#354 — Is Moral Progress a Fantasy?
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Summary
In this episode of the Making Sense Podcast, I speak with John Gray, a professor of politics at Oxford, a regular contributor to the New York Review of Books, and a frequent critic of the New Atheists. John is the author of many books, including The Silence of Animals, Black Mass, Straw Dogs, and The New Leviathans. He has been a professor at Oxford and Harvard, a visiting professor at Harvard and Yale, a Professor of European Thought at the London School of Economics, and he is a frequent contributor to The New York Times and the New Republic. John has a wealth of knowledge about the history of ideas and about the threats to freedom of thought, the limits of law, the illusion of political and ethical progress, the spread of dangerous technology, and the failures of convergence on norms and values. In this episode, we discuss all of these topics and much more, including John's views on John Stuart Mill, F.A. Hayek, and John Rawls, two of the most influential thinkers of the 20th century. John is a fascinating man, as you'll hear, and as you ll find out, he's also a wonderful writer. We don't run ads on the podcast, and therefore it's made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers, so if you enjoy what we're doing here, please consider becoming a supporter of what we re doing here! - we'll only be hearing the first part of this conversation, so you won't have to pay for the full episode by becoming a member of the scholarship program. Thanks to our scholarship program, which offers free accounts to anyone who can't afford it. We don t run ads, and so they can t afford it, but they'll get a free accounts, too much access to the podcast. So if you're not already a member, you'll get access to all sorts of amazing stuff! Sam Harris, you're making sense of it? If you like what they're doing, become a supporter, you can help us make sense, and we'll be making sense, too! - making sense. - you'll need to become a scholar, and you'll be helping us all of us, not just by listening to the first half of the podcast making sense! . Thanks for listening to this podcast, making sense? - Sam Harris and I hope you'll like what we do, and I'll talk about it, too,
Transcript
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Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast. This is Sam Harris. Just a note to say that if
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you're hearing this, you're not currently on our subscriber feed, and we'll only be
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hearing the first part of this conversation. In order to access full episodes of the Making
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Sense Podcast, you'll need to subscribe at samharris.org. There you'll also find our
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scholarship program, where we offer free accounts to anyone who can't afford one.
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We don't run ads on the podcast, and therefore it's made possible entirely through the support
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of our subscribers. So if you enjoy what we're doing here, please consider becoming one.
00:00:45.000
Today I'm speaking with John Gray. John is the author of many books, including The Silence of
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Animals, Black Mass, Straw Dogs, and The New Leviathans. He is a regular contributor to
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the New York Review of Books, and he has been a professor of politics at Oxford, a visiting
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professor at Harvard and Yale, a professor of European thought at the London School of Economics,
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and he's also been a frequent critic of The New Atheists. One of his books is Seven Types of
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Atheism, where several of my colleagues and I come in for some rough treatment. Anyway,
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John and I cover a lot of ground here, or rather he does. He has a wealth of knowledge about the
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history of ideas. We discuss the historical and current threats to freedom of thought,
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the limits of law, the illusion, as he sees it, of political and ethical progress,
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the spread of dangerous technology, failures of convergence on norms and values, Arthur Kostler,
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de-industrialization in Europe, the phenomenon of fellow travelers and the progressive embrace of
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barbarism, Bertrand Russell, the absurdity of pacifism, utilitarianism, the moral landscape,
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George Santayana, moral and scientific realism, pragmatism, atheism, Schopenhauer, liberalism as
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a historical accident, and other topics. John is a fascinating man, as you'll hear. And now I bring
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you John Gray. I'm here with John Gray. John, thanks for joining me. I'm very glad to be with you,
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Sam. Thank you for inviting me. So I think this conversation has been a long time in coming. I
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have been aware of your work for some years, and I've been aware that you have been aware of mine
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for some years as well. Perhaps most relevantly, you published a book, Seven Types of Atheism,
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where you voiced your displeasure over the work of the new atheists, several of us by name. So we'll
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get into that. But before we track through your various, the books I'm aware of, which I've read
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in whole or in part, are Seven Types of Atheism, Straw Dogs, and your latest one, The New Leviathans.
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You're a wonderful writer. Thank you. Which is fun, because I think you and I disagree about
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many, many things. So it's very... I'd probably agree on some things, actually, as well.
