Making Sense - Sam Harris - April 30, 2021


#248 — Order & Freedom


Episode Stats

Length

38 minutes

Words per Minute

169.25255

Word Count

6,578

Sentence Count

380

Misogynist Sentences

2

Hate Speech Sentences

1


Summary

In this episode, I speak with psychologist Michelle Gelfand, who was a professor of psychology at the University of Maryland for many years. She s now moving to Stanford, and she s done some very interesting research on the power and primacy of cultural norms. On the day after we recorded this conversation, she learned that she has been elected to the National Academy of Sciences. She s the author of the book, Rulemakers, Rule Breakers: How Tight and Loose Cultures Wire Our World, and we talk about the difference between tight and loose cultures, the distinction between conservative and liberal cultures, and the implications for U.S. politics, crime, the response to COID, the way in which tight-and-loose cultures interact with variables like crime and resource scarcity, the perception of threat, and many other topics. We talk about how the world has only conspired to make it more relevant, for better and worse, and mostly worse. And now I m eager to talk to Michelle about all that. I really enjoyed this conversation. Thanks for joining me, Michelle! Sam Harris - The Making Sense Podcast is a podcast by Sam Harris, produced in partnership with The New York Times bestselling author and bestselling author of The Rulemakers: A Guide to the World's Most Creative Minds. The book is out now, and will be available in hardcover and softcover in November 2019. Please consider becoming a supporter of the podcast by clicking the link below. I never want money, I just want to support what we re doing here, and I want to help you become a supporter. . We don t run ads on the podcast! and I don t want to run ads, but I do want to be a good friend of the show, so you can be a supporter too. - Thank you, no questions asked asked. If you can t afford a free account? - Sam, I really like what you re listening to the podcast, I m making sense of it, and it s made possible by the podcast? Thank you! - and I really enjoy what we're doing here - I really really appreciate what you're doing, so I really appreciate it. -- thank you, Sam Harris and I appreciate you, too much, and so much, I'm making it really much more than that, you re making me a good thing, I can t help it, really appreciate you.


