#285 — American Division
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Summary
David F. French is a senior editor at The Daily Beast and a contributing writer for The Daily Caller. He is a former constitutional litigator and former president of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Education. He s also a former major in the United States Army Reserve and a veteran of Operation Iraqi Freedom, where he was awarded the Bronze Star. His most recent book is divided we fall: America s secession threat and how to restore our nation. In this conversation, we talk about all of the forces that are pulling U.S. society apart, including: 1) David s experience as a jag officer in and his experience of being harassed to a remarkable degree by the far right for coming out against Donald Trump 2) His experience of being harassed for coming out against Trump 3) his experience of being attacked by the far-right 4) for writing about secession 5) his views on the prospect of secession 6) on the dangers of online activism 7) The role of prophecy in evangelicalism 8) How to restore the nation 9) What s the real grievances driving political derangement What is the real threat to the country? Is there a single political social trend that is pulling us apart? And what s the most important thing that s pulling us together? and what s pushing us apart And is there a bridge to bridge us back to the nation? He also joins me to talk about secessionism? Thanks for joining me in the making sense podcast! - Sam Harris The Making Sense Podcast is a production of the Making Sense podcast by Sam Harris and the Making sense Podcast by the Daily Caller Subscribe to the podcast Making Sense to learn more about what we're doing here? Learn more about the future of the podcast and what we re making sense in this episode by becoming a supporter of the show Making Sense? Make sure to check out our newest podcast, The Making sense? Subscribe and subscribe to our newest episode of Making Sense, a new episodes of the Mentioned by clicking here: is a podcast that focuses on making sense, the podcast that s all about making sense in the political and cultural landscape making sense of the world Join us on social media and the political landscape .
Transcript
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welcome to the making sense podcast this is sam harris just a note to say that if you're hearing
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therefore it's made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers so if you enjoy
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what we're doing here please consider becoming one today i'm speaking with david french david is a
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senior editor at the dispatch and a contributing writer for the atlantic he is a graduate of harvard
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law school and he was previously a senior writer for national review and a columnist for time
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magazine he is a former constitutional litigator and past president of the foundation for individual
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rights and education he's also a new york times best-selling author and his most recent book
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is divided we fall america's secession threat and how to restore our nation david is also a former
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major in the united states army reserve and a veteran of operation iraqi freedom where he was
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awarded the bronze star and in this conversation we talk about all of the forces that are pulling
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american society apart we discuss david's experience as a jag officer in iraq and his experience of being
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harassed to really an extraordinary degree by the far right for coming out against trump we talk about
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the way that real grievances drive political derangement the liberalism on both the left and the right
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the role of prophecy in evangelical support for trump honor culture the response to hunter biden's laptop
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the january 6 hearings the personality cult of trumpism federalism geographic sorting group polarization
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cultural divisions in sports and entertainment the gun rights movement the ethics of gun ownership
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whether trump will be prosecuted the looming 2024 presidential campaign the dangers of online activism
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and other topics anyway it was great to finally get david here i've been an admirer of his work for a long
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time even though i know there are many topics on which we disagree he is after all a religious
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conservative but that made his perspective on the issues we did discuss all the more valuable
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i am here with david french david thanks for joining me thanks so much for having me i'm honored
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uh yeah me too i've been long been an admirer of your short form writing i haven't it's your last book is
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the first book uh of yours i've read in anticipation of this podcast uh which we'll talk about but um
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yeah it's great to finally speak with you because your political commentary has been more than edifying
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uh lo these these many years where everything seems to have gone toward the brink and in many cases into
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the abyss yeah it's i i did not have this level of extremism if you talked to me 20 years ago i would not
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have seen this level of extremism but it started emerging pretty soon after that and and now here
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we are yeah yeah well so so let's catch people up on your background here to before we get started
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your most recent book which came out in 2020 is divided we fall uh which talks about this problem of
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american division that we're going to get into and and you focus on the prospect of secession uh you know
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actual secession the actual fragmentation of the political union of the united states and we'll
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talk about that as well i mean that you know on its face that has always seemed like a highly
