#376 — How Democracies Fail
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Length
1 hour and 7 minutes
Words per Minute
176.83926
Summary
Ann Applebaum joins me to discuss her new book, Autocracy Inc., and to talk about why we should all be worried about the possibility of a second Trump term, and why that s a good thing. She also talks about why she thinks that a second term for Donald Trump is possible, and what that means for the prospects of a Trump second term. And she talks about what it s like to be a staff writer at The Atlantic, where she focuses on one of the great looming questions of our time: how democracies can fail. Thanks to our sponsor, Sam Harris, for sponsoring the podcast. We don t run ads on the podcast and therefore, therefore, it s made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers, who are making possible what we re doing here. Please consider becoming a supporter of the podcast by becoming a subscriber. You ll get access to all the latest episodes of The Making Sense Podcast, and access to our scholarship program, where we offer free accounts to anyone who can t afford a full scholarship. This is a great program, and we hope you enjoy what we're doing here, and that you re making sense of what we are doing here and want to become a supporter. Thank you for listening to the podcast, and for supporting the podcast! Sam Harris and her team to help us make sense of the things we re trying to do here and in the process of making sense here and across the world. Thanks for listening, and making sense everywhere. - make sense everywhere and everywhere! Timestamps: 1) 2) 3) What s the world? 4) What are you're listening to? 5) Who are you listening to us? 6) What do you want to run the podcast? 7) What would you like to hear from me? 8) How do you think about the future of democracy? 9) Do you have a plan for the podcast in the future? 10) What's your thoughts on it? ? 11) What does it mean? 12) How would you want me to do better? 13) What is your answer to that? 14) What kind of thing? 15) 16) Is it's a good idea? 17) How does it sound like a better idea of what you're going to do? And so on and so forth? ) And so much more?
Transcript
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Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast. This is Sam Harris. Just a note to say that if
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Today I'm speaking with Ann Appelbaum. Ann was a columnist for the Washington Post for 17 years,
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and now she's been a staff writer at The Atlantic since 2020. She's the author of five critically
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acclaimed books, Twilight of Democracy, Red Famine, Iron Curtain, Between East and West,
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and Gulag, for which she won the Pulitzer Prize. She divides her time between Poland,
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where her husband is foreign minister, and Washington, D.C. And her newest book,
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out this coming Tuesday, but available for pre-order now, is Autocracy, Inc. I do recommend
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that you order the book now. It's quite good, and not too long a read, very accessible. As many of
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you know, Ann is one of the most knowledgeable people about autocracy, and with a specific focus
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on Eastern Europe and Russia. She's also an expert on propaganda, and on one of the great looming
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questions of our time, which is how democracies can fail, which is the topic of today's conversation.
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We discuss the nature of modern autocracies and the vulnerabilities of democracies.
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We discuss the power of ideas, why autocracies seek to undermine democracies, cooperation among
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dictators, how Western financial experts and investors have enabled autocracies, how Putin came
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to power, the failure of engagement and investment to create political change, what's at stake in the
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war in Ukraine. And then we pivot to the question at hand, certainly for Americans, which is Trump
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and the prospects of a second Trump term. We talk about Trump's charisma, the current symptoms of American
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democratic decline, the ideologues around Trump, the hollowing out of institutions, how things might
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unravel in America during a second Trump term, anti-liberal tendencies in American politics,
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the role of social media, the very different pathologies on the right and the left, analogies to
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Vichy France, the weakness of the Democratic Party, the political effects of the assassination attempt on
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Trump and other topics. And now I bring you Ann Applebaum.
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I am here with Ann Applebaum. Ann, thanks for joining me again.
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So, remind people, I mean, you've been on the podcast before, I think it's probably been about a year and a half
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or so since we spoke, but, and I will obviously introduce you properly, but remind people of the
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types of topics you spend your time focusing on.
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So, I'm both a historian and a journalist. I've written several history books all about the history
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of mostly of the Soviet Union and of communism in Eastern Europe. They were focused on what autocracy
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is, how dictatorship works, why people go along with it. And more recently, my journalism
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focuses on democracy and maybe how democracy declines. I see a connection between what I do
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now and what I did then, but I, it's not a happy one.
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Yeah. And you also have a special focus on propaganda as well, if I'm not mistaken.
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Yep. I write about propaganda and that also comes out of my interest in history of propaganda,
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Soviet propaganda, how it worked, why it was effective, which it sometimes was.
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Right. Well, unfortunately, there doesn't seem to be much for you to work on now. I think you must
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As someone said to me recently, there's no news right now, really, is there? Nothing to think about.
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It's quite incredible. You know, it's often heard that one wonders, one worries, you know, where the
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adults are in the room, you know, one hopes they're in there. And you are always someone who I think
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about on my short list of people who are one of the adults. And that's also in evidence in your new
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book, which is Autocracy, Inc., The Dictators Who Want to Run the World. Let's start with your book
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and talk about the, just the phenomenon of autocracy, generally, in its modern variants and
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the tension between it and democracy. And then, you know, all of this is, you know, for my purposes,
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is going to take us to a discussion of American politics and the prospect of a second Trump term,
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which is looming larger than ever at this point. Perhaps you can just lay out the thesis in your
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book about the sort of the modern variants of autocracy. And we can talk a little bit about
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what we take for granted in democracy and how we haven't given enough thought to the fact that
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democracies actually need to be maintained and they can sometimes fail. And I mean, this is just
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something where, you know, we're fish swimming in water, you know, and the water has always been
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fairly tepid, at least in the span of anyone's normal lifespan. And so we're not really alert to
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just how fully things can change. Let's talk about that.
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No, I think we're not fully alert to how things can change and also how fast they can change.
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But let me start with the beginning of your question, which is what my book is about.
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The book describes not an autocracy, but really a network. It's not an alliance. It's not really even
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an axis. There isn't a secret room where bad guys get together and make decisions. It's rather a
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group of dictatorships who share some things in common. And I'm talking about Russia, China, Iran,
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North Korea, and a handful of other smaller ones, Belarus, Venezuela, Zimbabwe, maybe Azerbaijan.