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Yeah. So I look forward to that. So anyway, before we jump in, perhaps you can summarize how you
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view your own interests as a philosopher. What do you think you focused on these many years?
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Well, since I published my first book in philosophy, which I think was in 1983, a book on John Stuart Mill,
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in that over 40-year period, I've been focusing primarily on liberalism. What it is, or I would now say
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was, where it came from, what are its strengths and its limitations, and its varieties. Because like
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any big intellectual and political movement, it doesn't just have only one instance, but a whole
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range of different brands or species or varieties. So throughout that whole period, I've been interested
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in liberalism. And that's led me to write the books I have written on Mill and also on Hayek, whom I
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knew, F.A. Hayek, the liberal political economist I knew quite well in the 1980s and talked with him
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at length. I also, I can talk about that later. I still think he's a great thinker, but wrong on some
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fundamental issues, as we all no doubt are. I also wrote a book on Isaiah Berlin. He was my
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principal intellectual influence in Oxford when I was there as a, he never supervised me formally,
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but when I was working on my doctorate, which was on John Stuart Mill and John Rawls. I used to see
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him regularly, and I went on seeing him for the last 25 years of his life, almost to his death. And he was
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a profound influence. I should say, just as a political footnote, that at that time, and from the
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early 70s onwards, till the end of the Cold War, I was an active and militant anti-communist. And
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that was one of the reasons I supported Margaret Thatcher for as long as I did. And I don't regret
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any of that, because although the aftermath of communism has been a mixed bag in many ways,
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it was one of the great 20th century totalitarian movements, which I thought, and I'm often criticized
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for being too pessimistic, but I believed it could be defeated. Otherwise, I might not have bothered
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struggling against it, as I did. I thought it was more fragile, the communist state in the former
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Soviet Union than many people believed. And that proved to be correct in the late 1980s.
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So, and one of the, I should say, one of the interesting features of our present situation
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today is that the threat to old-fashioned liberal freedoms of thought and expression and so forth,
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comes from a different source than it did in the Cold War. As I mentioned, from maybe about 1973,
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up to 1989, 1990, I was an active anti-communist. And at that time, the principal threats to old-fashioned
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liberal freedoms were from autocratic states, from dictatorships, from tyrannical governments.
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That's no longer the case, because interestingly, in the United States, and to some extent also in
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Britain and other European countries, the threats to freedom of expression and freedom of thought
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come from, not from tyrannical governments, primarily, but from civil society itself, from
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universities, from philanthropic and charitable organizations, from professional associations,
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from museums, from artistic institutions, which impose codes of censorship on what their members or
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anyone working in the relevant industries or branches of society can say or publish and enforce those
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edicts with various forms of cancellation and deplatforming and stripping of just career
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destruction and so on. So, a very interesting change in my lifetime, a lifetime in which I've seen,
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I've witnessed the disappearance, I would say, of a liberal civilization. There are still obviously
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enclaves of freedom like the one I'm addressing now by speaking to you, Sam. Freedom hasn't disappeared,
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as it did in the totalitarian states almost entirely. But a liberal civilization, meaning a civilization
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in which certain norms of free speech and free thought and toleration are taken for granted
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across most of the society. So, people don't need to worry what they say to their colleagues in the
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canteen or in the coffee shop. There are many areas of society in which political norms do not apply and are
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not enforced. That civilization, which existed throughout most of my lifetime, no longer exists.
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So that if you're a reporter at the New York Times or if you are a university professor or if you are
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a comedian or a poet or a writer, you have to bear in mind all the time how your statements will be
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interpreted and reacted to by people who may seek and sometimes successfully seek to end your career
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in the profession you've chosen. They may aim to silence you. And although there's been some pushback
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in America and in other countries, including Britain, they have succeeded in doing that to quite a lot of
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people. And so that's a fundamental change, not only in that there's less freedom, but where it comes from.