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implausible threat and yet you make it sound all too plausible when you get into the details in the
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book and i can only imagine since the book came out nearly two years ago it came out right before
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yeah the 2020 election uh i i assume things have only gotten worse in the meantime is there any is
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that right or do you well how do you how do you view the last 18 plus months since you published the
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book yeah i would say that things have accelerated in a worse they've accelerated more than i thought they
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would i was pessimistic but i did not see for example january 6th occurring when i when i wrote the book i
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did not see for example things like the texas gop you know one of the largest and most influential
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wings of the republican party in the united states calling for a secession referendum in texas now
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doubtful it will happen anytime soon but this you know this kind of conversation and this this level of
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polarization is absolutely something that's accelerated and and when i wrote the book i was nervous about
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using the word secession i was nervous about introducing the con the concept but what i saw
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was that we didn't have and this is something i say right up front that there is no single truly
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important cultural political religious social trend that is pulling us together more than it's pushing us
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apart and it's not just politics it's where we live it's how we live it's our pop culture it's so many
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different fronts for sort of pushing us apart yeah i mean so i must admit i have a i had a knee-jerk
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reaction to the concept of secession as just being a bridge or or several bridges too far and it just
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sounds so implausible but when i actually look at the assumptions that are that are anchoring that
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reaction it's just there's so many assumptions like these that have been destroyed in recent years i mean
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right i never would have imagined uh i mean the truth is i still can't imagine that trump was ever
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president of the united states i mean it's true it's like i i feel like you know i keep waking up in some
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alternate universe where that black mirror fiction has become a reality but it will always seem implausible
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to me even though it's already happened and the idea that we would have you know a republican party that is
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not only accepting but enthusiastically embracing a president a you know a former president who
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not only failed to commit to a peaceful transfer of power but engineered a a violent one right you
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know it's just beyond shocking so it's a you know the the idea that we could live in a world where
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texas or california could ultimately secede uh i mean that just you know not that many more dominoes have
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to fall to make those events seem plausible right well you know think about what we've learned about
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january 6th since january 6th that you know if you're thinking there are two things both before
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the 6th and after the 6th that are particularly sobering to me so before the 6th what's incredibly
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sobering is that there was as we've now learned this incredibly comprehensive effort to overturn the
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results of the election that depended a great deal on if mike pence had just said yes where would we
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have been we would have been through the looking glass on a constitutional crisis if it in all of
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this pressure focused on mike pence saying yes to this comprehensive scheme to either flip their results
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right there on january 6th or send them back to the states and then creating an enormous amount of chaos
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and then after mike pence says no this is one thing that's incredibly sobering to me is if you look at
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the approval ratings of donald trump and mike pence after january 6th one of their only one of the two
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their approval rating plunges and it's mike pence not donald trump incredible so what that told me is
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that you had a republican party that was so fully committed to this election steel effort that even a
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long-time republican who had stood by donald trump's side every moment of his presidency who then
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appeals to his faith as an evangelical who is sort of the representative of the evangelical base and the
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trump administration appeals to his faith to do the right thing and he's rejected by his own movement
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in favor of donald trump and to me in some ways that was as sobering as all of the events that happened
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before that not even the shock of the moment of january 6th could shake people from this hyper
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partisanship and animosity and distrust that led them to down the road to of the stop the steel effort
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well i want to get to january 6th and trump and all the attendant horrors there uh but i i promise to
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properly introduce you uh which i will have done in the in the intro but i think you should say something
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about your orientation here because lest you be mistaken for the the usual libtard who has the