Transcript

00:00:00.000 Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast.
00:00:08.860 This is Sam Harris.
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00:00:52.280 Okay, today I'm speaking with Michelle Gelfand.
00:01:05.220 Michelle was a professor of psychology at the University of Maryland for many years.
00:01:09.980 She's now moving to Stanford.
00:01:11.400 And she's done some very interesting research on the power and primacy of cultural norms.
00:01:18.660 All of this has been widely cited, and she has received numerous awards.
00:01:23.000 On the day after we recorded this conversation,
00:01:26.500 she learned that she's been elected to the National Academy of Sciences,
00:01:29.500 which is a big deal.
00:01:31.640 So congratulations on that, Michelle.
00:01:33.640 And she's the author of the book, Rulemakers, Rule Breakers,
00:01:38.800 How Tight and Loose Cultures Wire Our World.
00:01:42.500 And we get into the book, we talk about the power of cultural norms,
00:01:46.840 the difference between tight and loose cultures,
00:01:50.000 the distinction between that and conservative versus liberal cultures.
00:01:55.640 We talk about the implications for U.S. politics,
00:01:59.980 our response to COVID,
00:02:01.000 the way in which tight and loose interact with variables like crime and resource scarcity
00:02:08.720 and the perception of threat.
00:02:11.300 We talk about the Jeffrey Tubin affair and many other topics.
00:02:16.220 Anyway, I really enjoyed this.
00:02:18.460 And now I bring you Michelle Gelfand.
00:02:26.900 I am here with Michelle Gelfand.
00:02:29.440 Michelle, thanks for joining me.
00:02:31.000 Great to be here.
00:02:32.460 So you've written a very interesting book.
00:02:35.860 When did this book come out?
00:02:37.060 The book is Rulemakers, Rule Breakers.
00:02:39.840 And we will be discussing a lot of what's in it,
00:02:43.520 although by no means covering every detail.
00:02:46.840 When did the book come out?
00:02:48.380 It came out in 2018, the hard copy.
00:02:51.300 And then the soft copy came out in 2019.
00:02:53.440 Right.
00:02:54.080 Well, the world has only conspired to make it more relevant, I'm afraid,
00:02:59.300 for better and worse and mostly worse.
00:03:02.540 So I'm eager to talk about all that.
00:03:05.560 But before we jump in, how would you summarize your background intellectually?
00:03:10.140 What kinds of things have you focused on?
00:03:12.200 And what are you most focused on now?
00:03:14.160 So I'm a cross-cultural psychologist.
00:03:16.780 So I study human behavior around the world to try to understand some of the deeper-seated
00:03:23.100 values, norms, cultural codes that drive our behavior.
00:03:27.040 And I got into this field pretty serendipitously, like many people.
00:03:30.240 You know, life happens when you're making other plans.
00:03:31.960 I was actually pre-med at Colgate University, upstate New York.
00:03:35.880 And I'm a New Yorker.
00:03:37.920 I don't know if you could tell by my voice.
00:03:40.160 But I think I lost some of the accent.
00:03:43.420 And I had the sort of typical New Yorker view of the world, you know,
00:03:46.720 that cartoon where, you know, it's basically New York.
00:03:49.000 And then we acknowledge New Jersey.
00:03:50.520 And beyond that, there's basically rocks and oceans.
00:03:53.520 And I went abroad for a semester my junior year at Colgate.
00:03:57.320 And I sort of that view of the world shattered when I was there in a very good way.
00:04:00.960 I was really experiencing a lot of culture shock, even though we spoke the same language.
00:04:05.060 And I remember having this very important call with my dad, Marty, from Brooklyn,
00:04:09.560 and just telling him how shocked I was and confiding him all sorts of things,
00:04:13.680 including the idea that people were just going from London to Paris or to Amsterdam for just
00:04:18.180 the weekend.
00:04:19.680 And my dad said something really important.
00:04:21.660 He said, well, imagine like it's going from New York to Pennsylvania in his Brooklyn accent.
00:04:26.800 And I thought, wow, Pop, that's a great metaphor.
00:04:29.300 And this is a true story.
00:04:30.400 The next day I booked a trip to Egypt and I thought, well, dad, it's kind of like going
00:04:34.480 from New York to California.
00:04:36.500 He wasn't too pleased with this, but I had a lot of time on my hands.
00:04:39.700 And I thought, why don't I just go and explore the world?
00:04:42.620 And it's there where I really realized and beyond working on a kibbutz in Israel and around
00:04:47.620 the world that I realized how little I knew about culture.
00:04:50.860 And I thought, you know, if I don't know much about culture, then I probably don't know
00:04:54.740 much about myself.
00:04:55.520 And I really took that to heart.
00:04:58.300 I came back to Colgate.
00:04:59.560 I had the great fortune of taking a class on cross-cultural human development by Carolyn
00:05:04.280 Keating, who was studying with Marshall Siegel, doing work on visual illusions in Africa with
00:05:09.500 the idea that, you know, some visual illusions that seem to be Western are really not universal.
00:05:15.740 And I thought, wow.
00:05:16.580 So anyway, I lucked out, found Harry Triandis at the University of Illinois.
00:05:21.840 He's one of the founders of the field of cross-cultural psych and the rest is history.
00:05:26.260 And I'm a generalist by orientation.
00:05:29.060 And I think that's something Harry cultivated, really trying not to have many disciplinary
00:05:34.020 boundaries, even within psychology, but also beyond.
00:05:37.420 Yeah.
00:05:37.800 Yeah.
00:05:38.280 Well, that approach really resonates with me.
00:05:40.340 I've begun to think of culture more and more as an operating system and that that analogy
00:05:46.860 is perhaps more literal than most.
