#334 — The Low-Trust Society
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Summary
David Brooks is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and a columnist for the New York Times. He is the author of several books, including The Second Mountain and the Road to Character, and the forthcoming book How to Know a Person: The Art of Seeing Others, deeply, and Being deeply seen. David has been awarded more than 30 honorary degrees, he is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and he teaches at Yale University. David and I spoke about the state of American democracy and the liberal world order, and we discussed the weaknesses of moral individualism, the loss of social trust, the dangers of identity politics, the hatred of elites, and other topics, including the limits of American power and the enduring problems with meritocracy. And I bring you the first part of a conversation I had with David Brooks about his career as a writer and a journalist, and how he got his start in the conservative world. We discuss his early career in journalism, his first TV appearance on national TV, and his early life as a student in Chicago, and what it was like growing up in the late 60s and early 70s in the post-World War II era. He also talks about his love of conspiracy theories and conspiracy theories, the lure of conspiracy thinking, and why he's always wanted to be a writer, even though he's not interested in being a regular academic, at least not in the kind of journalism that he considers himself a "big guy" like J.D. Rothbard or J.J. Roth, or a guy who writes about things like that sort of thing. He also discusses why he doesn't have a big enough to call himself a yet he doesn t have a big cup or is not he s not a big guy at all but he does have a lot of friends who do and that has a big like so he does in says a little who doesn t have what isn t of writes why he s makes not , the his thinks how s is . gives knows explains why he is a writer shares joins talks an (not describes speaks
Transcript
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welcome to the making sense podcast this is sam harris just a note to say that if you're hearing
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this you are not currently on our subscriber feed and will only be hearing the first part
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therefore it's made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers so if you enjoy
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what we're doing here please consider becoming one well i have a significant housekeeping to do but
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i think that will be a standalone podcast so look for that next today i'm speaking with david brooks
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david is a contributing writer at the atlantic and also a columnist for the new york times
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and a commentator on pbs's news hour he's the author of several books including the second mountain
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and the road to character as well as the forthcoming book how to know a person the art of seeing others
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deeply and being deeply seen david has been awarded more than 30 honorary degrees he is a member of the
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american academy of arts and sciences and he teaches at yale university david and i spoke about the
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state of american democracy and the liberal world order we discussed the weaknesses of moral
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individualism the loss of social trust the dangers of identity politics what happened to the republican
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party the hatred of elites the 2024 presidential election the trump indictments the war in ukraine
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moral force the roots of liberalism the various flavors of trump support at this point the biden
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presidency hunter biden's laptop biden's prospects in 2024 nikki haley economic inequality the enduring
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problems with meritocracy the state of media and social media the lure of conspiracy thinking the
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politics of politics of recognition our handling of the covet pandemic our difficulty is acknowledging
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uncertainty our withdrawal from afghanistan the limits of american power and other topics and i bring
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i am here with david brooks david thanks for joining me oh great to be back with you so you've been on the
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podcast before and um i am certainly a fan of yours and and read your work as it appears in the new york
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times and the atlantic um that's i perhaps you appear somewhere else and i'm not aware of it but
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maybe you can just uh summarize how you view your career as a writer and a journalist at this point what
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kinds of things have you focused on and what are you doing of late well uh to start at the beginning
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and when i was seven i read a book called paddings and the bear and i decided i want to become a writer
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and i've been writing pretty much every day except maybe 200 in the intervening 50 years
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wow my joke is in high school i wanted to date this woman named bernice and she didn't want to date me
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she dated some other guy and i remember thinking what is she thinking i write way better than that
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guy uh so those were my values that you should date the better writer but those were not her values
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apparently um so you know i i worked for the college newspaper the university of chicago and
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then i was a police reporter on the south side of chicago and i got a lucky break we can talk about
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when william f buckley spotted me and gave a speech to the student body of chicago and it said david
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brooks if you're in the audience i want to give you a job and i sadly wasn't in the audience i was
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actually debating milton friedman on national tv and if your listeners want to watch my first tv
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appearance it's yeah a 21 year old me getting slaughtered by friedman so is that on youtube
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that that's yeah if you youtube david brooks milton friedman you will see uh me in a big afro
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and these 90s glasses that look like they're on loan from mount polymer lunar observatory
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and then i i toured through the sort of conservative world the wall street journal editorial page the