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who's just nodding along with my with my libtard blasphemy here what is your political background
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yes so i i grew up a republican i was a reagan republican from way back conservative lawyer pro-life religious
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liberty attorney uh ran for a while the foundation for individual rights and education which is a civil
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liberties non-profit defending free speech and due process and religious freedom and higher education
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and then was a part of christian conservative legal organizations uh was a delegate to the 2012
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republican national convention so i was definitely republican a romney delegate and then um in 2016 i broke
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with their gop over trump so going all the way back to the early phase of the primary season i i could not
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continue to continue to support a party that would put that person as its leader so did you break the
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moment he became the the candidate before well i i broke with the republican party the moment he became
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the candidate i i became never trump you know to use that phrase or much earlier when he was a front
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runner once i began to realize who this person truly was because you know like a lot of americans my main
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exposure to donald trump was as an entertainer not as a politician and then you begin to see
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the sort of the true dimensions of his character or lack thereof during the campaign and i just realized
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that i i could not look at myself in the mirror much less my fellow citizens who i'm you know in the 1990s
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i'm somebody's standing and yelling character matters character matters character matters about bill
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clinton i couldn't do that in 1998 and then turn around in 2016 and say oh well you know forget all
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that yeah and also you're a a veteran right you were in the army mm-hmm yes i was in the army reserve
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and i was active duty serving in the iraq war during the surge in 2007 2008 i was a jag officer army
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lawyer i served with the third armored cavalry regiment in diala during the diala province during the surge
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mm-hmm and what's the experience of a lawyer in combat i mean do you actually are you just you
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know cowering in the green zone looking at legal briefs are you out there uh risking your life in
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various uh operations that require the presence of a lawyer what's going on there so it's a mix so i i
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was with a combat arms unit so i was not in the green zone so i was out in diala province far far away
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from the green zone uh in baghdad and my commander my squadron commander i was with an armored cavalry
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squadron was very clear he said you you cannot make decisions that impact the lives of soldiers
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until you experience in my cav troopers until you experience what they experience so i was in the
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base a lot and i was outside of it a lot so i was doing detainee operations i was doing law of arm
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conflict assisting the command and making decisions you know shoot don't shoot bomb don't bomb i was
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out doing tribal relations work uh but you know one of the things if i'm going to be in an armored
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cavalry squadron i got an under i have to understand what the area of operations is like and so i was
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outside the wire quite a bit doing you know various aspects of my job mm-hmm and i get the sense i think
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you mention it briefly in the book but i i get the sense that your experience in iraq has um primed
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you for various epiphanies and concerns about the fragmentation you you're witnessing in our own
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society how how do you see what's happening in the u.s i mean it's not just the u.s but we're focused
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at home here through the lens of the failed state of iraq yeah there was one specific aspect of the
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iraqi civil war that really stood out to me as an alarm bell for us and it was it was essentially if
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you talk to sunni or if you talk to shia at the height of the war the underlying divisions between
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them at some level seemed quite solvable in other words you you could have a degree of of religious
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tolerance where both sunni and shia could practice their the different you know their faiths which
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are somewhat different but you know they're both islamic faiths but somewhat different with full
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liberty oil revenue divisions are super are certainly manageable man differences in in governance of each
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region certainly manageable but the thing that was truly difficult to deal with with was the grievances
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and when i say grievances i mean real grievances in other words if you talk to a shia you know shia
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militiamen and you start to explain explore why they've taken up arms they're going to have a
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terrible story of what the sunni have done to their family or to done to their tribe and vice versa
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vice versa with the sunni telling about shia atrocities and what really strikes me about our divisions here
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is if you really if you boil down a lot of the political disputes are subject to compromise i mean
