:27.760 Russ Epstein at Penn has done beautiful work on the myriad components that it takes to navigate space
00:33:36.880 and understand space. So there are levels of understanding space. And I have a suspicion that
00:33:43.520 what your wife is doing is something that one of my kids and I sometimes do. And that's if you go in
00:33:52.240 a street or enter a store by turning left, when you get out, you turn left again. So then you're in the
00:33:59.120 opposite direction as opposed to reversing the direction and turning right. So it's a kind of
00:34:05.120 heuristic that is 90% or 180 off. And that might be what Anika's problem? I have no idea. My father was
00:34:18.560 hopeless. He kept getting us lost. And so it turns out that that ability to keep track of yourself in
00:34:26.480 space is independent of other spatial abilities. And that's fascinating too. The spatial abilities
00:34:33.920 are a complex of things. And people have tried to make sense of them and interrelate them as some of
00:34:40.800 it three-dimensional, some of it two-dimensional, is some of it imagining yourself moving, imagining an
00:34:47.440 object moving. There are sensible ways of trying to make sense of the abilities, but they don't seem to
00:34:54.720 make sense of the abilities. And navigation seems to be independent of these other spatial abilities.
00:35:03.200 I want to also, I mean, going back to some of the threads that your question raised, the overview
00:35:12.480 and the root view and perspective taking. Because that's core, in many ways, core to our lives. Taking
00:35:21.360 other perspectives and taking other perspectives on the ground when I'm facing you and I have to explain
00:35:29.120 something to you. And do I take your perspective or mine? When I'm interpreting your behavior, am I
00:35:36.400 taking your perspective or mine? And then going above and getting a map of a territory. So we can think of
00:35:44.720 those overview maps, not just of a spatial array of places, but also of ideas. We said the grid
00:35:54.000 itself map conceptual relations or social relations or political relations, and people can map their
00:36:02.560 social networks, right? These are networks. They're points for people or ideas, and the lines between
00:36:11.360 them are the relations between the people or between the ideas. And that's again like space. We
00:36:18.320 navigate from place to place along paths.
00:36:22.320 Yeah, I'm actually glad you raised that point about ideas, because that's fascinating.
00:36:26.640 In your book, you discuss how categories can be presented to us.
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