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weekly standard washington times eventually landing in 2003 and my joke is i was hired as the conservative
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columnist at the new york times a job i likened to being the chief rabbi at mecca and the one constant
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i would say just to get us up to the present is that i was always been a fan of a period of non-fiction
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between 1955 and 1965 when you had a series of writers who were a little above journalism but not
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quite as specialized as academics and so they would be people like jane jacobs and irving crystal or
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daniel bell or irving howe richard john newhouse abraham joshua heschel and hannah rent uh and so they
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they took on big subjects reinhold niebuhr took on he wrote a book called the age and destiny of man
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which covers a lot of ground um so i i always wanted to be in that lane like slightly off the news
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from a regular journalist but not quite specialized like an academic and i've i've done these big
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pieces where i attempt to just figure out what's the temper of our times and how would you describe
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your politics at this point my politics are weirdly unchanged i i have two heroes uh one is edmund burke
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and burke is a believer in epistemological modesty the world is complicated so we should be really
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complicated and what we can know and change and when we do it should be constant but incremental
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and then my other hero is alexander hamilton who was a puerto rican hip-hop star from the heights
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and he was uh he was a he for me is you know my i was raised by my grandfather really an immigrant
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and so i have that immigrant mentality that government should be energetic on behalf of people so they can
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rise and succeed in america and so hamilton's really starts the tradition the whigs in the 19th
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century henry clay daniel webster continue at abraham lincoln uh with the the land grant college act and
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the homestead legislation and i think the whig tradition really intellectually goes up to teddy
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roosevelt and maybe john mccain but it's a tradition that dies out but it's there are six of us left
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and i'm happy to be a whig and uh there was a phrase i ran across from isaiah berlin the philosopher
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who said i'm happy to be at the leftward edge or the rightward edge of the leftward tendency
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and these days i'm so repulsed by the republican party i guess i'm supporting and rooting for the
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democrats but i'm on the rightward edge of the democrats right right well i've often i've always
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considered you right of me i mean i certainly have never been tempted to be a republican um i don't
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think i've ever voted for a republican but um you know i have for many years now made common cause
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with republicans who see the recent events on the right uh and on the left uh more or less as i do so
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you know yourself and david french and brett stevens and jonah goldberg and others who saw in trump
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precisely what i saw in trump and and we have never gone quiet on that topic so i want to i want
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to have a conversation with you that is perhaps a little more narrowly focused than the age and
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destiny of man but not by too much because i want to talk about the state of american democracy
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and the liberal world order really uh and i want i want to start with an essay you wrote back in 2020
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which was you published it right before the presidential election in the atlantic uh the
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title is america is having a moral convulsion and uh it's really it's a wonderful and quite depressing
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piece and i just want to revisit it because i i stumbled upon it i don't know a few months ago and
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and was wondering how you're thinking about our situation may have evolved since uh whether this is
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the intervening three years have just confirmed all of your worst fears or magnified them or if
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anything has changed but in that piece you focus on the breakdown of social trust mainly in america and
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you argue that our trust in our institutions and in one another was in something like a death spiral
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and really just a catastrophic decline and um you paint this very vivid picture of lost
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promise where you just what would seem to be the the high watermarks of capitalism and democracy and
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pluralism and diversity and globalization at the end of the 20th century were followed by this more or
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less unraveling of all of that you know and and the apparent promise of all of that and it just to
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get you started to remind you where your your head was three years ago i just want to read a short
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paragraph which um conserve as a nice starting point here it's uh this is you it all looks naive now we
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were naive about what the globalized economy would do to the working class naive to think the internet
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would bring us together naive to think the global mixing of people would breed harmony naive to think
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the privileged wouldn't pull up the ladders of opportunity behind them we didn't predict that
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oligarchs would steal entire nations or the demagogues from turkey to the u.s would ignite
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ethnic hatreds we didn't see that a hyper-competitive global meritocracy would effectively turn all of
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childhood into elite travel sports where a few privileged performers get to play and everyone else gets left