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there there's not an ins they're not unsolvable i mean even if you look at an issue like abortion which
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the you know pro-choice and pro-life seem miles apart but the large majority of americans are in a
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more middle position that the political issues seem pretty darn solvable but the level of animosity is what's
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really driving our polarization and this story of grievance and anger and that's what struck me in
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iraq was this constant feeling of grievance and anger that was rooted in very real things that
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happened we're starting to see replicate itself here you know to a lesser degree thankfully it's not
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you know we're not in a situation like sunia and shia were in iraq but if you talk to a republican they
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can tell you chapter and verse of terrible things that the left has done if you talk to
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a a progressive they can tell you chapter and verse of terrible things that the right has done and
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they're real things you know so they're actual real outrages that people that are driving a lot of our
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division yeah yeah i think i noticed that in again it's a somewhat more abstract way in the careers of
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several people i know you know who have a an experience i i share to some degree i mean i you
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know i know many people on the left or who are formerly on the left who with the the eruption of of
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wokeness you know pre and post trump experienced something like an attempted reputational murder from their
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fellow liberals right and you know you you send the wrong tweet or you you have the wrong position on
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black lives matter say and what you meet among your your former co-tribalists is nothing but
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contempt grading into a a fully weaponized sociopathic attempt to destroy your life right and then
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twitter is the the medium upon which most of this happens and then i've noticed these people you
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know many of whom have podcasts or they're out there spreading their views to one degree or another
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i've noticed them migrate toward trumpistan and some of them have been fully absorbed by it and yes
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clearly a a psychosocial phenomenon for them i mean it's not like these are people who
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who who were real liberals and it's not that they're the foundation of their political views
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has shifted it's that they have been enrolled in a kind of psychological experiment which from my
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point of view they they failed right i mean this you know they became intellectually dishonest to a
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degree that it should seem impossible in order to kind of do the emotional arithmetic on what you know
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what has happened to them they got love bombed by the right for everything they said against wokeness
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and uh they got nothing but hate from the left and so they just decided to just flip everything
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upside down in their politics and ignore all of the obvious problems with what's happening on the on the
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right you know you know including trump the problems of trump himself but it does capture the the
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dynamics you just described which is you know when you ask these people what the hell's going on
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they have a a long list of grievances right i mean they have been yes attacked endlessly by the left
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in the most dishonest ways possible and it's um you know it just that is what you know that explains their
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their pilgrim's progress to uh to the dark lord yeah well you know and and we are as just as human
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beings we long for relationship and community and and if you have been rejected by one community if
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you've been purged if you've been subject to a camp you know a storm of hatred you're going to look
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for another community it's the it's the most natural thing in the world in a way but at the same time
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if you're longing for community and then you're going to ignore
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some of the real problems within that new community you become in a
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in a sad way part of the problem that you know you're just switching from one flawed partisan
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tribe to another flawed partisan tribe because one of them rejected you you know contributes to
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our crisis in some important ways because what it does is it causes this other this your new tribe to
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sort of feel validated by your presence see they're so bad you know they're so bad and look we're much
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more welcoming but you know if you if you drill down into what's happened in this country there is not a
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if you're going to talk about cancel culture which a lot of people think of as mainly a left-wing
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phenomenon it's all over the place on the right all over the place and you know one of the things
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when i was researching the book that was very helpful for me i was talking to some experts in in
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conflict in the developing world who were beginning to refocus a lot of their efforts here in the united
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states because they were seeing some of the same things that caused civil strife overseas