00:05:50.280 I just think it's so much of what we mistake for our own psychology.
00:05:56.280 And it's just our being able to function as human beings in so many ways is a matter of
00:06:02.360 culture more than it's a matter of the individual or any individual brain.
00:06:08.560 I mean, if you're going to look within a person's subjectivity or even scan their brains for evidence
00:06:16.320 of so much of what they notice or are poised to care about, it's just, it's not there.
00:06:24.340 It's at the level of cultural norms that we're all being ruled by, even if we don't think
00:06:32.340 about norms explicitly.
00:06:33.940 I mean, most people don't spend a lot of time thinking about norms and I, perhaps we should
00:06:38.100 just start off by defining what we mean by that term.
00:06:42.200 But it's just so much of us is a simple example that is adjacent to what we're talking about.
00:06:47.420 It's just that if you listen to the two of us have a conversation, we're following the
00:06:52.760 rules of English usage and grammar to some considerable degree, one hopes.
00:06:57.880 And yet you would not find the rules of the English language in us or in our conscious
00:07:05.720 experience.
00:07:06.580 I mean, this is just something that is governing us from the outside and we have learned it,
00:07:12.180 virtually all of it implicitly.
00:07:13.940 And so much of what we care about and what we are outraged by and all of our collisions
00:07:20.400 with other human beings, it's just all governed by stuff that's outside of us that we have,
00:07:28.100 you know, we or our ancestors have tacitly agreed is important or, you know, rules worth
00:07:34.880 following or are taboo to break.
00:07:37.280 So anyway, to set that context.
00:07:39.400 Yeah, I couldn't agree more.
00:07:40.560 One of the things that fascinates me about culture is that it's this great puzzle.
00:07:45.100 It's omnipresent.
00:07:45.980 It's all around us, like 24-7, but it's totally invisible.
00:07:49.760 Like we really take it for granted.
00:07:51.160 We're not thinking about it.
00:07:52.900 It's really an unbelievable thing that I think you've talked about it even indirectly.
00:07:58.760 I'm a big fan of your app, Waking Up.
00:08:01.840 Actually, when I hear your voice now, it's a little complicated because I'm like, well,
00:08:04.940 should I be meditating right now?
00:08:06.220 Like I'm talking to Sam.
00:08:07.180 But, you know, there's this, like, you know, people kind of walking around in a spell,
00:08:11.440 you know, without realizing that they have been socialized to follow certain values and
00:08:15.940 norms.
00:08:16.240 And in my work and in Harry's tradition of cultural work research, some of these norms
00:08:21.140 and values have an important function.
00:08:22.960 Like they've been evolving to help groups adapt to certain ecological and historical
00:08:27.180 contingencies.
00:08:28.580 And they make sense to some extent.
00:08:30.340 And so I think the most important part of, you know, the goal of cross-cultural psychology
00:08:35.440 is to try to make those codes more visible and to help people understand where they come
00:08:40.900 from and also how we might negotiate them.
00:08:43.540 So that's the only thing I would sort of differ with your perspective.
00:08:46.780 I think we can, once we understand these codes, I think we can try to change them when
00:08:52.780 needed.
00:08:53.100 We can try to pivot.
00:08:54.180 I'm not saying it's easy.
00:08:56.000 But I didn't mean to imply that we couldn't do that.
00:08:58.100 Yeah, I'm all about changing the culture when it seems non-optimal.
00:09:03.900 Before we get into all of the trade-offs here, what are norms?
00:09:09.180 How do you think about norms?
00:09:11.480 Yes.
00:09:11.760 So social norms are these unwritten rules for behavior.
00:09:15.420 Sometimes they get more formalized in terms of codes and laws.
00:09:19.320 You know, we follow them constantly.
00:09:21.400 For example, you know, most of us wear clothes when we leave the house.
00:09:24.820 We don't steal food from people's plates at restaurants.
00:09:28.960 We don't sing loudly or dance in libraries.
00:09:32.000 You know, most of us.
00:09:33.340 And we do these things because they help our society function.
00:09:36.520 And in a lot of ways, social norms are this incredible human invention because they help
00:09:41.100 us to predict each other's behavior.
00:09:42.700 They help us to coordinate.
00:09:44.620 In fact, if you just do a thought experiment and think about a world without social norms,
00:09:48.520 it quickly becomes obvious that we couldn't function.
00:09:51.660 You know, societies, organizations, families, we'd all collapse.
00:09:56.660 And, you know, my work has been focused on a distinction that actually was first discussed
00:10:02.520 indirectly by Herodotus in his book, The Histories, later picked up by Pietro Pelto, an
00:10:07.520 anthropologist in the late 60s.
00:10:09.040 And the gist is that although all cultures, at least we think all cultures, have social
00:10:15.400 norms, some cultures abide by social norms much more strictly.
00:10:19.760 They're what we call tight cultures.
00:10:22.280 Other groups are much more loose.
00:10:23.840 They have more relaxed attitude toward rules.
00:10:26.620 They have much more permissiveness.
00:10:28.760 And so I've been trying to understand this distinction of tight and loose, not just across
00:10:33.400 societies, but also within nations, even within households and across history and why they
00:10:40.200 evolve and what consequences they have, what trade-offs they confer to human groups.
00:10:44.980 So that's the kind of gist of what we've been looking at.
00:10:47.920 Yeah, well, there's a basic trade-off here that certainly covers most.
00:10:52.880 And it's one you discuss toward the end of your book, which is this trade-off between order