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Others join for some issues and not for others. And these are all, they don't have anything in
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common ideologically. There's no ideological link between theocratic Iran and communist China and
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Bolivarian socialist Venezuela or nationalist Russia. But they have some common interests. And one of
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their big common interests, and this is one of the things that distinguishes them from 20th century
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dictators, or at least the biggest and most famous ones, is they're very interested in money. They have a lot
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of money. The people who run these countries, their families have a lot of money. They're interested
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in protecting the money. They hide the money. They use Western institutions, financial institutions to do
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that and have been doing so for a couple of decades now. They're also very interested in us, by which I
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mean you, me, and probably everyone listening to this podcast. They're interested in pushing back
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against the ideas and ideals of liberal democracy and undermining them. Mostly, again, for the purposes
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of their own power and their own domestic interests. Their own opponents use that language, whether it's
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the Navalny movement in Russia, which is focused on transparency and anti-corruption, or the women's
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movement in Iran, which is focused on really very basic rights, women's rights to make decisions about
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how they look and what they wear, how they live. Or the opposition in Venezuela, which wants to return
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Venezuela to the democracy that it enjoyed for many decades. And the leaders of those countries know
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that the language of liberal democracy is inspiring to their opponents. And so they've, over a couple of
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decades, have sought to find ways to undermine it. And more recently, they concluded, again, I don't think
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this was a group decision. It's just something that you can see them all doing. They've decided that
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part of that has to be to undermine us. In other words, to discredit liberal democracy in its homes,
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you know, whether it's in Europe or whether it's in the U.S. or whether it's in some of the Asian
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democracies. And they've contributed in various ways, some of which we know about and have known about for
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a long time, to social media campaigns. They fund or support in other ways, far-right movements,
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occasionally far-left movements, which also fight against liberal democracy or seek to undermine it.
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And that's the essence and the basis of their foreign policy. I mean, it's really,
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it's key to who they are and what they do. And we have, because the Western world, and especially
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Americans, tend to look at the world in categories. You know, we talk about, we have Latin American
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experts, and we have Africa experts, and we have Middle Eastern experts. It's very rare for people
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to look at how they see the world. And they don't see the world parceled into geographic divisions.
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They see the world as, you know, there's a battle they're fighting. It's against the people who use
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the language that threatens them and their particular form of oligarchic and kleptocratic power.
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And they're willing to push back against them in all kinds of ways, with propaganda,
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economically, and more recently, militarily as well.
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Yeah. So one thing you're describing there is the unavoidable power of ideas, right? So you have
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ideas about individual rights and transparency of institutions and the accountability of the
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government to its people and, you know, the rule of law, justice, right? And those ideas are
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contagious, and autocracies recognize this. And this answers, you know, several questions we might
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have if we thought about it. I mean, you might ask, well, why does a country like Russia even bother to
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have elections? Why does it pretend to be a democracy? I mean, and, you know, what I gather
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from reading your book is that this is, it's still important to seem to be compliant with the norms that
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are kind of seeping into everyone's consciousness. I mean, I guess there are societies that control
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this better than others. I mean, China is probably more locked down than most at this point. But still,
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there's this, they're quite alert to the threat posed by the contagious ideas of liberalism. And I think
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this goes all the way back to Mussolini, who is reported to have said that between democracy and
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totalitarianism, there can be no compromise. I remember Orwell writing during the war, he was saying that
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it could seem a bit of a mystery why Hitler felt the need to attack England. I mean, why couldn't
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Hitler just take over Europe and let England be England over there intact? But from his point of
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view, Hitler, even a successful Third Reich spanning all of Europe and perhaps North Africa, couldn't
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afford to have England be the funnel, I think he said, the funnel through which deadly ideas
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from beyond the Atlantic flow into the police states of Europe, right? So there's this contagion
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problem. But it does seem somewhat mysterious, because it seems like, at least for the better
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part of a generation, you'd think some of these societies could just simply not care what is
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happening outside their borders and just lock everything down.
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The trouble that they have is that the instinctive reaction to dictatorship, even among people who've
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never lived in a democracy or never experienced it or never read John Locke or the U.S. Constitution,
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the instinctive reaction to people who don't have rights is to demand rights. You know, the
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instinctive reaction, you know, in China, at the very end of the COVID lockdown, you had these spontaneous
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demonstrations led by very young people who were much too young to remember Tiananmen Square,
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you know, the democracy movements of the past, who probably had very little contact with the
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Western world. And yet the language they leapt to almost immediately was the language about free
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speech. Why can't we say what we want? You know, why can't we make the decisions that we want? Because
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they, because that's the, that's the natural reaction. Recently, I've been reading a lot about
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the colonial period in the United States. And some of what they came to, I mean, some of their ideas
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about how the United States should work and how the Constitution should be written also came just from
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this experience of bumping up against dictatorship. You know, it was unfair that the king appointed judges
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and could also dismiss judges and, you know, judges should be independent. And some of them got that
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idea from Montesquieu or they read it in a book, but a lot of people understood it instinctively.
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And that's, I think, you're exactly right when you talk about the power of ideas. And you're also right
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to look back at history because the idea that democracy is dangerous to dictatorships is, is very
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old. I mean, you can go even a little bit before Mussolini. Lenin used to talk about bourgeois
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democracy and he spent a lot of time talking about how it's fake. You know, it's, it's not real. It's not
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real democracy. It doesn't bring power to the workers. It's, it's based on false consciousness or the, or
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the, the political parties aren't real parties. Some of which language, by the way, you can hear today. I mean,
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you can hear it coming from, coming from modern Russia or you can hear it even sometimes coming from our
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own far right. So the, that, that's been a, that, that's been a part of the language of autocracy also from the
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beginning. And your point about the Hitler in England also has a modern version. So why did Russia invade
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Ukraine? There are some reasons that, you know, there is a, Putin has some imperial idea in his
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head. He's very grandiose. He imagines putting the Soviet Union back together. But the other reason
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was that the Ukrainians had made a choice a decade earlier in 2014 to evict their corrupt president who
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was undermining their political system and changing their institutions and to replace him with
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democratically elected presidents and with a more free and open system. And they, they had
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demonstrations where they waved posters calling for an end to corruption and more transparency and the
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rule of law. And Putin saw that and he thought if Ukraine succeeds, if Ukraine becomes a successful
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democracy, then why wouldn't someone try it in Russia? Countries are very similar. They have lots
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of, lots of intermarriage. Lots of Russians know Ukraine, have been to Ukraine. The Ukrainians could
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become a successful modern European democracy. Then surely someone would want Russia to be the same.
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And of course he, he had to strike back at that because that would undermine his own kleptocratic
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oligarchic system in which he sits on top of a kind of spider web, you know, a hierarchy of,
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of, of, of dependent, codependent business people and security institutions. So the, the, it's exactly
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the power of democracy and the success that democracy has had winning converts, even in places where it's
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never existed before, that has inspired this new level of autocratic activism and this new desire,
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even for autocratic states to help one another. You know, why does Russia support the Belarusian
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dictator? Well, because they don't want him to fall because that would be bad for, that would,
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would make Putin look bad. What, but why do Russia and China and Iran, which has really, it lives in,
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it lives in a completely different part of the planet. Uh, why do they support Venezuela? Why do
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they help keep the Venezuelan dictatorship together? And again, that's because every time a dictator
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falls or every time a tyrant is defeated or every time a civic movement wins, that makes them nervous.