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they're seeing some of these same phenomenon here in the united states and one of the most enlightening
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conversations i had was with a scholar who said what you're when there is a revolutionary or an
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extremist moment the first target of the extremists often isn't the other side it's the quote in-group
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moderate of their own side yeah the near enemy yes the near enemy you have to purge the near enemy
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or the in-group moderate to create the solidarity necessary to fight that next battle and when you
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when you see that phenomenon you just see it everywhere some of the most vicious cancel culturing
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or canceling you'll see is left on left is blue on blue or red on red
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uh in fact it's actually pretty hard for blue to cancel red or red to cancel blue because you have
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that community that will rally to your side yeah so what was your experience remind me where were you
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working as a journalist when you announced that you were a never trumper and what was that experience
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like so i was at national review and this is in 2015 when i first became very strongly critical of
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trump and then 20 early 2016 was when i said i was going to be a never trump and we faced a hell
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storm from the beginning i mean in august 2015 i'll never forget is when the first round of death
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threats came in the first round of really horrific uh social media harassment including you know taking
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pictures of my then seven year old youngest daughter who's who's adopted and she's adopted from ethiopia
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and photoshopping her picture into uh her face into gas chambers into slave pictures threats aimed at my
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wife threats aimed at me at my family online harassment all of this started happening in 2015 2016 and it's
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never fully stopped it just comes and goes and remind me so the national review did the was it the
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editorial position of the magazine to go against trump or were you just an outlier within the organization
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so the magazine had a cover story called against trump that was against him in the primaries so the
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magazine formally came out against trump in the primaries but then did not endorse
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anyone in the general election so the editorial position of the magazine in the election was
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neutral and so i had a number of colleagues who voted for trump and a number of colleagues who did not
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and national review because it's sort of historically been the flagship intellectual journal of the right
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became the center of just an enormous amount of contention and pressure now the magazine itself
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did a great job in sort of granting academic freedom to each one of its writers that we were
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you know no one told me to change my mind in leadership that i needed to support trump if i
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if i was going to stay at national review but the pressures being put on national review were incredibly
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strong and and look a lot of the guys who are my friends you know my friends to this day i'm not at national
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review currently anymore but who are my friends to this day they they were pretty darn courageous and
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resisting the the pressure to turn to make national review sort of a house organ of the trump administration
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which it never was hmm so um let's see i was thinking we would save trump until the end but um
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the tractor beam pull of his awfulness is uh being felt with every sentence here let's uh well we may
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bounce around i mean this is a generic problem of hyperpolarization and uh what you refer to in the
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book as negative polarization which we should describe and just you know the loss of trust in
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our institutions the fragmentation of media the breakdown of civility the upregulation of tribalism
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um the conspiracy thinking so there's the generic problem that visits the left and the right
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i think it does so with some important differences which we might discuss but i think we'll probably spend
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more time on the right the problem of the right um i think you and i will fully agree about the
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problem on the left and the right frankly and it's it's interesting to consider that because
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you know on paper you and i you know are not in the same tribe right i mean you're an evangelical
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christian i'm a famous atheist i've said some very nasty things about your faith which is you know
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you i gotta think is it has not uh you know warmed you up for this conversation and yet you and i are
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going to have a an entirely civil conversation about all of these things uh so what tribe are we in is
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you know is the rhetorical question i would ask all of the people who accuse me i don't know about you
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but i'm often accused of tribalism even though i attack the left and i attack the right and i have
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positions that are not entirely predictable for instance you and i i'm pretty sure we'll disagree
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about abortion and yet we're going to agree about guns and so it's just tribalism does not capture