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behind and so that touches on so much that concerns me about our current moment both domestically and
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and for its implications for maintaining what many of us uh perhaps naively have thought about as the
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rules-based international order so just uh i give you that as a starting point tell me how do how do things
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look to you three years on yeah let me go suck on the gas pipe there i know that is depressing
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uh you know i one of the things i was trying to do in that piece is just investigate the psychology of distrust
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distrust we had entered and still are in a world with high distrust and so what does that do to
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people in it one of the things that distrustful people try to make themselves invulnerable they try
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to armor up they want to feel safe they see threats that aren't there in a period of distrust you get
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surges of populism people who feel betrayed and so i think that's all true but but i think if i could
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step back that piece poured out of a moment i think a lot of us live through i live through it very
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materially i was with the wall street journal and i was covering i was a foreign correspondent in the
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90s and so i covered the end of the soviet union the reunification of germany the end of apartheid in
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south africa the maslow peace process the maastricht process of the european unification and this was all
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good news and so it was a period of convergence when people seemed to be coming together when barriers
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seemed to be falling and at the end of my time in europe i covered an event of the yugoslav civil war
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and in the it turns out that that little events with authoritarian strongmanism and ethnic conflict
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turned out to be the more important than all the other stuff i covered in predicting what would happen
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over the next 25 years and so the end of convergence ended and we entered it 25 years of really
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ethnic conflict authoritarian rising and really a closing up a disassociation across all sorts of
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societies and the thing that troubled me the most and still troubles me the most is the freakish
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breakdown in social and relational fabric of american society the the rise of depression and suicide is
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well known but the number of people who say they have no close personal friends has gone up by
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four times the number of people who say that they have broken with a member of their immediate
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family has risen there's been a third increase in the number of people living without a romantic
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partner and if you ask the number of people who get who rate themselves the lowest happiness category
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is up substantially if you ask high school kids do you feel persistently hopeless and depressed
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well that's risen from like 20 to 45 so we are still in the middle of some sort of societal emotional and
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relational crisis now there are two things to be said to cheer us all up one is and this has been a surprise
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to me it is a pillar of the literature on trust that low trust societies are poor societies that if you can't
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trust the people around you you can't do business deals and yet i would have to say american capitalism has sailed on
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in pretty nice fashion and picking up steam uh europe and america were roughly even in gdp per capita
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back when i was over in europe and now the u.s is just crushing europe we are our economy is just way
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stronger we're number one in investment we're number one in innovation one or two along with switzerland
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and so the american economy has gone from strength to strength as we speak we're seeing a big turnaround in
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the fate of nations if you want to put it that way china which seemed to be expanding and rising and
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seem to be the rising power has hit hard times and seems to be struggling to say the least
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economically meanwhile if you go to ohio you've got gigantic multi-billion dollar investments from amazon
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from google from intel and so we're seeing a renaissance especially the american heartland the
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american midwest and so i'm a little surprised the american economy has really surged at a time
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even despite the low social trust and so that's one thing that's making me feel a little better maybe
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it's not ruin all around well i want to talk about politics and um there are many threads here there's
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this you know what we might call meritocracy and its discontents the problem of trust and something you
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make clear in several of your of your essays is linked to the problem of or being unable to have
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a fact-based discussion about more or less anything of substance now so when you look at what happened
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during the pandemic what we witnessed was a a more or less total failure to come together as a society
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because we simply couldn't have a convergence of belief about what was actually happening and much less
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what what to do about it uh so there was a total lack of cultural cohesion and i think we're still living with
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the aftermath of that and the attendant cynicism and political populism that just it just seems to be
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further fracturing our society so the the trust in institutions piece is enormous and perhaps uh mirrored by a
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failure of interpersonal trust um and obviously there's a piece of around diversity and identity