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And it's funny because of course, in the, in the home of democracy, in the home of those ideas,
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United States, Europe, a few other countries, those ideas are less and less powerful. We don't
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appreciate them, but they are very much appreciated by people who live without them.
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Yeah. As you point out in the book, the, the contagion of ideas goes both ways of what we'll
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get to the, the way in which Kremlin talking points seem to magically come out of the mouths of
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not just Trump himself, but, uh, you know, big tech investors who are now his, his most potent
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enablers. I would just, I will come back to Ukraine. Maybe the one point you, you quote the,
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the Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov in the book, who said that the, it's a battle over the,
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what, what the world order will look like. It's not just about Ukraine. It's about, you know,
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who wins in the end over a much larger chessboard. But let's return to that. I think Ukraine will be
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a bridge to talking about Trump and certainly his, his vice presidential pick J.D. Vance and
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what the implications are there. But it is in your book, you make it clear that Western democracy is
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despite their, despite having the moral high ground politically. And, you know, we were, we're
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definitely, you know, we're on the side of democracy in this conversation. We nevertheless still have a
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lot to answer for in how we have enabled these modern autocracies slash kleptocracies, right?
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I mean, we, you spend a fair amount of time showing how our own financial experts and investors and
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just the system we've built to build and, and maintain wealth in the West has not just been
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gamed by these autocracies, but we, we really have just offered our services with, you know,
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both hands and there's a fair amount of opprobrium to spread around on that point. What, what have
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we done? I mean, I guess to sharpen this up, I'll just tell you about my, my recent walk through
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Mayfair in London, which has to be, if not the most, certainly one of the most lavishly wealthy
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neighborhoods in any city on earth. I mean, it's just incredible. I mean, the, and I spend a lot
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of time in, in nice places, but the sense of wealth that is oozing out of those buildings is
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just extraordinary. Would I be right in thinking that some of this effect is due to the expropriated
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wealth from some countries where people are not quite enjoying life as it is in Mayfair?
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You would be very right. I have a friend actually who wants, she was doing research for a book. I'm not
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sure she ever wrote it, but it was about one particular street in Mayfair. And she wanted
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to go house by house and look at who owned them or who might own them. Because in many cases,
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those houses are owned by anonymous companies. They're owned by shell companies, or it's not
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clear who the beneficial owner is. And many often you'll, they're empty. I mean, they, they may or may
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not actually be used by anybody there. They function as sort of Swiss bank accounts. I mean,
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they're a place for storing money. But yeah, in the book, I, I, I went back to a story that's
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pretty well known among Russia watchers, but I don't know that it's generally known, which
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is about how Putin came to power. And he, he began as the deputy mayor of St. Petersburg.
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Some people might remember that. And in that era, he began stealing and he originally stole
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from the city. He, again, details are in the book, took the money out of the country, sent it
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abroad, where it was laundered. It was then slowly brought back into the country where it was used
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to acquire things, property, buildings, companies. And it wasn't just him doing this. Of course,
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it was a whole group of people, his, his colleagues. And they did this with the absolutely full knowledge
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and assistance of Western bankers, Western accountants, the Frankfurt Stock Exchange,
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in some cases, Western governments. Many people knew that this was how he, wasn't just him, of course,
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how he was getting rich and how others in Russia at that time were getting rich. And many people were
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happy to help them because, you know, you could make money. And there was an idea at that time,
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this is the 1990s, that business with autocratic states, not only is it politically acceptable,
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but it might even be good because engagement with, with the, with the former totalitarian or former,
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you know, the former Soviet world or in China, the former Chinese communist world was a way of
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ensuring that they were integrated into the world economy. Maybe it would help open them up. Maybe it
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would spread ideas. Maybe our ideas would spread to them. And there was even a period when a lot of
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people in Russia and also in China also wanted this to be true. And there was a, much of the opening in
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that period, I mean, I think there was some goodwill on both sides. I'm not saying that everybody
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involved was corrupt, but it was pretty clear, again, pretty early that people like Putin were
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going to take advantage of this situation and in particular take advantage of the breakdown of their
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country's state. I mean, the breakup of the Russian state and the sell-off of,
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of its property to, to individuals. And we're going to use the Western financial system to
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make themselves not just rich, but spectacularly rich. You know, think how wealthy the Russian
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oligarchs, the Russian billionaires became in a very short period of time. And they didn't become
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wealthy by inventing a better mousetrap or, you know, raising themselves up by their bootstraps and
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climbing up, you know, the economy or by working hard. They became wealthy because they stole assets from the
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state, you know, or they acquired them very cheaply in some corrupt way. And in effect, they were
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stealing from ordinary Russians because who owned the state assets? I mean, everybody owned them.
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I mean, there, there's, there, of course, are forms of privatization that are legitimate. You know,
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there can be a sell-off of state companies. Everybody has a chance to participate. It's done in order to
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benefit the treasury. This is how British privatization was done in the Thatcher era. But that's not what
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happened in Russia. What happened in Russia was that, in effect, the assets were stolen. Ordinary
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people didn't benefit. The state was impoverished. And instead, a few people became billionaires or
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multi-billionaires. And as I said, the West cooperated, assisted, served as accountants and
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lawyers, eventually served, I mean, almost literally as butlers. I mean, selling houses to the Russians in
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London, helping them buy yachts, explaining to them what art they needed to buy. You know, there became
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industries grew up around them. And I'm picking on the Russians, but actually, you could make it, you
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could, you could describe that of other places. There are leaders in Africa, in Asia, in Latin America,
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who have become rich in the same way or in similar ways. And the international financial system enabled
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this new form of corruption. It's in, also in the book, I talk about how corruption works in other
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places. And I, I picked on Zimbabwe, maybe unfairly, because there are many countries I could have
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chosen. But it's a country where there had been corruption in the past. And it was kind of
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traditional corruption. You know, there were, you know, bosses who, who, who, you know, you had to pay
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people or you had to bribe people in order to get anything done. And there were, there was a,
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there was a political party that effectively operated as a, as a one party system. And there
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was corruption around that. That's not how corruption works in Zimbabwe anymore. And now
00:24:03.020
it's about large amounts of money being taken out of the country, gold being stolen, money being
00:24:09.400
laundered and put into foreign banks. There's a, there's a new level. And that's true of almost
00:24:14.300
every dictatorship and indeed many democracies on the planet. And in one of my conclusions is that
00:24:21.160
one of the ways to fight these new regimes is to clean up our own act. I mean, why do there need
00:24:28.000
to be any anonymous companies for any reason? I mean, I know there are some business arguments,
00:24:32.720
but they're pretty weak when you, when you look at them. You know, why, why is it legal to hide your
00:24:37.800
money, hide billions and billions of dollars in tax havens? That's done by people who need to do so
00:24:43.040
either because they're hiding from the tax authorities or because the money's stolen. You know,
00:24:49.380
so that we've, we've created these systems and, and these are man-made systems. There's nothing
00:24:54.160
natural or automatic about them and we could uncreate them. And if we uncreated them or to be
00:25:01.120
more grammatical, if we abolish them, um, then we would at least cut off that, that part of,
00:25:07.020
you know, the, the ability of those regimes to do that.