00:10:58.260 and freedom, you know, personally and collectively.
00:11:02.220 And, you know, I think we'll want to talk about how we imagine kind of an optimal strategy
00:11:11.420 or disposition here.
00:11:13.380 But whatever is optimal, there's no question that there is just a stark fact of trade-off,
00:11:20.540 right, where there are cases where you really want more freedom, but then there are situations
00:11:27.000 where that freedom is coming at an unacceptable price and you want to be able to impose more
00:11:32.020 order.
00:11:32.660 And so there's a sort of a flexibility response here that I think we're going to land on.
00:11:36.360 And you describe this as a kind of ambidexterity with respect to tight and loose.
00:11:42.300 But you sent me a quiz that you have on your website before we started here, and I took it.
00:11:48.120 And do you want to guess where I fall or should I just confess where I fall on your continuum?
00:11:53.920 I'll let you tell us.
00:11:55.080 I'm not really sure I could guess totally, but where did you fall?
00:11:58.720 So I got a 74, which is moderately tight.
00:12:03.080 I'm now told.
00:12:03.500 I was going to guess that.
00:12:04.680 I didn't want to say that, but I was going to guess that.
00:12:07.500 Where are you?
00:12:08.300 What did you get on your own quiz?
00:12:09.300 I'm moderately loose.
00:12:10.700 And I'm constantly negotiating with my moderately tight husband, who is an attorney.
00:12:15.360 And we have lots of interesting negotiations around our household in terms of order and
00:12:21.820 openness and what domains need to be tight and what domains need to be loose.
00:12:26.680 We can get maybe back to that in terms of negotiation of tight, loose.
00:12:30.420 But yeah, were you surprised when you took the quiz?
00:12:35.060 Is that what you anticipated?
00:12:36.060 No, no, I was as I was going through the questions.
00:12:39.700 I was kind of anticipating their their logic and we could dissect it as a psychometric instrument.
00:12:46.560 But I think I may be an odd use case for some of the logic of that quiz, because there were clearly questions I was answering in a very tight way and others not so much.
00:13:01.240 And it's it's more based on, you know, some peculiarities about me, which which actually relate to waking up and meditation and other relationships.
00:13:09.280 So you have a bunch of questions there like, you know, I can control my emotions when I need to or something like that.
00:13:15.520 Right. Like and yeah, obviously, that's that is, in fact, very true of me, but it's very true of me based on my fairly idiosyncratic focus on meditation and mindfulness and etc.
00:13:26.780 So I don't know if I deranged your your instrument there by having my weird background.
00:13:32.120 But but anyway, it does. I do feel like I'm someone who is fairly attuned to norm violations.
00:13:40.580 And it's not to say that I don't violate other people's norms, too.
00:13:45.000 It's like there are norms that I think should be rewritten and do a fair amount of that attempted work in that direction on this podcast.
00:13:53.040 But where there's a norm that either seems obviously good or it's just I haven't examined it.
00:13:59.420 So I'm presuming it to be good by default.
00:14:01.540 I think I am. I'm on the tight side of thinking, OK, that's not something you should violate.
00:14:08.180 And, you know, whether it's somebody cutting in line in front of you or whatever, it's just is something that I I feel like I I notice the the downside risk of I think the stakes for maintaining norms are quite a bit higher than than most people realize.
00:14:28.540 And this is something you get into when you talk about how tight societies and and honor cultures view their norms.
00:14:36.080 Like perhaps you want to say something about the way that the American South views politeness, say, I mean, that's that's something that actually kind of resonates with me more than you would expect, given that I'm I've spent about five minutes in the South.
00:14:49.280 I want to just back up, make a couple of points, you know, so the tight was mindset quiz, which any of your audience can take online is actually based on the paper we published in science.
00:15:01.560 And I I want to just emphasize that there's not one I don't like to call people tight or loose individuals because that's kind of a levels of analysis problem that's kind of plagued the literature on culture.
00:15:12.420 What I the way I study tight loose is that certain ecological and historical factors create the need for order and predictability.
00:15:19.780 And that's what norms and strict norms provide in those contexts.
00:15:23.220 So if you have, you know, a lot of threat in a society or in an organization or in a household or even as an individual, then abiding by norms is actually a good strategy.
00:15:32.220 It helps to avoid in groups defectors that can cause a lot of chaos.
00:15:37.260 And so big picture is that what we found is that countries and groups that have a lot of collective threat, whether it's from mother nature, iconic natural disasters, resource scarcity or human nature, number of invasions on your territory in the last hundred years, for example, from our paper, those countries tend to have stricter rules.
00:15:55.740 Not all of them, not all tight cultures have a lot of threat and not all those cultures are on easy street.
00:16:00.100 But in general, there seems to be a connection between threat and tightness, both in field data and lab experiments and also in computational models.
00:16:09.640 But, you know, at the individual level, the way we study this is to see, OK, what individual differences help people adapt to the strength or weakness of norms in their culture?
00:16:19.100 And so in that paper, we study things like self-monitoring, like we we predicted and found that tight cultures have people who tend to be higher on self-monitoring.