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the animus you and i are going to express on the various topics that uh will provoke our animus and
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that's a good thing because i mean tribalism in my view is is one of our greatest problems at this
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point the idea that people feel this social pressure to conform to the the sway of ascendant
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bad ideas and in many cases ideas which are obviously bad and and claims which are obviously
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false i guess uh before we we lurch into trumpistan is there something general you can say about the
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the different expression of this problem on the left and the right politically yeah and well you know
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one thing just going back to what you were saying a moment ago about our differences i think that
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while we certainly have differences on a number of fronts we're both small l liberals and both
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committed to american pluralism yeah so in other words you know we both see a role in a place and should
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and there should be a role in a place for for each of us in the american system and the american
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american system is supposed to exist is supposed to provide a place where atheists atheists and
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christian can live side by side and both communities can flourish that's sort of a a hallmark of the
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american classical liberal system when it's functioning well and so i've always perceived you as being quite
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committed to american pluralism and this is i think where a lot of the new there's an old culture war which is
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over things like gun control or abortion or religious liberty and and there's an it's being supplanted
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i think by a new culture war that is really quite frankly over liberalism and pluralism itself
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and and this is where i feel like the far right and the far left actually have a lot more in common
00:27:24.120
than one might think uh woke and anti-woke have a lot in common and and the thing that they have in common
00:27:31.560
is they are deeply questioning that american small l liberalism they're deeply questioning pluralism
00:27:38.840
and you know for example the critical race theory argument now there are elements of critical race
00:27:44.040
theory that i've learned from and and i've i've read crt stuff for 30 plus years since my first day of
00:27:50.760
law school and but there are elements that i find to be quite troubling including the way in which it
00:27:56.200
directly confronts american uh small l liberalism american classical liberalism and you see a lot
00:28:03.400
of that arising on the right as well so while on one hand you might say well the left is quite different
00:28:10.200
from the right because it's going to be very very aggressive on trans rights and the right is going to
00:28:15.640
be very aggressive in combating that move what you'll see when you scratch below the surface of both
00:28:22.280
efforts is you'll see a a lot of illiberalism a lot of willingness to use the power of the state
00:28:29.720
to force sort of compliance or to sort to force by main force to sort of defeat your opponents not
00:28:38.360
just in the marketplace of ideas convincing other people that they're wrong but actually using the
00:28:43.480
power of the state to punish your political opponents and that's something that i think
00:28:47.240
you're actually seeing a commonality between a right and left that's disguised by the different
00:28:53.560
issues that they advance yes yeah i guess that the the important asymmetry for me and i know you've
00:29:01.960
commented on this in other forums is that um when you're talking about the derangement of the left
00:29:09.080
you are talking about something that has spread like a proper social contagion and moral panic
00:29:17.480
in our most elite institutions right so if the the true decision makers don't quite believe this
00:29:25.720
stuff they are they are swayed sufficiently by the people who do that you see the you know the
00:29:31.080
capitulation of the new york times and scientific journals like you know science and nature and the lancet
00:29:39.800
you see the aclu become the the antithesis of what it used to be to say nothing of the southern
00:29:46.600
poverty law center you see there's just a breakdown in in elite institutions and you know hollywood etc
00:29:53.880
along these lines or on these issues and what you see on the right is not apart from the fact that
00:30:01.160
we had a sitting president of the united states who was effectively the psychological and social
00:30:07.480
equivalent of alex jones i mean it's that's its own unique danger and derangement but when you talk
00:30:14.040
about what the extreme of the right you know you talk about white supremacy say that is not i mean it
00:30:21.400
is you know politically odious and it's no doubt it's a reservoir of potential violence that we should
00:30:27.480
worry about but it doesn't drive culture in the same way that what's happening on the left
00:30:33.880
drives culture and i guess you know that's a yeah it's a distinction that may ultimately not
00:30:39.880
matter all that much but it it's mattered to me because what's wrong with white supremacy you know
00:30:46.440
what's wrong with the kkk what's wrong with someone like david duke is so obvious right it takes absolutely
00:30:52.520
no intellectual fuel to point out what's what's wrong with that and to disparage it and to consider it
00:30:58.920
you know disqualifying but when you when you ask you know what's wrong with you know the all of the
00:31:04.520
intersectional confusion that is you know causing people to call for the the you know the firings of
00:31:12.120
people who simply you know balk at at any claim that you know there are no difference between men and
00:31:18.600
women say right right like like that is that's so confusing to so many people and it's having such a
00:31:25.880
outside influence on our yes conversation that it's much closer to home for me i mean when the new york
00:31:31.640
times is reliably wrong about you know trans issues or jihadism or whatever the the issue is and not
00:31:38.760
only wrong but dishonest well then you know then we just have the most important newspaper in the world
00:31:44.680
you know visibly destroying itself and that's different than some lunatics with ar-15s claiming
00:31:51.720
they're going to take over the united states you know with their militia i mean that's its own problem