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In the 20th century, the principal enemy of these old-fashioned liberal freedoms were autocratic and
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totalitarian states. Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, the fascist regimes of interwar Europe and Latin America,
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militarist Japan. These were totalitarian or highly authoritarian states which stamped out whatever
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freedoms existed and imposed an ideological orthodoxy. The curiosity of, it's almost droll,
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but is that liberal societies in the 21st century have done this to themselves without really any
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significant intervention by tyrannical governments. For example, just to come right to the present day,
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private universities in America, elite private universities have imposed various forms of
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speech codes and diversity, equity, and inclusion ideology on their staff. Some universities have required
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what amount to loyalty oaths, which was a practice which one had hoped died out with the autocratic states,
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but has not. And they've also been, while doing this, they've proved remarkably tolerant,
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if I can put it like that, of various forms of progressive racism and anti-Semitism, which in recent
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times have included what have amounted to positive active celebrations of Hamash's pogroms in Israel on October
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the 7th. Now, all of these phenomena, I think, would have been extremely difficult, even for great minds
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such as Isaiah Boleyn, my mentor at Oxford, to have imagined back in the 1990s. Because in the 1990s,
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communism had collapsed, had been defeated by the West. And even if you weren't a Fukuyamist, which I
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never was, as you probably are aware, he and I have had dialogues, never reaching agreement or even
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aiming for it for the last, ever since he published his book. And I wrote my first critique of Fukuyama
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before his book was ever published as a response to his essay in the summer of 1989. I thought all this
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talk of the end of history and with nonsense from beginning to end, even in this slightly metaphorical
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forms that he later claimed to have stated that we can talk about that later. Because like all ideologues
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resist falsification. They're not empiricists. They say, well, I never meant that. I meant something
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different. It was more metaphorical, more symbolic and so on. But at any rate, I don't think Berlin
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could have predicted this. I don't think Karl Popper, who I didn't know as well, but who I did
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talk with, could have predicted it. I don't think Hayek could have imagined it either. None of these
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20th century liberals could have imagined a situation, which is the one in which we actually
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now live, you and I, in which large institutions in civil society are policing themselves, censoring
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themselves and their members and imposing quite serious, not death, as happened in communist
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countries. They're not firing squads. They're imposing quite serious sanctions on people who
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deviate from a progressive orthodoxy in whatever way is judged. And that, I think, is new. And it's,
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to my mind, I sort of had another footnote, which is, in the 1980s, and I traveled quite a bit in what
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was then communist Europe, so I knew it reasonably well, particularly Poland. And one thing I was
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impressed by there was the courage of the dissidents, because the courage of the dissidents
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didn't just, their situation was much more severe and extreme than that of anyone in these, what I
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think of as the post-liberal societies of the West now. Because in the post-liberal societies of the
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West, what you lose if you lose, what you lose if you lose as much, the most you can lose is your
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own career. And in the former communist countries at the height of, in the 80s or the 70s when I also
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visited, you lost a lot more than your career. What you could lose was your housing, your children's
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education, the medical care for your mother or grandmother. I knew people who all suffered these,
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these, these fates. So that if you decided to continue resisting intellectually, it wasn't just
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you who might suffer. It was the people that you cared about most and, and loved the most. And one of
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the features of the intellectual conformity that reigns in the liberal West or post-liberal West now,
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which I find, uh, what's the correct word? Problematic is a word that people use a lot now,
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is that, uh, the people who do yield to this censorship, this, these threats of cancellation
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are facing actually a much smaller risk than the anti-communist or, or before that the anti-Nazi,
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even smaller dissidents risk. Because it's not only to them, but it was not only to them, but to their
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loved ones. Whereas if you speak out on some issue and violate a progressive orthodoxy now,
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you might lose your career, but your children won't be denied medical treatment. They won't be denied
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university places. So I regard actually the, those who conform to the progressive orthodoxy from
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careerist considerations as more morally culpable, more morally culpable than those who, even though the
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sanctions are much weaker, they're not going to be put in front of a firing squad, but they apply
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only to the persons who, in the West, who violate the progressive codes, not to the family members
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of loved ones. So I regard them as more morally culpable than those that I, I would meet people
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when I traveled. Some of, most of my friends were dissidents, but I'd meet others who'd collaborate,
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collaborate in various ways. But there was often a story behind the collaboration, which I wouldn't
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say justified it, but it certainly made it more intelligible. If you're, if you're, if your old
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grandmother is going into a hospital for an operation and you're told that if you don't
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shut up or if you don't write a particular thing or write a particular thing, then she won't get
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her eye operation. Yeah. You and I are going to fully agree about the, the excesses of, you know,
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progressivism or, um, you know, the new DEI orthodoxy. But, but I think I would, I think I share even the,
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the, the extremity of your concern about it. Although I wouldn't put it quite as categorically as you did
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in terms of the change that has happened. I think you said that, that, that civilism,
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this liberal civilization that you took for granted and that Isaiah Berlin would have assumed would
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have continued simply no longer exists. I would say that it's under threat in, you know, across
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our culture in places that we are, are wise to, you know, lament these changes in. But as you know,
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and as you acknowledge, many of us are pushing back against those changes. And I, and I,
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I do have some sense, I don't know if you doubt this, that the pendulum is in the process of
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swinging back. I mean, especially in the aftermath of the recent college president testimony before
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Congress, after the Hamas's atrocities on October 7th, that was such a, a shocking and embarrassing and
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ludicrously masochistic moment. I agree with all of that. Intellectually and ethically.