00:16:29.580 They also tend to be higher on prevention focus.
00:16:31.700 This comes from Tori Higgins, you know, people who are worried about not making mistakes.
00:16:35.820 They like more order.
00:16:37.600 And so these are a suite of individual differences that help people to reinforce the norm strength in their environment.
00:16:43.400 And, you know, on the flip side, people that are in context that have less threat can afford to not really have as much impulse control.
00:16:51.200 They can be more risk taking.
00:16:52.300 They could be more tolerant of ambiguity.
00:16:55.360 And so tight loose is a mindset at the individual level.
00:16:57.960 The metaphor I write about in the book, taking us from Dahlia Lutwig, is the order versus chaos Muppets.
00:17:04.860 You know, so you could think about, you know, think about Bert and like Kermit the Frog as, you know, kind of order Muppets.
00:17:11.660 And they tend to notice rules and they are managing their impulses and they like a lot of order.
00:17:17.080 That's the tight mindset.
00:17:18.860 On the flip side, you have like, you know, Ernie and Cookie Monster that are kind of the chaos Muppets.
00:17:24.480 You know, they're less likely to notice rules and they're more kind of impulsive.
00:17:28.920 But in any event, these are general like metaphors.
00:17:31.300 But I just wanted to mention that the quiz itself comes from the scales and the items that you were answering come from that data.
00:17:39.500 And I think the important point here is also that it doesn't mean that we're always at our default.
00:17:45.580 In fact, what's really remarkable is we can tighten or loosen very quickly, depending on the situation.
00:17:51.640 When you're in a, you know, library or a funeral, you know, we tighten up.
00:17:56.860 We tend to start following rules and manage our impulses to a much greater extent or in movie theater.
00:18:02.120 Most of us, when we're in a public park or in a party, these are looser situations.
00:18:07.280 And Goffman, actually, you know, the famous sociologist who probably said everything about anything we need to know about.
00:18:13.180 He was great.
00:18:13.920 He he he talked about tight versus loose situations.
00:18:16.980 And I think so I just wanted to point out that, you know, like a lot of individual differences, they're not they're dynamic.
00:18:23.840 You know, they could change based on the situation and we don't even notice it.
00:18:27.680 We don't notice that that's the case in the science paper.
00:18:30.100 I'll just mention one more thing.
00:18:31.040 We rank ordered situations in terms of how tight or loose they were around the world, asking people how appropriate 15 different behaviors like arguing or eating or singing.
00:18:42.560 How appropriate are these across 15 different situations and the rank order of tight, loose in these situations, meaning that tight situations had a more restricted range of behaviors that were seen as permissible, was identical around the world.
00:18:55.520 There wasn't a single flip of situations.
00:18:58.400 But what we found was that in general, in tight cultures, there were tighter situations like what it means to be in a public park is more strict in Pakistan, for example, than in the U.S.
00:19:08.880 So anyway, that's a broad kind of introduction.
00:19:11.220 The only other thing I want to say is that I'd love to like peer into your brain and see, you know, how do you react to norm violations?
00:19:17.780 What's happening when your brain or anyone's brain, what's happening when, you know, you're witnessing people doing strange things like, you know, Michelle's in the library and she's studying is a reasonable thing, but Michelle is in the library and she's shouting is a norm violation.
00:19:31.700 And we develop some new paradigms to try to understand what's happening in the brain as people are witnessing norm violations as compared to like linguistic violations like Michelle's having coffee with dog, which is huge literature on that, you know, kind of in 400, they call it response in neuroscience, this negative deflection 400 seconds after stimulus onset.
00:19:54.480 And it's an incongruity, but, you know, in some research that we've done trying to look at neuroscience and tight loose, we can start seeing, you know, that there are big individual differences in how people are reacting in the central parietal area, in the frontal area.
00:20:08.320 There are cultural differences in how people react in terms of EEG responses to norm violations.
00:20:14.500 So it's kind of an exciting frontier.
00:20:17.420 What's fascinating to me is that social norms are so important, but there's so little research on neuroscience of social norms.
00:20:24.480 There's, of course, work on economic behavior fairness, but not on the kind of norms that we've been talking about.
00:20:29.840 Anyway, so I forgot what you were asking me about.
00:20:32.740 I'll steer us back to the second half of that question, but actually you mentioned Goffman, who I don't think you discuss in the book, but Goffman has always been fascinating to me because he, for those who haven't read him, he's got some great books, Interaction, Ritual, Asylum.
00:20:50.060 I mean, he did a lot of work focusing on the mentally ill and the difference, how we bound sort of the categories of human behavior, in particular face-to-face behavior, around this, the concepts of sanity and insanity.
00:21:05.060 And, I mean, one kind of course cut at this that he introduced is, you know, to not have any boundary between how you behave in public and how you behave in private is kind of fairly diagnostic for mental illness.
00:21:21.160 I mean, that's what we notice about people who are mentally ill.