00:31:56.760
but it's not the same kind of cultural problem i i would i would agree that with the caveat i would
00:32:01.960
agree that when you're talking about significant problems in a place like the new york times or say
00:32:08.600
harvard or yale these are institutions that have enormous influence not just you know in the united
00:32:15.880
states but globally yeah and and so if you have deep deep dysfunction in these institutions the effect
00:32:22.840
of that radiates far beyond you know the walls of the new york times building or the you know the the
00:32:30.280
far beyond harvard yard but the caveat that i would say is that there is a deep dysfunction in many
00:32:36.440
very very very important conservative institutions they don't have as much purchase like the sort of
00:32:43.320
dysfunction in evangelical christianity doesn't have as much purchase say in los angeles or in
00:32:48.040
cambridge massachusetts but it has immense amount of impact in in middle tennessee where i live yeah
00:32:55.960
or dysfunctions within the broader gun culture that doesn't have as much of an impact in again in la or
00:33:03.080
boston where there's not just just not that not so many people who own weapons i mean of course the
00:33:08.280
crime problems are are deeply troublesome but you know when there's problems with gun culture that's
00:33:15.160
that's quite influential where i am and and so and a lot of people on the right then downplay their
00:33:21.400
own cultural influence by sort of saying well we don't really have to worry about our cultural maladies
00:33:26.200
because the new york times is so much more powerful or the harvard is so much more powerful but where i am
00:33:32.200
where i live the southern baptist convention is much more potent culturally than harvard or the new
00:33:39.080
york times and so i agree with you i think sort of as from an objective standpoint i would say
00:33:45.160
objectively dysfunction at the new york times or harvard is has an enormous radiating influence
00:33:51.000
throughout the culture but i would also say that a lot of people on the right just i don't know what the
00:33:57.320
right term is they minimize or rationalize their own cultural dysfunction is somehow less important
00:34:03.000
than it really is yeah well the asymmetry that cuts the other way on the right is that on the right you
00:34:09.480
have the capitulation of the republican party yeah to a full-on personality cult and crazy conspiracy
00:34:18.440
right i mean it's just right basically the republican party is is halfway to q anon now in terms of what the
00:34:25.160
kinds of things that will claim to be true about what happened in the 2020 election what happened
00:34:30.520
on january 6th the forward-looking dangers of uh to our democracy you know that that um it will uh
00:34:39.160
ample it you know work to amplify apparently i mean it's just it's virtually anything you want to say
00:34:46.040
against the democratic party i would probably agree with at this point but it hasn't become anti-democratic
00:34:52.520
to the degree that that the republican party has to the to the degree where the republican party many
00:34:57.880
people in the republican party will actually scorn the idea that they should be democratic yeah that
00:35:03.640
so they'll you know they they fall back on the idea that the united states is a republic and they'll
00:35:08.520
say no we're not a democracy we're a public well we're a democratic republic you know our our foundational
00:35:17.720
institutions governmental institutions are elect either elected or appointed by elected officials
00:35:23.960
i mean even the counter-majoritarian constitution can be amended by strong majorities so the idea that
00:35:30.920
you know this sort of notion that republicans republicans are splitting hairs when they they reject
00:35:36.360
this idea of that we're a democracy yeah we are a republic yes our republic is a constitutional republic
00:35:42.040
and has counter-majoritarian elements to it but it's still a democracy so
00:35:47.080
one question about trump and uh the fact that he succeeded in becoming president that has just
00:35:56.520
never been satisfactorily answered for me and you seem well placed to consider it is just how is it
00:36:05.000
that evangelicals finally and so fully embraced him i mean like this this guy was practically the
00:36:14.120
antichrist with respect to the the degree to which he violated the values or the professed values
00:36:20.760
of of evangelical christianity how is it that he succeeded in getting their support to that degree
00:36:29.400
and then and that i mean i have to think that in the you know the aftermath of january 6 that you just
00:36:35.560
described where you have mike pence is suffering a kind of you know reputational defenestration uh
00:36:43.560
for his you know maintaining his uh oath to protect the constitution and trump's reputation only rising
00:36:53.080
i gotta think that was true among evangelicals as well and mike pence is you know in my world
00:36:58.200
practically an evangelical theocrat right i mean it's just he's he is as right i mean every single
00:37:04.200
box you need to check to be in good standing with the evangelical church i think he has checked so
00:37:10.520
explain what has happened there okay well i there's a one thing that i think people have really pegged
00:37:18.200
uh and then another thing that people an underappreciated factor that people don't talk about enough so
00:37:23.960
the one that i think that people have pegged is that if you spend 20 25 30 years telling a community
00:37:32.760
of people uh that it's six minutes to midnight on their religious liberty that america is about to
00:37:38.200
fall that the democrats represent an existential threat to their faith not just to the country but
00:37:43.400
to their faith then what that's going to have a distorting effect on a community it's going to cause
00:37:48.760
them to have a constant sense of emergency and it's going to cause them to feel as if they have to
00:37:55.960
take desperate desperate times call for desperate measures so if you have the flight 93 election essay
00:38:02.760
where this guy named michael anton said you know look we have to charge the cockpit or this plane is going
00:38:08.680
down that was a message that a lot of evangelicals were ready to hear now the shame of that is that it's
00:38:16.840
utterly contradicted by scripture so you know let me let me put on my bible quoting hat for a minute
00:38:23.800
and and the apostle paul wrote that god did not give us a spirit of fear but of power and he's not
00:38:29.800
talking about political power there but confidence in the power of god power love and of sound mind
00:38:37.000
and yet how much did that spirit of fear drive so many evangelicals towards an unsound mind i mean this
00:38:44.200
was the the conspiracy theories and everything that you saw so that's the thing that i think
00:38:49.080
people have accurately pegged and that's you know that's the conventional wisdom that has a lot of
00:38:54.200