00:25:09.280
Right. Right. So, yeah, so it, it, it wasn't just all venality and, uh, avarice. It was,
00:25:18.300
there, there was this notion. I mean, it seemed plausible at the time. I mean, I don't know if
00:25:22.440
it was first birthed in the brain of president Clinton that, um, I mean, it really follows
00:25:27.880
directly from the, the point we made earlier about the power of ideas. I mean, engagement seems
00:25:32.920
intrinsically good. I mean, how could China and Russia withstand both barrels of our abundance,
00:25:40.100
uh, of ideas and our abundance and our material abundance, uh, aimed at them decade after decade?
00:25:47.660
You know, how could they not want to moderate their politics in the face of all those good things?
00:25:52.600
Well, to, to be clear, many of them did. So many Russians did in the nineties. I knew many Russians who
00:25:57.800
did. Many Chinese did as well, but there is a, it is really interesting when you go back and you
00:26:03.680
listen and read what people were saying at this time, this is the early 1990s, whether it was
00:26:08.480
Bill Clinton, whether it was the Germans who were, who were great fervent believers in the power of,
00:26:14.560
of economic investment to, to create political change. There is an enormous amount of optimism
00:26:21.080
and faith that our ideas are so much better and our ideas are so persuasive and, and, and openness
00:26:29.660
is so attractive that this will defeat whatever remains of the Soviet system or whatever remains
00:26:36.900
of the Chinese communist system. And, and there won't even be a contest. I mean, it will be, I mean,
00:26:42.460
and, and, and, and there won't even be pushback. It was very, it was so optimistic and there's a,
00:26:47.120
and there's a version of it, which also involves technology and the internet. There's, there's a
00:26:52.320
famous speech that Bill Clinton gave right about the time he was arguing that China should be accepted
00:26:57.920
in the W, into the WTO, the World Trade Organization. And he talks about, ha ha ha, the Chinese will never
00:27:04.620
be able to control the internet. That's like nailing jello to the wall. And he makes this speech in a
00:27:10.080
room full of foreign policy scholars at Johns Hopkins, which is an institution I'm very fond of,
00:27:15.140
at the school of international advanced international studies. And everybody laughs and claps. And of
00:27:22.300
course he was wrong. And almost, almost even at the time he was saying that the Chinese were already
00:27:27.640
beginning to control the internet and already beginning to think about how, you know, how they
00:27:33.820
were going to put up what became known as the firewall, the, the, the, the, the many different kinds of
00:27:38.540
controls on what people can say. But, but the optimism of that moment, I think blinded us both to the
00:27:44.560
possibilities that the internet had of, of, of being used as a tool of control. And also to the
00:27:50.560
possibility that if we weren't careful in the way that we invested in Russia or China or dictatorships
00:27:58.160
in Africa or elsewhere, that we would, we would empower the dictators and we would, we would give
00:28:04.720
wealth to, we would allow the, the, the, the political leaders to become wealthy at the expense of
00:28:10.240
others. And I, it was, it was, it was a very optimistic moment and we overshot.
00:28:16.240
Hmm. I want to turn toward Trump and Trumpism and American politics, but I think let's cross the
00:28:24.980
bridge of the war in Ukraine to get there. As I said before, you know, his pick of JD Vance as the
00:28:31.080
vice presidential candidate seems to telegraph an intention to pull us support. I don't know how much
00:28:38.120
we can read into it, but Vance at this point is famous for saying that he, he simply doesn't care
00:28:41.820
about what happens to Ukraine. And Trump has been, um, we'll talk about the degree to which
00:28:47.480
his entanglement with Russia is still mysterious. And, uh, you know, while any interest in it is,
00:28:53.060
is now much maligned right of center as just, you know, more Russia gate conspiracy thinking,
00:28:58.580
the man has had a, a spectacular amount of exposure to, uh, Russian influence in all kinds of ways.
00:29:05.320
And it's at a minimum strange, but let's talk about Ukraine before we get there. Why should
00:29:12.820
Americans care about what happens there? I mean, I think this is really that like, this is the level
00:29:17.500
at which American politics needs to hear the question answered because it's very easy in the
00:29:24.020
current environment to say, I mean, a phrase like the, you know, the rules-based international order,
00:29:28.320
I think means nothing. You should probably give your definition of it because, you know,
00:29:32.280
to the man on the street, that is not something they are thinking about. And with a great ocean
00:29:37.780
on either side of us, most Americans don't really think we have much of a stake in what happens over
00:29:44.600
there. And over there is pretty much all of, all of the world apart from what's in our borders.
00:29:50.780
Uh, so what, what is, what's at stake in Ukraine?
00:29:53.720
So first of all, look at why Putin invaded Ukraine. I, I spoke about it a little bit
00:29:59.260
already. It was because Ukraine represented a, a pro, an ideological problem for him because
00:30:05.440
it was a democracy, but there was another aspect to it as well. He invaded Ukraine in the manner
00:30:12.060
that he did, which meant occupying territory, setting up concentration camps, kidnapping children,
00:30:18.380
changing their identities, using really a level of cruelty nobody has seen in Europe since the
00:30:24.660
second world war. What he, he did that partly to say, I don't care about your rules. I don't care
00:30:32.980
about how you think the world should be run. I don't care about the UN charter, which says that
00:30:38.800
large countries shouldn't invade small countries. I'm going to intervene wherever and however I want.
00:30:45.400
And I'm going to start here. I'm going to do it here. And I'm going to see whether you are going
00:30:49.740
to stop me. And of course he did it believing that we wouldn't stop him. That was part of the,
00:30:53.760
that was part of the plan. I think he was very surprised when not just the United States,
00:30:58.180
but a consortium of countries, NATO, but others also, South Korea, Australia, Japan,
00:31:03.900
have, have come together to block that Russian invasion. And they've done so, you know,
00:31:10.360
partly because of the atrocities that Putin commits in Ukraine and people are simply offended by them.
00:31:15.400
But also because if Putin's idea of how the world should work holds, then it's not just Russia that
00:31:22.780
will be able to do what it wants, wherever it wants. If he can prove that you pay no price for
00:31:27.220
invading your neighbors, then why shouldn't China invade Taiwan and take over the international
00:31:33.200
semiconductor market? You know, or why shouldn't Venezuela invade Guyana? Why really should any,
00:31:39.780
should any state, you know, hold back from using military force to do whatever it wants?