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politics that seems to argue that trust can further break down here i guess i mean just speaking
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personally i i noticed that this is i feel very late to some of these topics because i i mean when i look
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back on my professional output it really has been almost entirely an argument for what i think of as
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enlightened individualism and much of your work i think suggests the obvious limits of individualism and
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when i say enlightened individualism i i mean enlightened really in both senses of that term i'm thinking of
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the western birth of of science and secular rationality i'm also thinking of the more esoteric
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eastern spiritual sense of enlightened i mean in the sense that suggests contemplation and self-transcendence
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so i've been arguing for you know science and scientific skepticism in the culture wars against
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organized religion for many years and simultaneously i've been championing the virtues of meditation and
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philosophical reflection and personal ethics and i do think that all of these things are indispensable for
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living a good life but i'm actually humbled by the degree to which all of our independent efforts
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to live well and to think clearly just can still totally fail to cohere at the level of society at large
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right so it's just so it's really it wasn't until trump and the pandemic that i i believe i fully
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recognized how much we need institutions and political norms and economic incentives that make us better
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collectively right that make it much easier for selfish people to behave well rather than requiring you
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know sainthood for someone to act you know halfway decently and and so much of the time i see that we're
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we've built systems that are incentivizing all the wrong things and you really do have to be
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basically you know a saint to behave well in certain contexts and you know what what you see most of the
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time is is quite normal people psychologically behaving in ways that make them indistinguishable from
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sociopaths and i you know i think social media is the primary example of this and so you know i deleted
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my twitter account because it just seemed that you know staring you know hour by hour into that fun
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house mirror was not only giving me a false sense of how grotesque my neighbors were but it was actually
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making me a kind of grotesque and so i you know i just had to pull the plug on it so anyway i just this
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is just to lob a softball to you but i mean i really i i see your wheelhouse as perhaps among several
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others as being one where you have recognized that we not only need lives of personal integrity
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we need cultural contexts and institutions and norms and systems that support those lives
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and enable them yeah i mean i i'm a liberal too um but i guess i would say you know i grew up in new
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york and greenwich village in the 60s and i was surrounded by what you might call moral individualism
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or or social individualism you should do what you want and i imbibed that and i celebrate a lot of
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the changes that came out but i think in the ensuing 80 years we've overshot the mark and we became
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too individualistic and there were some weaknesses there one the illusion that if we all do our own
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selfish thing everything will work out for society and to me that didn't work out i mean we we can all
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do our selfish thing and no invisible hand will create a healthy society the second thing and
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here's the the conservative in me coming out and that would be that reason and individualism and
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individual choice are built on institutions that precede choice so the liberal order we treasure is
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built on an order that is not liberal and so there are certain attachments we have to our family
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to our town to our nation to our creeds which are not really chosen they're just we absorb them in
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the culture around us and our commitments to those things like family nation community are total and so
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those things are not something we choose those things are institutions that form us and so we you know we
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want to live in moral ecologies in which it's just easier to be good and so let me give you a concrete
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example so like i don't know 20 years ago i got a job on pbs to be a pundit for jim lair on the news
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hour and every time i said something crass and sort of self-indulgent on the air i would see lair's
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mouth downturn and every time i said something he thought was good i would see his eyes crinkle in
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pleasure so for 10 years he never had to say anything i just tried to chase the mouth the eyes wrinkle
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and try to avoid the mouth downturn and so in that way he set standards of behavior that i didn't really
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consciously think about all that much but in which it was easier to be good and so the point is none
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of us are separable individuals we're all very porous deeply influenced by the world around us and so
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we need that world around us to have a shared ecology that'll make it easier for us to be good
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and if we don't have that we're gonna we're gonna defer to our default selfishness so you wrote this
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this essay that we i referenced at the top here before the election in 2020 and obviously before