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I agree with all of that, but I wonder if it's turning back. I mean, these things have a kind of
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almost semi, once they get ingrained in institutions as procedures and processes that
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carry, it grinds on almost automatically. In Britain, we've had some pushback as well
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on various issues and which have been successful. And yet every single day,
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I don't think the situation is quite as bad here as it is in the United States, but it is pretty bad.
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And yet every single day we hear that the processes of vetting people for their views on
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diversity, equity, inclusion, and so on is going on. I mean, there was a report only yesterday that
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BBC hiring tech procedures include or have included recommendations not to hire people who are what
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is described as dismissive of diversity ideology. Now that's gone on after tremendous amount of
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pushback as this has gone on in various issues, both even within the BBC. I broadcast for the
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BBC still, and I've never had any censorship applied to me. But I've been lucky. If you're
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not as old as I am, I'm moderately well-known. I have various outlets that I write in a left-wing
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magazine, although I'm not from the left. I can survive. I can get by. I can carry on. But if you're
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younger, if you're a budding philosopher, a budding sociologist, a budding historian of ideas,
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try writing something, try publishing. Well, you might write it, but try publishing something
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which goes against the progressive ideology on sex or gender or racism or these other things.
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What will happen will be either it's not published, which is the most likely development. You'll be
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privately warned. I know this from people who've told me this. You'll be privately warned not to do it,
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but if you persist and you submit it to various journals, it probably still won't be published,
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not in the mainstream, front-ranked journals. If it is then published, you'll suffer for it.
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Do you remember the case of this young philosopher? I think her name was Rebecca Tuval. This is now
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six years old. Don't tell me about it, Sam. She was a Canadian professor of philosophy, I think at
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York University. Forgive me, the audience, if some of these details are wrong, but the part that I'm
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sure of is what her indiscretion was and the consequences of it. She published a paper where
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she took the trans issue and set it alongside this infamous case in America of a white woman
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who claimed to identify as black, and she passed as black for some years. She passed so successfully
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that she was running, I think, a local chapter of the NAACP. Oh, I remember this, yes.
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Rachel Dolezal, before she was found out and even outed by her all-too-white parents.
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And so this young philosopher, in a fairly sheepish way, she was not making,
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this was not a right-wing triumphal piece of political criticism. She just said,
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isn't it interesting that on the one hand, someone who changes their gender is lionized
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on the left by progressives as an exemplar of human freedom and diversity, but somebody who
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purports to change their racial identity is vilified as some kind of
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race terrorist, which Rachel Dolezal was, and, and, you know, defenestrated.
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So she just, yeah. And so, but so she just contemplated that juxtaposition and the consequences
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were that even her doctoral committee, she got her degree some years before, but her doctoral
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committee came out of the woodwork to disavow her. And she was just as castigated as you could
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possibly be in academia by everyone in sight. I mean, people who hadn't even read her essay were
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Well, that's very common. I mean, but that illustrates why I think, I mean, I put it in
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what you thought was perhaps a slightly hyperbolic formulation to say that the liberal civilization
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had disappeared. But if I think back to the, I got my doctorate in the 1970s. Before that,
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I started teaching in 1973 at the university of Essex in Britain. By the way, I taught later on
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in Harvard and Yale and went to various, and there were indeed 16 consecutive years in which I spent
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several months of each of those years in America. So I used to know America quite well, but although I
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stopped doing that in the early nineties, but back in the seventies, what you describe this Tuval case
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was not only never happened, it was completely unthinkable. There were at Oxford and at Essex,
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there were liberals of various stripes, Cold War liberals, like myself, as they've later been
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caricatured classical liberals, left-wing liberals, Keynesian liberals. There were also conservatives,
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which ranged from liberal or libertarian conservatives through to reactionary or high
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Tory conservatives. There were Marxists, there were communists, there were anarchists. There was a
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wide variety of almost, mercifully, there were no Nazis, but there were almost everything apart from
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that was represented. And that was taken to be normal. That's the point. The point is that that
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was considered to be a normal state of intellectual life. And it was utterly unthinkable that someone could
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explore a conceptual incoherence, which is, I suppose, what this philosophy you're talking about
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was doing. She was saying, well, why does this logic differ from that logic? What's the reason
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for that? That's all she was saying, or even just asking. She wasn't even saying anything from,
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as you described, just asking the question. It was utterly unthinkable that that would be,
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that would lead to her being publicly denounced or her doctoral committee turning against her.