00:21:25.300 They're often doing things that sane people would do in private, but they're just doing them in context that, you know, where this private behavior is on display and it seems totally inappropriate.
00:21:35.320 Yeah.
00:21:35.720 And there are these kind of rituals of interaction that he described in terms of what necessarily happens when people come into each other's presence and know or should know that they're being observed by others.
00:21:50.420 And that, you know, kind of hall of mirrors effect and the pressure that imposes on, or should impose on normal psychology is something he discusses really beautifully.
00:22:02.840 But, yeah, so to come back to culture, there are tighter cultures, and perhaps you can pick an example you want to describe.
00:22:13.160 I mean, you mentioned many in the book, but everything from Singapore to ancient Sparta to the American South by comparison with the rest of the U.S.
00:22:23.560 And viewed from outside, viewed from a looser point of view, the emphasis on following certain norms, I mean, you're not swearing, say, in the South or being polite, you know, being kind of elaborately polite, even when there's not necessarily all that much goodwill between the parties.
00:22:44.900 All of this is viewed as fairly high stakes, and violations there are viewed as, very quickly, provocations to violence.
00:22:55.520 And when viewed from loose cultures, the stakes are just non-obvious.
00:23:00.140 Like, what's wrong with, you know, swearing or saying something inappropriate or not being polite or trespassing on a person's imagined sense of honor when, you know, you don't view yourself in those terms.
00:23:12.800 And I'm certainly American enough to be horrified at the extreme versions of all this.
00:23:19.920 I mean, when you find out that in Singapore you can be jailed for even bringing chewing gum into the country, right, and killed for bringing marijuana into the country.
00:23:29.240 I mean, this just seems like a Orwellian dystopia.
00:23:32.940 But it's the knock-on effects of being that rigid, one of the knock-on effects of being that rigid is to close the door to a lot of unpleasantness that we're trying to figure out how to clean up in our society some other way.
00:23:48.760 And so there's an interesting, again, we're just in the domain of trade-offs here.
00:23:54.160 But anyway, give us a snapshot of the tight-loose difference at the level of society, perhaps comparing a couple of cultures here.
00:24:03.460 Yes.
00:24:03.580 So, and as I mentioned earlier, all cultures have tight and loose elements, but we can classify countries in terms of where they veer tight or loose on a continuum.
00:24:13.720 And places like Japan, Singapore, Austria, to some extent Germany, tend to veer tighter as compared to places like the U.S. in general, Spain, Brazil, Italy.
00:24:25.920 And, you know, like you mentioned, you know, a lot of times people are kind of horrified when they look at practices in cultures that have the opposite or different code without realizing that, you know, they have their own liabilities.
00:24:38.520 Often the strength of another culture is our own liability and vice versa.
00:24:42.620 And just as an example, we call this the order versus openness trade-off.
00:24:47.480 And cultures that are tight tend to, generally speaking, have less crime.
00:24:52.260 They have more monitoring by police, by God.
00:24:56.140 You know, Ara Narenzayan, my colleague at UPC, would say that people who are monitored are people who are good people.
00:25:02.420 They're following rules, at least publicly.
00:25:05.020 And they also have more synchrony.
00:25:08.280 They have more uniformity.
00:25:09.940 Even in clocks in city streets, I talk about it in the book.
00:25:12.300 We actually publish this in the science paper.
00:25:14.660 You know, in tight cultures, when you look at clocks around city streets, they pretty much say the same exact thing.
00:25:19.080 They're highly synchronized.
00:25:20.080 Whereas clocks in city streets in loose cultures are really off by quite a bit.
00:25:25.020 You're not totally sure what time it is in places like Brazil or Greece in general.
00:25:29.460 And tight cultures, as another indication of order, have more self-regulation in general.
00:25:34.360 They are places where people are monitoring their impulses more.
00:25:37.900 At the national level, that translates into less debt, translates into less obesity, controlling for lots of factors, and also alcoholism and recreational drug use.
00:25:48.560 And so you could think about tight cultures cornering the market on order, and loose cultures struggle with order.
00:25:53.720 They have higher crime in general.
00:25:55.120 They have less synchrony, less coordinated, less discipline.
00:25:59.040 So they have a host of self-regulation, let's just call them problems or challenges.
00:26:05.420 But loose cultures on a wide variety of indices are much more open.
00:26:08.800 They have more tolerance, relatively speaking, in terms of attitudes, both explicit and implicit, towards people that are different.
00:26:17.820 In one experiment we did, we even sent our RAs around the world to see whether people react differently to people who look stigmatized.
00:26:25.100 This is actually one of these crazy field experiments.
00:26:28.100 I had my RAs wear fake facial warts on their faces, or tattoos and rings in another condition.
00:26:35.360 Or in another condition, they weren't wearing anything, just the normal face.
00:26:38.900 And they went back to their home countries to ask for help in city streets or in stores.
00:26:44.200 And, you know, when people were not wearing anything on their face, there was no difference in how much they were helped around the world.
00:26:50.600 But when they were wearing these really strange, you know, tattoos and facial warts, they were helped far more in loose cultures.
00:26:57.980 There's just more openness to people who are different.