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january 6th what has your sense been i mean the the the economic trends notwithstanding what what is
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your sense now of the political landscape how durable the the populism of the of the right and
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left are and you know how much trumpism may exceed the problem of trump himself um where are we
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politically as a nation trump was obviously the epitome of distrust a distrustful person who was
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both a symptom of our larger distrust than an accelerant uh making us all distrustful and
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making us look one another i guess in the years since a couple things have happened the first is
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i've come to see that the problem is not just politics but our particular kind of politics we
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practice now in a healthy society people practice the politics of distribution like how much should we
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raise taxes where should we spend our money and that seems to be a healthy politics we don't
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practice that kind of politics by and large at least donald trump doesn't we practice the politics
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of recognition we want our political leaders to humiliate the other side and affirm us ours is a
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politics looking for identity we're looking to be admired by ourselves and that is asking too much
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of politics than it is required than is possible of delivering and so you know we if you're naked and
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alone you feel morally lost and so you seek politics because it seems to offer you a moral landscape
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there are us good guys over here and those bad guys over there it seems to offer you community we all
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watch newsmax together and we hate the other side it seems to offer you moral action you don't have to
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sit with a widow or feed the hungry you just have to feel properly indignant at the outrages of the
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other side but in all these ways politics is failing to deliver what you're seeking you're not really
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it's not really a moral landscape in real life complicated life morality is right down the
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middle of every human heart we're all capable of good and bad in real life community is not just
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watching newsmax together it's it's you know building a town or doing whatever you want to do
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together in real life community is you know meeting people befriending people it's not just joining
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some tribe this or that tribe so in my view we've become over politicized and under moralized we've
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turned everything into politics whether it's late night comedy shows or church or sporting events
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and we've become terribly over politicized because people have gone to politics seeking the moral purpose
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that their moral life is not delivering for them what explains the apparent inversion of more or less
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of more or less than anything that has occurred in the republican party i mean how how did we get to a
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republican party that would champion a this new isolationism and celebrate a figure like putin not care that
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trump as a sitting president wouldn't commit to a peaceful transfer of power really not see any flaws in him
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as a a moral actor not not care at all about the character of the person they were putting in the oval
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office i mean it just seems like all the toggle switches got flipped at least with respect to how they
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how republicans thought of themselves in election cycles you know prior to 2016 what do you think
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explains that and and do you see any sign that it could reset in in the near term yeah i would guess i would
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tell a lot of different stories some of which contradict each other but all of which i think are
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true and so you know that it's part of the story i think is that there was a hidden not so hidden
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racist element on the right uh that uh surfaced though i have to say as somebody who inhabited a
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certain kind of conservative precinct for much of my life i never heard direct racism even in private
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but do you think just first i i i find it hard to believe that that would explain the embrace of
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trump and trumpism by the editorial board at the wall street journal right like how did how did
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how did you know brett stevens get you know spit out of the wall street journal in your view yeah i guess
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i would tell another the main story i would tell is a story that is not particularly flattering to people
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like me which is round about 1950 to 1960 we shifted the definition of merit in this society
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and so the median sat score of somebody at harvard rose from like from say 550 to 680
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and we created a new version of the meritocracy basically around cognition and your ability to be
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pleasing to teachers between the ages of 15 and 18 and this meritocratic class
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rose up in universities all across the country married each other invested massively in their
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kids those kids got into the same elite schools that the meritocrats went to they also married each
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other they invested massively in their kids those kids went to the same schools they went to live in
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a few places with booming economies like san francisco austin denver washington new york and so
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basically and this happened in the u.s but it happened across the western world which is why populism is a
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western thing not an american thing and so 20 of the population garnered an immense amount of wealth