00:31:45.400
And really, why should any state respect American property around the world or American investments?
00:31:51.360
And if that's true, then why should, you know, why should Europe, why should our, our, our former
00:31:57.020
allies go along with the trade deals and organizations that we've created according to rules that benefit
00:32:03.260
us? You know, why should our companies enjoy any special access to any, anybody's markets,
00:32:08.600
which they do now. You know, there's a, the, the, the system that the United States created brings
00:32:13.820
economic benefits to the United States. It brings political benefits. It also brings a kind of,
00:32:19.920
I think it's Americans underestimate how important our allies are. Our democratic allies are even to our
00:32:27.860
own democracy. The fact that we are allied with other democracies and that those are our main trading
00:32:33.720
partners and that we see ourselves in the world. We define ourselves, certainly during the cold war and up until
00:32:38.920
recently, most Americans define themselves as a democracy. We're doing something good in the world. We believe in
00:32:45.100
freedom. And these are our friends, the other free nations. And that was, that was part of the definition of who we
00:32:51.220
were, who, who are our allies. If that changes, first of all, as I said, there will be military consequences in
00:32:58.000
many parts of the world. We, they've begun already. There will be economic consequences in any part. But I
00:33:02.520
think there's also an important psychological conquest. If America is just a transactional power
00:33:08.900
run by people who conduct foreign policy in their own personal interests, like the Russians do. When
00:33:15.560
Putin does foreign policy, it's not for the benefit of Russians. Ordinary Russians don't benefit from his
00:33:20.780
war in Ukraine. He benefits. And, and, and it's all about him. It's about what I do, what I, what I can achieve
00:33:27.260
for myself. If America is led by people like that, people who think American foreign policy is about
00:33:33.900
making me rich or making my family rich or enriching companies who support me, and that's all it is,
00:33:40.180
then I think America begins to suffer in many different ways. We, we begin to take on the character
00:33:46.380
of these other oligarchies, these other kleptocracies. We begin to lose some of what makes us unique. We
00:33:53.560
begin to, and eventually I think we begin to lose some of our rights and freedoms. You know, a Ukrainian
00:34:00.160
friend of mine recently was describing to me how kleptocracy almost always precedes autocracy. And by
00:34:07.180
kleptocracy, I mean a regime that steals. So, uh, yeah, leaders who use their political power to make
00:34:14.920
themselves personally rich while they're in office by stealing the assets of the state, by changing the
00:34:20.500
rules so that their friends and their family get wealthy. I mean, it's, you know, Central Asia,
00:34:25.080
typical, you know, that we've see it there. We see it in, in, in the post-Soviet world. We see it all
00:34:29.600
over the world, actually. Africa, Latin America.
00:34:33.680
Otherwise known as graft. But the fancy word is kleptocracy.
00:34:37.420
But once you have a kleptocracy, you need to defend it, right? And so there will always be, as,
00:34:42.240
as I said in the beginning, people who automatically, who begin to say, wait, this is unjust.
00:34:46.300
Why are you able to use taxpayers' money for your own politics? Or why are you able to steal? And we
00:34:53.720
aren't. And, and there will be a transparency movement or an anti-corruption movement or a
00:34:58.600
movement for more justice. And then the leadership needs to say, right, we need to clamp down on this.
00:35:03.340
We need to block it. You know, we need to stop people from being able to have, to know what we're
00:35:07.920
doing. And we need to erect walls. And we need to get rid of gatekeepers and ethics monitors. And
00:35:14.880
we need to undermine the court system because we don't want to go to jail. And you can see that
00:35:19.680
progress in, in a lot of states. It's actually what was happening in Ukraine up until 2014. And,
00:35:25.140
and this is why my Ukrainian friend was so attuned to it. The thing that the Ukrainians stopped in
00:35:30.320
that year with their, if you will remember, that was the year of the Maidan revolution.
00:35:33.620
The thing that they stopped was the decline of their country into dictatorship. They wanted it to
00:35:39.340
stop. But when, by the time they did it, it was, it was very late. I mean, a lot of institutions had been
00:35:44.220
undermined. A lot of money had been stolen. They had these oligarchs who are, and some of them are
00:35:48.640
still kicking around. But it's a natural progression that when you have leaders who, who see their,
00:35:55.720
you know, why are they in power? They're not in power to do good things for America or to enhance
00:36:00.460
America's role in the world, you know, or to spread American influence. They're there for their own
00:36:05.920
personal benefit. Then you begin to have a different kind of country and a different kind of political
00:36:10.900
system. So I think, I mean, it's a pretty short, pretty short move from, you know, we see that
00:36:17.460
Ukraine is a challenge to us and we think it's important to defend them to, okay, we live in a
00:36:23.120
world where we don't want to defend anything and nothing matters. You know, the transfer from one,
00:36:28.840
one of those modes to another, you know, involves changing the nature of who we are, I think. And I
00:36:34.460
think that's been, you know, that's been clear in the conversation about Ukraine. And listen to,
00:36:39.200
listen to who, what kinds of people, especially in Silicon Valley, are talking about why we shouldn't
00:36:46.740
defend Ukraine and ask yourself, why are they interested in, what makes them so interested in
00:36:51.440
this, in this subject? Well, yes, I'm thinking of one person in particular. So we have David Sachs,
00:36:56.320
who's a venture capitalist and now popular podcaster. I think I've only met him once. So I've said,
00:37:03.020
I don't know him well, but we have friends in common. And he's now, as of, I guess, two nights
00:37:08.500
ago, addressing the Republican National Convention, saying that Biden provoked, this is a quote,
00:37:13.460
Biden provoked the Russians to invade Ukraine with talk of NATO expansion and rejected every
00:37:19.360
opportunity for peace in Ukraine, including a deal to end the war just two months after the war started.
00:37:27.860
So first of all, it's not true. I mean, there's a, I've talked about this a lot in, you know,
00:37:35.040
in other places, but the original expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe was tolerated by Russia.
00:37:42.840
There was no plan to expand NATO to Ukraine. The Russians had agreed that Ukraine could be
00:37:48.940
connected to European institutions, you know, on a number of occasions. Only later did Putin change
00:37:54.540
his mind. Multiple efforts to engage Russia and include Russia in conversations with NATO and with
00:38:01.440
NATO leaders happened over many years, many times. Biden himself, in his first year in office, made
00:38:08.120
big outreach to Russia. There was meetings with Putin in, if I remember correctly, it was in Geneva.