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It was just beyond this sphere of imagination that would happen. So in that sense, there's been a,
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I mean, I'm in my mid seventies now, so I can remember that, but I can remember this very vividly.
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It was completely unthinkable. And that is a fundamental and radical change.
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And I actually think it's, although there's been some good pushback in various areas,
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it's not easy to, well, I think it's actually impossible to get back to a situation where
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these things are taken for granted, because the very fact that we have to fight for them
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now, and the fact, I know the British situation better than the American situation, that in Britain,
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I think actually only the power of law, in other words, of the state, the power of the state,
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can actually protect these freedoms, freedoms now.
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Well, crucially, you, you lack a bill of rights there, which, yeah, well, I don't think that's
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the solution either. No, no, absolutely not. I mean, it had, because for one thing, even now,
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the situation in America, as I've been able to follow it is worse than it is in many British
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institutions, despite that. And I wouldn't favor it at all, because first of all,
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the bill of rights would be, have to be drafted by someone. Most of the lawyers now are captured by
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these diversity ideas of various kinds. And I'm not one who has, as you know, from my most recent
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book, my principal political influence on my thinking is Hobbes. And my, I mean, constitutions
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come and go. They don't by themselves protect freedom very well. It's one of my differences with
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Hayek, by the way. I mean, Hayek was slightly surprised me in a way that when I got to know
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him, I was interested to talk about his experiences in pre-war. I mean, he was old enough just to,
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no, to have lived in pre-war Vienna and lived then on to the post-war period. He knew Mises,
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of course. He knew Wittgenstein slightly. They famously met on a train when they were both in
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uniform and when they were both still socialists, by the way. And I got to know about his family and
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so on. So I was interested to talk with him. And one of the features of the 30s is that
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he left by the early 30s because he, and Popper, his member, believed that the Nazis were going to
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come to power and that they would do what they had said they would do in many of the worst respects.
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But he could have observed that having a wonderful constitution like that of Weimar,
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Germany, or a wonderful constitution like Stalin's Russia didn't stop anything from happening.
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Law by itself is powerless when it comes up against powerful political forces. And in fact,
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as you probably remember from my book, one of the things I was writing about in Britain
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and in American publications in the 1990s was I thought that constitutionalizing certain basic
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issues in America like abortion would have, I'm pro-choice by the way, that's by the way,
00:24:58.080
but been on record on that for many, many, many, many years. But constitutionalizing that issue
00:25:03.840
would ultimately lead, and I wrote this explicitly in about 1991, to the politicization of the Supreme
00:25:10.640
Court itself. Because if you politicize a freedom which is deeply contested in society, which maybe a
00:25:16.400
quarter of the society regards as an abomination or a third, and another side is another quarter
00:25:22.160
that sees it as an absolutely vital part of human freedom, and in the middle there are various,
00:25:26.960
there's a group which wavers. If you do that, then what that eventually does is it makes the Supreme
00:25:31.760
Court an object of political capture, which has then, in fact, has now happened, although it took 30
00:25:37.520
years to happen. When I said this back in the 90s, people were incredulous because they assumed the
00:25:42.480
American Supreme Court would always be liberal, but there's no reason to assume that.