truth to it now here's the part that i don't think people fully understand and this is to me even more
00:39:00.280
troubling and more dangerous the role of prophecy there are quite a quite a few sort of self-proclaimed
00:39:07.800
prophets who not only declared that trump was god's and you know that that god was going to
00:39:14.920
decree that trump was going to be president they not only prophesied that trump would be president
00:39:20.200
but their prophecy included this really dangerous element that was donald trump has a special
00:39:28.280
anointing or a special divine purpose to save this country so donald trump is god's man and he's god's
00:39:36.520
man for a very particular purpose who are these prophets are these some mega church pastors so
00:39:43.240
these would be pentecostal large pentecostal mega churches and movements a lot of people who are
00:39:48.920
completely not household names you would know if you're on twitter you don't know this movement exists
00:39:56.120
you would have more consciousness of it maybe if you're on facebook but it's totally outside of
00:40:01.560
sort of the american elite you know that the pentecostal world is something that the new york
00:40:06.200
times world just by and large doesn't comprehend and so these are people who have huge platforms in
00:40:12.760
religious media and they would say you know trump is god's man to save this country now what does that do
00:40:20.680
one it creates an unfalsifiable kind of argument i've debated people about trump as a christian i've
00:40:28.120
debated uh for example a guy named eric metaxas who was a reasonably well-known christian intellectual
00:40:34.920
and it was very clear to me that he was under the influence of prophecy well how do you debate that
00:40:40.440
how do you how do you reason with somebody who's under the influence of prophecy in that way and then the
00:40:45.960
other thing is when the prophecy is so quiet is so clear that trump is on a divine mission
00:40:52.920
then that means that resistance to trump comes from where satan resistance from trump is rooted in
00:41:00.680
evil and so it really created this extreme level of religious commitment to trump and hostility towards
00:41:09.480
his opponents and i remember when there was this ridiculous jericho march that was several days before
00:41:17.160
a couple weeks before january 6th in december and i wrote i wrote in december watch out because the
00:41:25.800
the logic of this movement is going to lead towards violence and and sure enough i mean january 6th was the
00:41:32.840
most predictable thing in the world once you saw the religious intensity of the support for trump and that
00:41:39.560
religious intensity went way beyond the hey i'm afraid that america is going you know that the democrats are
00:41:47.000
going to hurt america and went much more towards if you are against trump you are thwarting
00:41:52.520
god's divine plan and that's where you saw that level of fanaticism that you saw on january 6th
00:41:58.360
yeah so um just get kind of get my head around that for a second the um it's a lot it just seems like it could
00:42:05.960
if you rewind to 2015 and i mean this is something i legitimately didn't track which is you know before trump
00:42:14.600
won the candidacy and when you had a field of you know 15 or so candidates what was evangelical and
00:42:25.080
pentecostal opinion at that point did the prophecies only get um articulated once he was the only choice
00:42:35.560
in the face of the utter sacrilege of a hillary clinton presidency
00:42:39.240
well some were early so so you know trump gained a lot of support pretty quickly now the interesting
00:42:47.160
thing was the data indicates that trump's initial support was a lot of it was located in non-church
00:42:54.920
going evangelicals i know that sounds like a strange thing to say non-church going evangelicals but
00:43:01.080
sort of the more disconnected you were the more the the disconnected you were from civic institutions
00:43:08.120
including a congregation the more likely you were to support trump early on but then once trump
00:43:14.120
gained the nomination and it was him and hillary then of course the dynamic changed and so i think
00:43:20.120
you you began to have a snowball effect so there were some who were early in on trump but then the
00:43:25.880
snowball effect locked in and then the other thing that was really important to sort of this faith and
00:43:32.680
prophecy-based mindset was the shocking victory yeah so the fact that nobody predicted or very few
00:43:40.040
people predicted that he'd win and he did win yeah sent a message to millions of christians that this
00:43:45.480
was divine intervention and i think that was the moment where a lot of this loyalty locked in in a
00:43:51.400
way that a lot of people don't truly appreciate it and i saw it happen in my community and i saw it
00:43:55.800
happen with my own eyes yeah that is actually something that i've never thought about but i it
00:44:02.360
resonates with me based on my own experience i mean it was so anomalous right to have been so sure
00:44:08.520
that he wasn't going to win and then to have him win was such a discombobulating experience the
00:44:16.280
purely secular version of it was still something that almost seemed to cry out for you know some
00:44:24.520
non-ordinary cause right yeah it just it seemed like we woke up in an alternate universe right
00:44:32.280
like the laws of physics had been suspended to our horror and so yeah i could easily imagine
00:44:38.920
that you if you put on the lens of prophecy uh it seems like okay this is the part of the movie where
00:44:45.000
god makes his presence known right exactly exactly and in in that's again something you know so i live
00:44:53.800
my neighborhood is uh there's this new york times calculator where you can put in your address and
00:44:58.680
it'll tell you sort of how thick is your bubble mm-hmm my neighborhood is 85 republican the neighborhood
00:45:05.080
i lived in in 2016 we moved in 2018 was about 80 to 90 between 80 and 90 republican and i watched all this
00:45:14.440
happen i watched this sort of sense of despair on election day when everyone thought that hillary was
00:45:19.880
going to win turn into a sense of you know really it's not just joy it was sort of beyond joy it's
00:45:26.440
almost like a sense of ecstasy that hillary wasn't didn't win and in it it created this bond with trump
00:45:35.640
that is difficult to really fully explain and and i woke up the morning after or the day after trump's
00:45:42.280
victory and the bond between him and his base after that victory was extraordinary and it was
00:45:49.320
directly rooted in the surprise and the surprise for a lot of people was directly rooted in divine
00:45:54.200
intervention and once that happened you couldn't wedge some of these people away from trump if you
00:45:59.080
tried well one of the things that many of us have speculated that explains trump's appeal to people who
00:46:09.320
you would think uh wouldn't view him as an ally if you'd like to continue listening to this
00:46:16.200
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