00:38:13.920
So there was no desire to provoke Russia. There was also no moment in recent history when NATO was on
00:38:22.000
an offensive posture in that part of the world. NATO is a defensive alliance. It doesn't invade other
00:38:27.720
countries. It's there to protect and defend countries, its members. It doesn't operate on
00:38:34.560
the offensive. And the Russians know that NATO wasn't going to invade them. And we know that they
00:38:39.180
know because, for example, recently they have, Finland joined NATO recently, and Russia has recently
00:38:44.840
taken its troops and equipment away from the Finnish border because, of course, Finland's not going to
00:38:50.060
invade Russia. You know, NATO's not going to invade Russia. They know that. So this is all, these are
00:38:54.940
just Russian talking points that are part of their justification for the war. Also, no, there wasn't
00:39:01.300
a moment at the beginning of the war when it could have been solved. The Russians demanded early on that
00:39:05.960
Ukraine give up, essentially, and demilitarize, which would have been effective. Ukraine saying,
00:39:12.520
okay, we agree we're going to become part of Russia. So there wasn't a moment like that. I mean,
00:39:16.720
these are just false stories. I mean, the question for me is why David Sachs, who really has no
00:39:22.520
interest in foreign policy as far as I can see, no stake in this conflict, no role in it previous to,
00:39:29.720
you know, a year or two ago, why he's so interested in this subject. And, you know, my guess is that
00:39:35.240
he or others around him have business interests in Russia that they would like to pursue. That's the
00:39:40.900
only logical, the only logical solution I can see. I mean, we know that Sachs is close to Elon Musk,
00:39:45.700
and we know that Musk has spoken to Putin. He said he has anyway. And we know he may have business
00:39:50.960
interests in Russia. I mean, just imagine what they are. And maybe that's the explanation. I mean,
00:39:55.500
I don't have a better, a better explanation because there is no, you know, there's no prior
00:40:01.660
moment in David Sachs's career when this would seem to be something that was important to him. But
00:40:06.900
yes, he's attached himself to this issue. And of course, he and Musk were among the primary
00:40:12.840
backers of the Vance candidacy. They were very keen for J.D. Vance to be the vice president.
00:40:19.560
Almost simultaneously with the announcement of the Vance candidacy, Musk also announced that he
00:40:24.720
would be giving $45 million a month to the Trump campaign, which makes him one of the biggest donors
00:40:29.600
to the campaign. Again, was there a quid pro quo? I don't know. But there is, you know, it's clear that
00:40:35.240
Trump did something that appealed to Musk. Again, I mean, you know, you're right and nobody wants to
00:40:40.080
be conspiratorial, but these are these are strange things. You know, why why people who have no
00:40:45.740
interest, no intellectual interest, prior involvement in this part of the world are suddenly care about
00:40:51.880
it. And when we have a president who is famously transactional and famously uninterested in the idea of
00:40:59.700
America as a democracy or the idea of America as the center of an alliance of values or, you know,
00:41:06.500
doesn't care about America playing a role in the in the battle of ideas in the world, you have to ask,
00:41:13.500
you know, what does influence him? You know, well, he's very interested in money.
00:41:17.380
Yeah. OK, so let's turn to Trump. I think I'll come back to what might have radicalized Elon and
00:41:22.460
Sachs in a minute, because I do think, you know, I don't actually know whether they have in addition
00:41:28.460
to this conflicting business interests. My theory of mine for them is is even simpler. And I'm in touch
00:41:34.480
with some of the psychological forces personally. And it's just that in Sachs and Elon, you're talking
00:41:39.940
about two guys who are just far beyond the end of their rope with respect to the kind of social
00:41:47.700
justice, moral panic that has happened on the left that has absorbed everything in American
00:41:51.960
politics, you know, left of center. And so there's some other variables here that we could talk
00:41:57.160
about that really do account for the fact that many smart people who you would think would be
00:42:03.220
allergic to Trump and to certainly to the populist wave that he's riding, nevertheless, are supporting
00:42:11.180
him in at this moment. So let's talk about Trump. What I really hope this part of the conversation
00:42:18.560
will achieve is to, that we'll be able to cut through the inability of many people, or even many,
00:42:25.820
many smart people, well-intentioned people, not morbidly selfish people, to see what is wrong with
00:42:32.580
Trump and Trumpism. I mean, because I might, you know, I have some people very close to me, some of my
00:42:37.720
closest friends who simply do not see Trump the way I do. And one of the reasons is, in fact, that he's
00:42:46.840
just, he's funny, right? And that covers for a lot. I mean, people find it difficult to take him
00:42:51.920
seriously when they should. And they also take him, you know, his enemies take him deadly seriously when
00:42:58.520
it actually seems that he was probably joking, right? And his fans recognize that he was joking.
00:43:03.740
And then this moment destroys the credibility of mainstream institutions and political opponents
00:43:09.720
who have, who just aren't in on the joke, right? So for instance, he said at one point in an interview
00:43:14.120
that he would be a dictator for a day, right? And this was taken to be just a shocking disclosure of
00:43:21.680
his real authoritarian ambitions, more or less everywhere left of center, right? I mean, it was like
00:43:26.520
the mask slipped, right? Or he pulled it off and glowered at us for a moment. But most people heard
00:43:34.240
that comment differently. I mean, I think, you know, I think everyone heard it with a frisson of
00:43:40.420
norm violation. But it was more like their uncle, you know, was going through security at the airport
00:43:46.320
and he makes a dumb joke about being a member of al-Qaeda. And then the TSA completely freaks out.
00:43:52.140
But it's still obvious that he's just their uncle and he's not a suicide bomber. And the freak out
00:43:59.060
from the authorities says everything about a climate, this climate of irrational fear and
00:44:05.480
nothing about their uncle, right? And many people perceive Trump's norm violations in this way,
00:44:11.540
right? He's just riffing. He's just like, he is not an aspiring autocrat. He's just someone who
00:44:19.820
doesn't give a shit, right? He's, yeah, yeah, these people come from shithole countries.
00:44:24.520
Presidents shouldn't say that. But if we're being honest, some of those countries are shitholes,
00:44:28.860
right? So it's just, you're taking him too seriously. And this is very hard to cut through
00:44:34.620
because it actually, you know, as I said, I've been reading Orwell of late and I stumbled upon
00:44:43.700
I know exactly what you, I know exactly what you're going to say.
00:44:45.900
Yeah. I mean, it's glorious. But what I had forgotten about is he wrote this in 1940
00:44:50.140
and I forgot about this because I'll just quote Orwell now, I should like to put it on record
00:44:56.660
that I have never been able to dislike Hitler, right? He's writing this in 1940. Ever since
00:45:01.760
he came to power, till then, like nearly everyone, I had been deceived into thinking that he did
00:45:06.060
not matter. But ever since he came to power, I've reflected that I would certainly kill him
00:45:09.980
if I could get within reach of him, but that I could feel no personal animosity. The fact
00:45:14.900
is there is something deeply appealing about him. One feels it again when one sees his
00:45:19.620
photographs. He is the martyr, the victim, Prometheus chained to the rock, the self-sacrificing
00:45:25.720
hero who fights single-handed against impossible odds. If he were killing a mouse, he would know
00:45:31.500
how to make it seem like a dragon. There's something fairly Trumpian about that portrait.