00:25:46.080
They're all ultimately creatures of political power, and that's where I differ very much from
00:25:52.800
theorists who take their terms of reference from Locke and from rights theory. I think
00:25:58.800
these are all ultimately matters of a political struggle. So I do think, though, in one respect,
00:26:05.200
I don't favor a Bill of Rights in Britain, but we might actually benefit from having legislation in
00:26:11.760
parliament which would establish a right to freedom of expression. And that's partly been done in a way
00:26:16.720
because the present government, which will soon be out of power, but anyway, the present government
00:26:20.320
has brought in a legislation which enables people whose freedom of speech has been curbed on campus
00:26:26.800
to get legal remedies for that. And I do support that. In other words, I support legislation.
00:26:33.360
It's legislation, you see. In other words, it's not an embedded right which then transcends change.
00:26:40.080
It can be altered. But while it's in force, it gives people some remedy. But let me add something to
00:26:46.560
that which is very crucial. The beneficiaries of such legislation are the people who have the courage
00:26:52.720
and the independence of mind to speak against the orthodoxy. It helps them. If they speak and are then
00:26:58.720
punished, they can sue, which is good. But it doesn't change the incentive structures of the profession.
00:27:04.800
The incentive structures of the profession are the ones I described earlier, which is that if you're
00:27:09.200
a young scholar in some humanities or social science discipline or even sometimes scientific
00:27:15.280
disciplines going in early and you choose to take an unorthodox stance or to investigate an unorthodox
00:27:22.560
point of view or worse, still, defend it, then your career will probably never start. Or if it does
00:27:27.280
start, it'll be quickly blocked. And that, I think, can't be changed by law alone or by rights.
00:27:33.920
Well, listen, I want to perhaps circle back to politics and the career of liberalism,
00:27:41.360
such as you see it. But I think there's an underlying claim that runs through much of your work,
00:27:46.960
certainly all of the books I've mentioned, wherein you seem quite pessimistic about the progress of
00:27:55.440
reason and really about the very idea of progress itself. What is your argument against progress? I mean,
00:28:02.240
you essentially consider it an illusion of sorts, and it's an illusion that has many guises. I mean,
00:28:08.160
you, concepts like humanism and the very concept of treating humanity as a whole come under a fairly
00:28:15.360
rough treatment by you. So how do you view the assumption of progress? Again, from people like me,
00:28:21.840
I mean, perhaps most poignantly, somebody like Steven Pinker is, you know, I think he's often misunderstood
00:28:29.360
for being, you know, far more Pollyannish than he in fact is. But what's your case against
00:28:37.120
assumptions of progress in the very concept? Well, I should say, in practice, I'm very rarely
00:28:42.400
pessimistic enough. We might have differed on this at the time, but when I started writing against the
00:28:50.320
Iraq War before the Americans arrived in Iraq, I started to write about a year before, and I wrote a
00:28:57.120
a piece in the new states about a month before the war began. And I said, what will, I think this
00:29:01.920
will, what will happen is a disintegration of the Iraqi state into various bits. Some neighboring
00:29:08.800
powers like Iran will become stronger. That was kind of one of the predictable consequences of the Iraq
00:29:14.240
War. But even I wasn't, and I said it could be like Chechnya. I said this, the article, if anybody wants
00:29:20.160
to read it, they can read it in my, I republished it and I'll did in my book, collected essays called
00:29:25.600
Grey's Anatomy. And I said, it could be as bad as Chechnya, where terrible slaughter, terrible ethnic
00:29:31.680
and sectarian murder and torture and rape and so on. But it was actually much worse because what I
00:29:36.240
didn't anticipate was the full horror of the emergence of ISIS. And I didn't anticipate what
00:29:42.080
would happen to the Yazidi, which was an attempted genocide. It was much worse. So in practice,
00:29:47.680
I'm hardly ever as pessimistic as events really weren't. But let me answer your question more
00:29:52.640
programmatically. I've always made a sharp distinction between progress in ethics and
00:29:57.520
politics, or if you like, in civilization on the one hand, and progress in science and technology
00:30:03.920
on the other hand. And one of my constant refrains over the last 20 or 30 years has been that the two
00:30:11.920
are not closely connected and that there can be considerable progress in science and technology,
00:30:19.440
which is used for barbarous and uncivilized ends. But the key difference between the two is that
00:30:25.440
progress in science and technology is normally cumulative. That's to say, when a new technology
00:30:31.840
or certainly a new scientific theory comes along, everything that was known before isn't lost or found