00:27:00.020 There's a whole host of, getting back to Goffman, issues with being stigmatized in tight cultures.
00:27:05.740 And you can talk about that if you'd like.
00:27:08.220 But that's, you know, really where loose cultures corner the market on openness.
00:27:11.880 They also tend to be more creative.
00:27:13.800 So in large-scale crowdsourcing contests of creativity, it's really clear that people from loose cultures are more likely to enter creativity contests.
00:27:21.680 And they're more likely to win them.
00:27:24.600 So, you know, the big picture is that tight cultures struggle with openness.
00:27:28.700 But they are really disciplined and have a lot of order.
00:27:32.400 And I think we could talk about this later when it comes to COVID.
00:27:34.780 But, you know, this kind of presents this evolutionary mismatch where, you know, certain traits might be really great in some context.
00:27:41.800 But not in other contexts.
00:27:43.160 And this sort of begs the question of how do we kind of pivot when we need to?
00:27:47.780 When are the traits that we naturally are evolved to the context that they're useful in?
00:27:52.020 Like, looseness is great for creativity and innovation in contexts where there's not much threat in general.
00:27:59.060 How adaptive is that to context of collective threat like COVID?
00:28:03.540 Right, right.
00:28:04.460 So I want to mention also these are generalities.
00:28:08.280 Like, clearly there's going to be some differences.
00:28:10.060 But we have found this order versus openness tradeoff both at the national level, at the state level in the U.S., rank ordering the 50 states on tight loose.
00:28:19.100 Others have found it in China, rank ordering the 30 plus provinces in China in terms of the measures we developed.
00:28:26.120 Organizations tend to have the same tradeoff.
00:28:28.180 I'm actually, we could talk later, I'm working with the Navy to try to help them become more ambidextrous,
00:28:32.420 even though they need to veer tight, et cetera.
00:28:35.720 So the tight loose tradeoff tends to be something that constitutes kind of a fractal pattern coming from physics, this repeated kind of pattern across levels.
00:28:45.400 But again, we have these strong stereotypes around what's good, you know, what's correct, what's objective.
00:28:52.580 To us, you know, looking at another culture, you know, really, we get this moral outrage.
00:28:57.800 And often, you know, if we step back, I mean, like you said, the extremes are bad anywhere.
00:29:02.980 But like, if we look at the gum example that you gave, you know, Americans are kind of horrified that you, why can't you bring a lot of gum into the country of Singapore?
00:29:10.820 And, you know, actually, it has some kind of historical basis.
00:29:14.200 In the late 80s, people were chewing gum.
00:29:16.240 It's a very highly populated dense, high population density context, about 20,000 people per square mile.
00:29:24.040 And people were chewing gum.
00:29:25.660 And I guess, as a lot of us do, we throw it on the floor.
00:29:28.460 And it was causing this massive problem throughout Singapore with gum and wads of gum, like blocking sensors on trains and elevators.
00:29:38.200 And Lee Kuan Yew, who, if you read his autobiography, you know, the dude was really a cross-cultural psychologist at heart.
00:29:44.840 You know, he talks about how Singapore has a lot of threat and that, you know, we need to sacrifice some freedom in order to kind of come together and coordinate.
00:29:54.200 And he talked about gum as being one of these issues, like, guys, like, we live in a very small place and this gum is causing a big problem.
00:30:00.920 And we better just kind of ban this tasty treat because we have so many mouths per capita.
00:30:06.140 And I'm sure it was there was some resistance to that, I would guess.
00:30:09.180 But, you know, overall, I think when we start looking at these differences with some eye to the ecology of countries, we might have a little bit more empathy.
00:30:18.780 Yeah. Actually, there's a distinction that you make in the book, which is a little hard to understand quickly.
00:30:28.220 So perhaps you can spell it out because it's easy to see this tight, loose distinction as analogous to or identical to the distinction between being politically conservative and politically liberal.
00:30:43.120 But those are not it's not the same axis in your view.
00:30:47.740 How do you differentiate liberal and conservative here politically?
00:30:51.880 Yeah. Well, I think social norms, you know, are a different level of analysis.
00:30:57.520 Individual differences in conservatism, liberal attitudes tend to be individual differences.
00:31:03.880 They might be adaptive in certain contexts.
00:31:06.920 But clearly, you'll find conservatives living in looser states, you'll find liberals living in conservative states and so forth.
00:31:15.860 So I think that we can think about them as separate but interrelated, you know, that clearly conservatives probably like to be in context where there's strict social norms.
00:31:25.680 They also have domains in which they're quite loose.
00:31:28.220 And likewise, liberals, you know, might find themselves enjoying living in loose states.
00:31:33.500 But they also, while have a lot of domains that are, you know, basically loose, also have some domains on which they would fall tight, tightly.
00:31:42.920 So I see them as like interrelated at different levels of analysis.
00:31:47.340 Actually, COVID is a very good mechanism for dissecting out this difference, because when you look at the conservative bias against mask wearing, say, because they they don't want this new norm of mask wearing imposed on them based on their their underlying beliefs about epidemiology here.