00:45:37.060
I mean, first there's this sense of just not taking him seriously, you know, until he comes
00:45:41.420
to power because he's just a comical figure. But he remains comical and endearing and entertaining
00:45:47.760
even, and now the truth is I'm not actually comparing Trump to Hitler. I'm not, I don't
00:45:52.540
think Trump is Hitler. And, you know, you can tell me if you disagree, but I think there's
00:45:56.580
a big difference in the fact that he's not ideological and he has no apparent grand ambitions
00:46:02.380
beyond anything other than his own self-aggrandizement. So he's a much smaller figure and far less dangerous
00:46:09.080
in my mind, even at his worst than someone like Hitler. But he has this kind of comedic
00:46:14.640
charisma that causes many people simply not to see or seen, not to care what an aberrant
00:46:23.460
person he is psychologically and ethically and just how his personal vanity, how his personal
00:46:29.220
avarice is just absolutely the wrong thing to put in power in this country. And we can talk
00:46:34.900
about the implications of that, but I just wanted to first broach this issue of just the
00:46:38.980
way he presents makes it very easy for people who you would think would be allergic to him
00:46:45.260
and who would see the downside of having this, you know, malignantly narcissistic, arguably
00:46:51.220
sociopathic personality. I mean, he is really just a black hole of selfishness. The idea that
00:46:57.680
you would put him in power and that it would just be a good time because he's such a good
00:47:02.460
entertainer, then this is the first obstacle. People just are just busy being entertained by him.
00:47:08.180
So it's funny, I'm doing this from memory, but as I remember that essay ends with another idea,
00:47:14.380
which is that Hitler understood something as well, which is that people can only take so much of
00:47:21.860
conversation about sanitation and welfare policy and, you know, do-goody ideas about how to make the
00:47:30.520
state better and that what they really want, at least some of the time in the expression I remember,
00:47:36.240
is drums, flags, and loyalty parades. And Trump is also represents a pivot from a conversation about
00:47:44.640
policy, which is hard and nuanced and difficult. And, you know, should we have high taxes or low taxes?
00:47:51.240
And what's the advantage or disadvantage? And should we build more roads or more schools? And there's,
00:47:55.920
you know, there's no right answer really. And he pivots from that to bombast identity politics,
00:48:03.720
you know, flag waving and red hats. And that's a lot easier and more fun for people. And so I think
00:48:09.180
I'm not disagreeing with you. I'm saying there's that aspect to it too, that the stuff of politics,
00:48:16.820
which has been the most important part of politics for the last several decades, and particularly in
00:48:21.980
the 90s, when the Cold War was over and people became very policy wonkish, if you remember, that
00:48:26.240
was the word that was invented for the Clinton era, that politics was about arguing over things.
00:48:32.440
And you had to be kind of an expert to understand it. And the big themes of the Cold War, you know,
00:48:37.400
were the democracy fighting the communism that was discarded. And a lot of people felt they wanted
00:48:43.520
identity politics and they wanted big arguments and they wanted to be part of a movement.
00:48:48.260
And Trump and the left, I think, both saw that in different ways and tried to bring it back.
00:48:54.000
I would also say, you know, obviously Trump isn't Hitler. And I think it's really important to
00:48:59.600
emphasize that, that nowadays, when democracies fall, when they begin to fail, and this is true
00:49:07.140
of Russia, but it's true of Hungary as well. It's true of Venezuela, just to take an example from the
00:49:11.580
left. They don't fall in the way that we think of Nazi Germany. So there aren't stormtroopers on the
00:49:18.080
street and there aren't men goose-stepping across the square and there isn't a coup d'etat. And,
00:49:24.000
you know, I don't know, the president shot in the palace by some lieutenant colonel. That's not how
00:49:28.740
they fall. They fall through slow decline, through the hollowing out of institutions, through, you know,
00:49:36.400
elections that aren't really elections because all the candidates are picked in advance, or through,
00:49:42.220
thanks to court systems that aren't really court systems because the judges are so partisan,
00:49:47.620
everybody knows what they're going to decide. Or through media that's not really media anymore
00:49:53.980
because it's part of some kind of big oligarchic game and it's all owned by people who are business
00:50:01.060
colleagues of the president or friends of the president. Or, you know, it's, it's, and the
00:50:06.100
alternatives are so weak that they, that they hardly matter. And that's how democracies fall. And if you
00:50:12.020
look at how, as I said, how did Hungary decline? How did Turkey decline? How did Russia decline in the
00:50:17.500
90s and 2000s? How did Venezuela decline under Hugo Chavez? When you look at those stories and when you
00:50:24.660
look at what's happening in the United States, there is a lot of similarity. So what I'm afraid of with
00:50:30.040
Trump is not that there's going to be, you know, Auschwitz in America. That's not happening. And
00:50:35.160
that's, you know, that's, that's why Hitler is always the wrong, the wrong comparison and why I
00:50:39.860
never, although some of my friends disagree with me, I would never use the word fascist because I
00:50:44.420
don't think it's useful. It just evokes the wrong, the wrong mental pictures. But what you will have
00:50:50.500
is institutions that, that have been designed and set up to, you know, is to, to balance out power,
00:50:57.040
to, to create checks and balances. You will find them declining. And it's, by the way, already
00:51:02.000
happening. You know, we already have the phenomenon, for example, of Judge Eileen Cannon in Florida,
00:51:07.220
who is acting in such a partisan way. She's the one who threw out the case, the Trump documents case,
00:51:15.120
which is, by the way, the one case against Trump, which is indisputable. I mean, that anybody else
00:51:20.000
would have gone to jail for it. You're not allowed to do that. He did it. He hid documents from the FBI.