00:30:37.600
to be false. The truths that were discovered earlier on or the valid theories that were formulated are
00:30:43.600
carried on and incorporated into something bigger or which explains more. And so progress isn't just
00:30:49.840
advance. There's advance in ethics and politics as well. Europe in 1990 was a much better place than
00:30:57.360
Europe in 1940, to take a rather obvious example. But advances in politics and in ethics, I hold,
00:31:04.640
and I must say, having lived as long as I do, this has prepared me for many things, nearly all was lost
00:31:11.440
over a period of a generation or so. There's some kind of built-in moral entropy, ethical and political
00:31:17.040
entropy, whereby what has been achieved, good things that have been achieved, are lost. And evils which
00:31:24.880
were thought to have retreated, not abolished perhaps, come back with all their venom. I mean,
00:31:30.400
this is what one of the reasons I constantly attacked Dawkins and others for this theory of
00:31:35.600
memes. I said, well, whether or not there are memes or there can be theoretical entities called
00:31:40.640
memes. If memes compete in a Darwinian fashion, then I predict that the most successful, the fittest
00:31:47.040
memes will be the worst ethically and culturally and politically. And I think that's been demonstrated
00:31:53.360
by the way that the anti-Semitic meme has revived in recent years and even in recent months, extremely
00:32:01.040
virulently, because it appeals to hatreds and prejudices and bigotries that were there before,
00:32:09.040
but it can spread very rapidly. In other words, if there is Darwinian competition among memes,
00:32:15.280
if there are such things as memes and there is a Darwinian competition, then the fittest will not be
00:32:19.520
the best or the most rational or the most humane. They'll normally be simply the most virulent,
00:32:24.960
which normally is the worst, ethically speaking. I mean, what we've returned to, for example,
00:32:30.160
now in the case of anti-Semitism is the political anti-Semitism of Russia in the 1890s and Europe in
00:32:35.840
the 1930s. But rather than coming from the nationalist or fascist right, as it did in Russia in the 1890s or in
00:32:45.120
Europe in the 1930s, it now comes from progressive liberalism itself. That's the vehicle for this
00:32:51.600
meme, this extremely virulent, hardy, resilient, and almost all-conquering meme that keeps re-emerging.
00:33:00.080
So that sort of illustrates. I draw a sharp contrast between progress, which means cumulative
00:33:06.720
advance, in which what is achieved in one generation isn't completely lost in the next.
00:33:11.760
In science and technology, that's normal. And ethics and politics, where the loss
00:33:16.480
of what's been achieved in the previous generation or two is normal. I'll give you a different example,
00:33:24.240
which might make it a bit clearer. You know, when I read techno-optimists, they say things like,
00:33:29.840
humanity master technology, we will use it for these purposes. We will eliminate diseases. We will do
00:33:36.480
all these good things and extend human longevity. Well, no doubt that will happen to some extent,
00:33:40.960
but they're invoking, and you mentioned this parenthetically, they're invoking
00:33:46.080
a collective agent that doesn't exist. Humanity or humankind or the human animal,
00:33:50.560
it's a biological species or category. It doesn't act any more than lions or tigers act. What there is,
00:33:55.920
is simply the multitudinous human animal with different purposes and goals. And to give an example now,
00:34:03.200
the immense progress in technology that has occurred in the last five or ten years, shall we say,
00:34:10.000
has put what remains of the liberal West at a disadvantage in its conflict with groups like the
00:34:17.520
Houthis and also with Russia in that the spread of technology, the diffusion of technology, the
00:34:25.360
development of new and especially cheaper and more effective technologies has produced generations,
00:34:32.000
new generations of drones, which are hundreds or even thousands of times cheaper than the missiles in
00:34:38.480
which the West has invested so much and which now can be used in huge numbers at low cost in the Red
00:34:46.000
Sea and in Ukraine, often Iranian produced. Now, what does that mean? What it means is that these new
00:34:53.920
technologies- Just to put a finer point on this example, which I love, is that I remember being
00:34:58.880
at the TED conference, which is, as you probably know, a kind of mecca for techno-optimism, when drones were,
00:35:06.960
I think, probably for the, you know, virtually the first time revealed to be, you know, in production. I
00:35:15.680
mean, there was a TED talk where, you know, one of these, I think, pioneers in drone technology, you know,
00:35:21.840
flew a drone out over the audience in the auditorium and then showed video of dozens of drones, you know,
00:35:30.720
flying in, in formation together. And I forget, this had to be at least 10 years ago. Yeah, that's it.