00:26:39.140
but more important immense amount of cultural power so those of us in my class more or less control the
00:26:45.900
media or at least the mainstream media hollywood the universities and so every system has every
00:26:52.640
society has a recognition order who's going to confer recognition and approval on people and my little
00:27:00.260
class controls it in this country and so a lot of people in this society and also in france and in
00:27:06.160
hungary and italy and sweden and a lot of other places said that group of meritocratic elites just has
00:27:13.380
too much power they have too much economic cultural political and social power and we hate them and so we're
00:27:18.940
going to take them down and donald trump is our bastard to take those people down and those people
00:27:24.700
hate donald trump and therefore whatever trump does i'm going to be behind and the one thing that
00:27:30.600
continues to shock me to this day is that christians are supposed to believe in a lot of things but one of
00:27:38.300
them is that the ends do not justify the means and yet the entire white evangelical world and now i hear
00:27:46.560
this every day from white evangelicals that he's our he's a bastard but he's our bastards the ends
00:27:50.820
justify the means and so that is continues to shock me on a daily basis yes you you echo i think you've
00:28:01.300
you've written a book more or less on that topic but i'm also hearing what charles murray was saying in
00:28:06.060
his book coming apart about the the segregation of economic rewards that have gone to a certain class
00:28:13.060
of people that have really defined success in terms of a specific cognitive work and and virtues
00:28:21.740
and then there's the the the attendant economic inequality of all of that where does that leave
00:28:29.000
us currently politically i mean we're both watching the republican primary season begin to unfold or at
00:28:36.820
least the campaigns aimed at primaries uh next year do you see any of this resetting or you're just
00:28:43.620
expecting trump to be the candidate or some trumpist impersonator to be in his place well i guess i recall
00:28:52.140
a time when ronda sanus was only behind by four percentage points to trump and there was a time that
00:28:57.960
a crucial question to me was they asked republicans are you primarily a supporter of donald trump or are you
00:29:04.520
primarily a supporter of the republican party and during the trump presidency most people said donald
00:29:09.040
trump but after the defeats of 2020 the defeats of 2022 the majority of republicans said no i'm a
00:29:15.660
disciple of the republican party and so that gave me great hope that republicans would go for somebody
00:29:22.700
else and i think that hope was dashed on the day the fbi found the documents at mar-a-lago
00:29:28.860
and on that day and then in the ensuing indictments you know donald trump's support has risen and risen
00:29:36.380
and risen because again if you go back to the central narrative that were the americans who
00:29:41.340
are fighting against the educated elites then this allows trump to play that narrative and i have faith
00:29:48.260
in the justice system i think they're doing the right thing but a lot of people out there do not have
00:29:53.060
any faith in that system and do not think they're doing the right thing so a bunch of lawyers in
00:29:56.940
washington and atlanta and new york going after donald trump is just underlining the key narrative
00:30:02.600
and so trump looks in a very dominant position to me right now i guess just to return to the to my
00:30:10.860
initial question for a second many of these educated elites obviously are supporters of trump or supporters
00:30:18.340
of the populist unrest uh that prompts him up i mean you see have somebody campaigning like vivek
00:30:26.640
ramaswamy right he's he's the quintessence of an educated elite and yet he's mouthing all of the
00:30:34.380
pablum that trumpism would uh require of him do you view that as a purely cynical and opportunistic
00:30:45.100
style of politics or do you do you think that and and i guess this would this opprobrium would extend to
00:30:52.600
like the wall street editorial board in 2016 is it pure cynicism and opportunism or is do you think
00:31:02.040
that many of these so-called elites have managed to squint their eyes in such a way as to actually
00:31:08.960
agree with trump and not see a problem with his style of politics yeah for ramaswamy i think he looked
00:31:18.200
at the world and said hey the uh narcissistic hucksterism is in vogue my ship has come in
00:31:23.260
this is my great skill for somebody like tucker carlson who i knew we worked together for nine
00:31:27.880
years of the work the standard i think there's excitement the desire to be relevant to the desire
00:31:33.340
to being on the thrill uh and a fair degree of cynicism for people like rudy giuliani i do think
00:31:40.120
it is pure desire to remain relevant for other people i think there are a whole variety of
00:31:45.500
rationalizations and i will say i i periodically go on reporting trips where i interview the republican
00:31:51.900
donor class i just want to know what they're thinking because they've been interesting and i
00:31:56.540
would say in 2016 the vast majority of the normal gop rich guy donors were anti-trump and then
00:32:05.500
they ended up voting for him because they couldn't vote them for hillary and then in 2017 they were still
00:32:11.680
sort of against him and then as you interviewed them by 2018 and 2019 suddenly they were all sort
00:32:17.240
of for him and it was reminder the power of team spirit is super strong in american life and that if
00:32:24.780
your enemies are attacking a guy who's sort of on your team and he happens to be cutting your taxes and
00:32:31.200
putting together a reasonably strong economy well then it becomes pretty easy for you to slide over and
00:32:36.740
suddenly you're not anti-trump you're just kind of pro-trump because you want to be part of the team
00:32:43.020
i have to say now when i look at the republican donors they're back to being anti-trump and they're
00:32:48.720
looking for an alternative but they can't find one but i do think there is this mentality on there is
00:32:55.300
just a binary mentality to american politics so i worked at the wall street journal editorial page for
00:33:00.780
nine years and i think they don't want to be seen as totally pro-trump but if every day they can wake
00:33:06.780
up and critique you know rachel maddow well that's something that feels kind of natural
00:33:13.100
what if anything changes when you when you focus this question through the lens of the war in ukraine
00:33:20.580
right you have many many republicans seemingly sincerely espousing the belief that we have absolutely no
00:33:30.100
business selling arms to ukraine we're culpable for putin's invasion because we so recklessly provoked
00:33:39.260
him with talk of uh extending uh nato you know and and so it was just pure a pure history of provocation
00:33:47.060
and failed diplomacy on our part that forced putin's hand he did what any rational actor would do in
00:33:53.860
invading ukraine uh there's no interesting moral asymmetry there you know you know any talk of a
00:34:03.120
a democracy that was a sovereign democracy that was invaded by a belligerent who we should support
00:34:10.980
under a rules-based international order just invites you know a cynical guffaw from these people
00:34:19.600
uh you know with echoes of trump saying do you think our hands are so clean in i think in that
00:34:27.320