00:32:06.060 And we can talk about the problem of information and misinformation, but yeah, that's an example of people who are disproportionately conservative rebelling against a the tightness that's coming to them from the political left in our country.
00:32:23.880 Yeah, I mean, this was one of the big evolutionary mismatches, you know, of the century.
00:32:28.740 Much of the work in the social sciences has found that conservatives, this is prior to COVID, are much more sensitive to threat.
00:32:38.020 I'm sure you've seen some of this work.
00:32:39.500 It's both, you know, surveys, it's experiments, it's neuroscience data, you know, so when COVID hit and and we see that conservatives are the ones that are actually resisting the kinds of, you know, that this is the real threat, you know, really makes us realize that, you know, there there's a strong propensity for people.
00:32:58.740 Particularly conservatives, particularly conservatives to follow the leader.
00:33:01.800 And what we know during times of threat now is that, you know, that threat signal can get hijacked, it can get distorted, it can get manipulated.
00:33:09.880 And if it does, then groups don't tighten.
00:33:13.480 And I think that's where we see the pandemic, the switch with conservatives, to me makes sense, you know, in a context where it's a germ, it's invisible, it's kind of easier to ignore as compared to warfare or terrorism.
00:33:28.740 If you have, combined with the abstract nature of the threat, and you have leaders who are telling you don't worry about it, then conservatives, their kind of normal propensity to be threat sensitive, it just goes, you know, basically out the window.
00:33:41.340 So, and that's been the big, you know, kind of story of COVID.
00:33:45.500 Actually, there's another piece to it, which is, you know, deeply ironic or depressing, depending on your view, but they're sensitized to the threat around this, but they're disproportionately sensitized to the threat of the vaccine.
00:34:00.320 Basically, we have something like 40% of the country, it seems, that is quite sanguine about the prospects of catching COVID, but quite averse to getting vaccinated against COVID.
00:34:15.040 They're basically running a head-to-head trial between, you know, the disease and the vaccine for the disease and deciding the disease is better.
00:34:22.720 Yeah, it's just remarkable.
00:34:25.720 And, you know, there's some interesting new data coming out that a lot of this has to do with signaling that if you hear from Republican leaders that that vaccine is okay and it's good, then you'll see people in the conservative party starting to veer towards their intentionally getting the vaccine.
00:34:42.940 When they hear that same message from liberals, of course, it backfires, but I think this is just yet another example of the power of social norms.
00:34:51.900 You know, humans are social creatures, and I think that's where, you know, people have been trying to get Republicans to get out there and be role models and say, you know, this is important, because we do know that people are starting to listen to that.
00:35:04.320 It's just that we don't see it that often.
00:35:06.060 Yeah, well, maybe there's more to say about COVID when we talk about how we want to try to steer the ship in light of what we understand about norms.
00:35:17.360 I'm struck by how important norms are and how it's, it's not totally obvious where they get their power from.
00:35:28.000 You can think of certain norm violations, but certainly in a religious context, there are norm violations that are absolutely fatal to a person's reputation and or even to their lives in a theocracy.
00:35:42.960 But even in the context of a very loose society, there are norm violations, which really are an extraordinarily big deal.
00:35:56.900 And it's not totally clear why or what would be optimal here.
00:36:03.460 I'm just, I'm thinking, I mean, one example that came to mind was the misadventures of Jeffrey Toobin, the New Yorker writer.
00:36:12.820 I mean, he was on a Zoom, most people probably know this, he was on a Zoom call with his colleagues who are, you know, other famous writers.
00:36:20.120 You know, disproportionately, one must think, very liberal.
00:36:23.420 And he thought they were taking a 10 minute break, apparently, and started masturbating.
00:36:29.820 And, you know, to the uniform horror of the people who are still on the call with him, originally his statement was he thought his camera was off or it sounded like he didn't actually know how to use Zoom very well to his everlasting disadvantage here.
00:36:44.360 But basically, he masturbated in front of his colleagues, clearly making a mistake, not he was not some boorish ogre who was imposing this sexual harassment style on his colleagues.
00:36:56.700 I mean, he clearly thought he was in private and was wrong about that.
00:37:00.340 And yet, it has proved to be a norm violation without any intent, so catastrophic that one wonders if he will ever be heard from again.
00:37:11.920 So it's, you know, it was certainly career wrecking and at minimum life deranging.
00:37:18.460 And on some basic level, I look at it as he was just very unlucky to be so confused as to have inadvertently violated this norm.
00:37:31.960 It's easy to see how CNN and The New Yorker wouldn't be eager at this point to rehire him because, you know, he's done himself and them by association massive brand damage.
00:37:45.300 But it's just not clear to me what should be done in situations like this.
00:37:51.480 Yeah, well, I mean, it's such a great example.
00:37:54.420 I think there's so many examples where you've seen this kind of intentional or unintentional behavior from major leaders.
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00:38:35.800 Thank you.
00:38:36.220 Woo-woo.
00:38:36.560 Thank you.
00:38:37.140 Yeah, very much.
00:38:48.940 Beautiful.
00:38:49.560 Thank you.
00:38:49.860 Hello, everyone.
00:38:50.920 Thank you.