00:35:37.040
And, um, it really was, you know, drones were nowhere until, you know, they were overhead at the
00:35:42.640
TED conference, in my experience. Right about the same time though, Sam, I think you're absolutely
00:35:47.360
right about the dating, about the same time in a meeting in Switzerland, I, there were little tiny
00:35:52.720
drones, but they fluttered above us in the, in the, in the audience. So they were, they were just catching on
00:35:57.600
then, I think. Yeah. But it was just amazing in that context. This was just unveiled as a pure
00:36:04.480
moment of, you know, technological fun more than anything, but the, the obvious military applications
00:36:10.240
were, were never considered, you know, it's just several of us in the audience had a fairly ominous
00:36:16.080
feeling about what we were watching. Well, you're absolutely right because it's now come true. And,
00:36:20.640
and of course, um, so that, that sort of illustrates one of my points, which is that as new technologies
00:36:25.840
or more broadly speaking, knowledge spreads as they spread throughout the world, the spread
00:36:31.200
of knowledge does not make human beings more rational or more reasonable. It does, does not
00:36:36.400
tend to produce in them the same goals or values. They use the knowledge that is being disseminated
00:36:42.640
and the new technologies to pursue whatever goals and values they have, which may be barbarous.
00:36:48.240
I mean, after all, the, the Houthis have reinstituted slavery. They, uh, they're exceedingly misogynist and,
00:36:54.400
um, uh, and homophobic. Uh, this doesn't prevent them being, uh, their success is being welcomed by in,
00:37:02.400
in the West by progressive liberal crowds, uh, and demonstrations, but, um, uh, they, they haven't,
00:37:10.960
they haven't changed their values, the Houthis, from when they were formed, uh, when they emerged as an
00:37:17.200
Islamist, um, group, uh, sometimes met some years ago, they haven't changed them. They're using these
00:37:22.560
new technologies and others that will follow them to enact and advance their values and their goals,
00:37:29.840
which they've been very explicit about what they are. They haven't beaten about the bush. They haven't,
00:37:34.880
uh, obfuscated or, uh, uh, obscured them in any way. They, they, they know what they want,
00:37:40.720
the destruction of Israel, the universal campaign against the Jews, the attacks on liberal democracy,
00:37:45.520
the whole thing. So, um, so that's sort of, that's my reasoning, uh, on this, on this basis,
00:37:52.560
which is that, um, at least over the last few hundred years, technology, technology, science
00:37:58.000
and technology has been a, an exponential process, let's put it like that, in which what is gained in
00:38:04.000
one generation, uh, is expanded upon or magnified in the next generation. But the ethical and political
00:38:12.480
life isn't like that. Uh, it's almost the opposite. What has gained in one generation is almost always
00:38:18.880
lost two or three generations later, and often in the, in the following generation. And what, I mean,
00:38:23.680
I, one of my, my original sort of discipline, if you like, was that of Isaiah Boleyn, which was really,
00:38:29.360
um, partly a philosopher, but a historian of ideas. And if you study the history, the ideas before the
00:38:35.440
First World War, apart from a few dissidents, uh, the assumption was pretty well universal that the
00:38:44.800
basic structure of European society and civilization would persist and indeed grow and improve. And in
00:38:55.600
fact, there's a wonderful book, I don't know if you've ever read it, uh, or your, or your listeners
00:38:59.360
have by Zweig, the, um, called the world, the world of yesterday, fantastic book. Yeah. And there's a,
00:39:06.320
oh yeah, just wonderful. And there's a chapter in it called, I think the world of security and which
00:39:10.480
he describes growing up in the, in the Habsburg empire. And that was a world of security. Everybody
00:39:15.440
took for granted and, uh, money meant what it meant. There was a rule of law. There was some,
00:39:21.360
there were blemishes, there was antisemitism in, um, Vienna and other parts of the empire. There were
00:39:27.040
the nascent forms of ethnic nationalism, but basically it was a, it was a highly civilized
00:39:32.320
empire and also a very modern one, interestingly as well, until the First World War. And then in
00:39:38.640
the First World War, that whole bourgeois Europe was irrevocably shattered. And after it came ethnic
00:39:46.160
nationalism and narcissism, and of course, communism as well. Uh, and an interesting thing then, by the way.
00:39:52.320
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