context he was talking about uh mbs and the murder of um khashoggi but i mean i gotta think that many if
00:34:36.420
not most of of these republicans who are deeply skeptical of of of any argument that we should be
00:34:44.840
supporting ukraine have come to that but at least imagine they've come to that belief not calculating
00:34:52.560
some weird political self-interest but actually just feeling that they've had some kind of epiphany about
00:34:58.540
the status of america on the world stage and the wisdom of retreat on some level how do you think about
00:35:07.520
ukraine and russia in particular and and and the work they are doing in american politics
00:35:15.040
yeah i have to say first i'm i'm at least proud that at least most republicans uh i think overall
00:35:22.020
and most republicans in congress are pretty very strong in support of zelensky and what the ukrainians
00:35:28.200
are trying to do i know brett stevens talked to you about this a couple weeks ago uh so i think that
00:35:33.000
that's one thing that should be pointed out the second thing that should be pointed out is that
00:35:37.320
it's funny how nothing ever goes away and so the american first ideology that's deep in american
00:35:43.740
history and and it used to be in the democratic party now it's in the republican party and when
00:35:48.540
trump said america first for the first time i thought oh that's terrible for him that'll discredit
00:35:53.480
him with everybody because everybody knows america first didn't work out in the days before world war
00:35:57.980
ii but turns out i was wrong there are a lot of people who are genuinely america first
00:36:01.740
but i think the thing i've learned which i didn't anticipate is how signing on to trump
00:36:07.440
involves an aggressive amoralism and so if if you're a liberal you believe in as you said earlier
00:36:14.960
the rules-based international order and that is based on the idea that human beings have the ability
00:36:20.980
to make cooperative arrangements and establish a set of moral norms that are good for everybody
00:36:26.900
and so thou shalt not invade your small neighbor that's just a moral norm and it's it's not only
00:36:34.500
good for the independence of peoples around the world it happens to be good for building a stable
00:36:39.200
world order but donald trump's worldview is not that that any moral order any set of norms
00:36:45.300
any institutional set of norms is a cover for elites masking their oppressive power on everybody else
00:36:52.180
and therefore the world is dog eat dog live with it or as you know the ancient athenians said
00:36:58.720
the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must so suck it up and so i think that
00:37:05.240
is genuinely the mentality i encounter among trump supporters that boot and strong ukraine was weak
00:37:10.360
what do you expect and i think that aggressive amoralism is really a crucial dividing line in not only
00:37:18.340
in american politics but in world politics because there are other leaders like xi xi pin who also
00:37:23.040
believe that power is everything and so where those of us who are liberal are trying to defend
00:37:28.920
this liberal order this set of norms this belief that people can cooperate and that it's not just
00:37:34.420
airy-fairy but cooperation is actually a tenacious noble thing we do and i think evolutionary psychology
00:37:41.200
backs that up but we have to restate moralism and and that's you know i've mentioned morality a lot
00:37:46.800
recently in this conversation and it sounds so pompous and self-righteous i understand but it's
00:37:53.000
a real thing and moral moral force uh the moral force that makes us cooperate one with another
00:37:59.140
the moral force that if you make an error and i'm not going to take advantage of it because i want to be a
00:38:05.160
decent person that's hard for us to talk about these days because we're sort of out of habit but i i do
00:38:11.380
think that's the challenge one of the challenges trump throws up in our faces yeah i mean what one of
00:38:16.760
the most corrosive things he has done and and the movement he has inspired has done is is convey the
00:38:24.560
sense that there is no such thing as moral high ground right there's any pretension that there is
00:38:30.320
or might be and that much less that one might occupy it is just a a cover for a deeper hypocrisy
00:38:38.240
right it is just elite speak and selfishness and hand waving and virtue signaling and there's there's
00:38:45.040
there is just no there there right there's it's impossible to ever sincerely aspire to wisdom and
00:38:52.000
compassion and any other you know higher virtue individually or collectively because it's all just
00:38:58.780
a fig leaf for selfishness and getting what you can yeah it's just it's awful to see
00:39:06.360
how difficult it has become to even use aspirational language in a political context without provoking a
00:39:15.440
reflexive cynical response and see when you when you talk about it to use this narrow case when you talk
00:39:23.560
about the the moral imperative of backing a democracy over the rampages of a of a of an invading
00:39:34.740
despotism you know we're not uh lionizing somebody like putin who murders his political opponents and
00:39:41.320
journalists even in other countries the fact that that just it falls on deaf ears and it not only falls
00:39:48.700
on deaf ears it just there's this basic sense that we should never have cared about any of those
00:39:53.840
differences yeah it's it's been a reminder to me i agree with you completely that how recent the
00:40:01.820
liberal enlightenment project how recent it is i mean one of the things that did not exist in the
00:40:07.740
ancient world was the notion of compassion like the idea that you should feel sorry for a slave
00:40:13.360
or somebody was poor who somebody was being whose intestines were being ripped out of their guts
00:40:18.660
that sense that you should be humble before all that humility was like what are you being humble for
00:40:24.360
humility is for losers humility is for the downtrodden humility is not a virtue but slowly over the
00:40:31.180
centuries we have a sense no humility is into my mind the primary virtue humility is an awareness of
00:40:38.240
how little we know and the humility is an awareness of how how morally flawed we are and therefore we
00:40:44.800
need each other to set up norms and that we have to rely on what we may disagree on this but i think
00:40:52.020
there is a universal moral order i think martin luther king got his great strength from a belief that
00:40:56.720
it wasn't just he who believed segregation was wrong but segregation was wrong in all circumstances
00:41:01.500
in all time it's part of the universal moral order that slavery and segregation are wrong
00:41:05.720
and that these beliefs were either revealed or slowly built up over centuries and a lot of people
00:41:14.880
accuse liberalism enlightenment liberalism as being this amoral set of procedures but it's not it's it's
00:41:22.520
actually based on a moral vision of human dignity that democracy it's not we're just it's not just
00:41:28.080
about voting but it's an encountering another person who disagrees with you profoundly and being
00:41:34.440
curious enough to see into the depths of that person about why they do and so that curiosity is a show of
00:41:40.780
respect and that that show of respect is something we built up as a sort of the democratic ideal
00:41:47.640
and it's funny that i have a quote in one of my recent pieces from jonathan height my friend who's
00:41:52.780
a new york nyu social psychologist says moral communities are very hard to build and very easy
00:41:59.200
to destroy and and so that would be the threat the thing to worry about these days i must say i find that
00:42:06.880
i am at a impasse in any political conversation with a trump supporter when i can't get
00:42:16.940
any acknowledgement that having a sitting president not commit to a peaceful transfer of power
00:42:25.280
was a problem right a problem worth taking seriously right the fact that we the fact that trump
00:42:32.100
repeatedly declined to commit to a peaceful transfer of power and we in fact didn't have a peaceful
00:42:38.780
transfer of power if i find myself in a conversation with a trump supporter who won't give any assent
00:42:46.800
progress to that point and it really just will just put a brave face on and and seek to just kind
00:42:53.780
of blow by it it has no implication for anything right i find that i i simply don't have the tools
00:43:00.000
to continue having a conversation we can have a conversation about something else but it's like
00:43:05.980
there's it's just clear that there's no way to converge politically can you is there anything you
00:43:11.720
can give me that can can can get me to navigate that impasse can i can you hope yeah i would say
00:43:17.460
my experience is multi-layered i guess on this one you know i do think there are certain people who
00:43:23.320
i'm including people i'm close with who are trump supporters for whom there's no purchase you you can
00:43:28.500
say x and they'll say no y and they won't weigh whether x is true or not they'll just say y and so
00:43:34.460
they're they have a self-enclosed system of belief that once you accept their assumptions you can't get
00:43:41.460
in and out of but i would say one of the things i've learned is i'm done generalizing about trump
00:43:46.840
supporters i think you know i was at i ran into this is years ago a woman who um was if i remember
00:43:53.520
this correctly was a big trump supporter she was at a trump rally she was a lesbian biker who'd survived
00:43:59.600
a plane crash and converted to sufi islam and so i was like what stereotype do you fit into
00:44:05.820
and so i would say i meet a lot of people who are that guy's a jackass but he's my jackass
00:44:13.180
or i'm a one issue voter i'm an abortion voter i hate that guy but i think abortion is the primary
00:44:19.440
issue of my for me i i i found it's hard now to general i even more complicated today to generalize
00:44:26.060
about trump supporters than it was in 2016 because i do think they've bifurcated there's there's
00:44:30.880
certainly a hardcore of like 20 or 30 percent who are like cult members but i find a lot of people who
00:44:37.160
are sort of trump friendly trump adjacent trump skeptical would love to see another candidate
00:44:42.500
but they have persuaded themselves that four more years of joe biden would be the end of the republic
00:44:49.380
and so if they're going to stick with the guy so yeah there's if i can cheer you up there's
00:44:55.180
i find a wide variety of of kinds of trump supporter these days how do you think biden has
00:45:02.800
been doing and and what do you think of the democratic prospects going forward i mean i you
00:45:07.720
know i've said repeatedly here that i really wish biden were not running due to the the obvious
00:45:13.880
liability of his age perhaps there are other liabilities that that are worth taking seriously
00:45:18.800
at this point but what's your sense of the biden administration and or the biden presidency and
00:45:24.760
the democratic side of things going into 2024 i'd say age obviously his liability i think his
00:45:31.420
approvals would be like 10 or 15 20 points higher if he was 60 but i'll say a couple things about
00:45:36.740
that one is i do get the chance to be in a room with him from time to time and the extent to which
00:45:43.040
he is physically decayed or mentally decayed is vastly overstated in the media i've been interviewing
00:45:48.400
the guy since he was you know for 20 or 30 years i almost wrote a book about him about 30 years ago
00:45:53.160
and sort of regret not doing it but so i've interviewed him over many decades and um he's
00:45:59.040
like a pitcher who used to throw 92 and now throws 87 so it's a decline but it's nothing nothing
00:46:04.780
tremendous and second in some ways he's better because in those days when i started interviewing him
00:46:10.820
he had to cram every fact in the universe into every answer so they were like 45 50 minute answers
00:46:16.820
now he stays on point and so i think that's positive third i think he's basically picked
00:46:23.260
the right fights he sees this big fight between authoritarianism and democracy and i think he's
00:46:30.020
essentially right about that he's pretty successful as a foreign policy president i think second i think
00:46:34.960
he's identified the core gap in american society which is the gap between as i say the coastal elites
00:46:43.000
who are doing pretty well and a lot of other people who are not and he is actively acting to repair that
00:46:48.280
gap so a treasury department report which may be a little biased or probably not too much says that
00:46:54.200
90 of the money from the inflation reduction act went to some of the poorest counties in this country
00:47:01.740
i mentioned earlier something which i think is really fascinating to me that if you look at where
00:47:07.240
the mega investments are in manufacturing plants battery plants chip plants etc etc it's not in
00:47:14.000
california anymore it's not in new york anymore it's in iowa arizona illinois i mentioned ohio
00:47:21.460
and so that's just to me tremendously good news and a sign that the market is healing
00:47:26.960
that there are all these hard-working people in these places who were de-industrialized and they're
00:47:32.660
they couldn't really we couldn't take advantage of their talents and now capitalism is saying yeah
00:47:38.160
we're going to locate our plant in columbus ohio because there are a lot of hard-working people there
00:47:41.540
and i think joe biden has materially benefited frankly a lot of trump voters the people who have
00:47:48.720
been left behind and so i have a much more positive view of the biden administration than you would
00:47:54.220
think from my political profile but i think he's he's basically doing the right thing and the big
00:48:00.120
thing he screwed up on well a couple things obviously the withdrawal from afghanistan but the
00:48:04.540
second one was there was too much stimulative spending so we got too much inflation but
00:48:09.380
joe manchin saved him there joe manchin cut back the stimulus and so it's we had the inflation but
00:48:14.880
now the inflation is down our unemployment is low wages are rising inequality is falling slightly
00:48:21.140
compared to europe our economy looks good compared to china it looks fantastic
00:48:25.200
and so i think the age thing and the moral trauma of the last six years keep his approvals low and i
00:48:31.480
have no confidence he'll win re-election but i have to say i think he's been a pretty good president
00:48:35.760
what if anything has come spilling out of hunter biden's laptop that you think
00:48:41.040
we should all take seriously i guess i have to say it's more serious than i thought it was
00:48:46.220
i think there he was trying to obviously trying to peddle influence whether he actually successfully
00:48:52.080
peddled influence is an open question to me i have to say i'm not a big scam
00:48:57.360
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