00:51:25.060
You know, he, he, he stole them. He concealed it. I mean, it's, it's pretty black and white. And she
00:51:30.120
first found a lot of technicalities. Then she found a reason to throw out the case on the grounds that
00:51:35.860
the special prosecutor wasn't legitimate, which is a made up reason and will probably be thrown out
00:51:41.080
by a higher court. But by that time, the election will be over. So a judge like that, who is clearly
00:51:46.820
not acting in good faith, you know, she's not seeking to enforce the law. She's not abiding by
00:51:53.120
the spirit of the law. She's there as a purely partisan figure to defend Donald Trump. So that
00:52:00.280
kind of judge is already a symptom of decline. It's a symptom of the way in which our institutions
00:52:07.440
can be, can be undermined. And you can actually go across many different parts of the, of the
00:52:13.800
American government and political system and find other examples. I mean, another one that you might
00:52:17.920
know about is Jim Jordan's weaponization of government committee. This is a congressional
00:52:24.120
committee that among others investigated another guest on your show, Renee DiResta for allegedly being
00:52:31.300
involved in trying to censor conservative commentary during the 2020 election. And the whole case against
00:52:38.760
her was literally based on untrue facts, things that didn't happen. And she kept saying, this didn't
00:52:44.860
happen. This didn't happen. I can show you this didn't happen. And they weren't interested because
00:52:48.780
the purpose of those congressional hearings was not to find out the truth, which is what congressional
00:52:54.160
hearings are supposed to be for, but to create a performance. You know, they were there to make a
00:53:00.160
performance, to attract attention, to create social media narratives, you know, to create talk on far
00:53:06.980
right television shows and networks. And once you have government institutions being used in that way,
00:53:12.660
they're already not functional. And my fear about Trump is not that he would, there would be Nazis,
00:53:19.040
you know, but that more and more and more of our institutions would begin to be hollow and empty
00:53:25.160
and fake. And that's because he's not interested in them. He's not acting in good faith. He is
00:53:30.860
president because he doesn't want to go to jail and because he thinks he might make money. And his
00:53:36.280
foreign policy is always was actually based on those interests. You know, how is this good for me?
00:53:42.660
How's it good for me personally? Either help. Why does it help keep me in power? Or why does it help
00:53:47.900
make me rich or make my son-in-law rich? And, you know, in that sense, he resembles these modern
00:53:54.240
autocrats who are described in my book. And the book was conceived, by the way, a couple of years ago
00:53:59.180
before I knew who the candidates would be in in the 2024 election. But he resembles them in that their
00:54:05.720
primary interest is not the well-being of their own countries and their own citizens or the success
00:54:13.160
of the United States or the values that America stands for and has always stood for for the last
00:54:18.940
250 years. His primary interest is in himself. And that is a, that is a, that links him directly to
00:54:27.160
Putin, to Xi, you know, to the, to the, to the leaders of a range of autocracies, even the leaders
00:54:33.100
of Iran. That's what they're all interested in. They're interested in staying in power. And that's
00:54:37.020
what he's interested in. That's, by the way, why he admires them. He says freely, he said it recently,
00:54:41.420
it was, as we're speaking, he said it a few days ago, once again, how much he admires Xi Jinping,
00:54:46.880
which is, by the way, should be a red flag for all the China hawks who think that if they elect him,
00:54:51.300
they'll, you know, they'll get pushback against China. That's why he admires Putin. That's why he liked
00:54:57.140
meeting, you know, the dictator of North Korea, because they have this, they're there and he
00:55:01.600
recognizes them as soulmates. They run, they think about power and they think about money in the same
00:55:07.540
way that he does. Yeah. Well, one of the worst things about Trump is how he's pandered to and amplified
00:55:14.140
the lunatic fringe of the right wing. And, and, you know, obviously much of this is a story of what's
00:55:20.280
happened on social media, but this has happened to such a degree that even mainstream Republicans
00:55:26.040
are afraid of the violence from, possible violence from the MAGA cult. So we know from people like
00:55:33.780
Mitt Romney and Liz Cheney that there were members of Congress who would have voted to impeach him,
00:55:39.840
but they were afraid for their lives and the lives of their families. And so that's another way in which...
00:55:44.040
And it affects people at a much lower level too. I did an interview a few days ago with Stephen
00:55:48.300
Richer, who's a Maricopa County election official, who was one of the people who certified the election
00:55:54.660
in Arizona after Trump lost in 2020. And he had threats to his life. He had, you know, harassment
00:56:02.720
from people. He had, you know, people coming to his house and not only him, sort of secretaries and
00:56:09.280
very ordinary employees of the, of the election office, you know, people who, who wanted those kinds
00:56:14.780
of jobs because they pay well enough and they're nine to five jobs and they're not, not difficult,
00:56:20.420
suddenly found themselves the focus of this horrible culture war that they didn't expect
00:56:25.160
to be. And I mean, nobody goes to work for the Maricopa County Election Commission because they think
00:56:29.800
they're going to be, you know, standing up for democracy to fight dictatorship. And, you know,
00:56:34.740
and yet that's, that's where these people found themselves. So it wasn't just Liz Cheney and Mitt Romney
00:56:39.660
who might have the money and resources to have private security. It was also all the way down,
00:56:45.820
you know, small election officials, local officials, Republicans all over the country who
00:56:50.400
have been affected by the violence and the anger that this cult has inspired.
00:56:56.200
Yeah. And, but it was literally other members of Congress who don't have the resources of Romney
00:57:00.100
and Cheney who made a decision to just keep their heads down. And so it's already, I mean,
00:57:05.160
that's already harming our democracy. And it's, again, it's this diffuse threat. You can't really
00:57:10.620
draw a straight line from Trump's mouth to, you know, the, the front door of some embattled person
00:57:18.080
who's now been doxxed online and, and their, their life will never be the same, but you sort of can,
00:57:24.300
right? I mean, it's like, it's, it's all too predictable. If he's putting someone on blast on
00:57:27.800
social media, naming names and, you know, he knows what his cult is going to do subsequent to that,
00:57:35.160
it's completely irresponsible. And it really does seem like a, it's taken us to a new place
00:57:42.120
We're, we're, we're in a new place. I mean, the, the atmosphere of violence and the, the level of
00:57:47.100
fear that people, as I said, not even just at the top of politics, but all the way down the chain
00:57:52.980
now feel about saying what they think and about doing their jobs in some cases is something that
00:58:01.140
I don't, I, I just, I can't remember it. I would, I'd be hard pressed to find a moment in American
00:58:05.960
history. I mean, maybe it's what black Americans experienced in the segregated South. Maybe that,
00:58:10.660
maybe you can point to that as a precedent, but that's what you have to go back to in order to
00:58:15.800
find a moment when there was so much violence in the air and so much genuine fear of speaking out.
00:58:22.580
And when the price for speaking out, if you're a Republican inside the party who is in any way
00:58:28.560
critical of its current leadership, the price is very, very high. And I, I don't remember that ever.
00:58:35.160
Well, I saw a comment on my sub stack that at first glance looked completely crazy, but then
00:58:40.500
after thinking about it, thinking about it for a moment, it, it seemed not crazy. And, and,
00:58:45.700
and that fact struck me as, as a, a clear measure of just how far we've come from normal. So the,
00:58:52.380
the comment was, I don't, I don't have it here, but it was essentially the person was saying that
00:58:56.420
he thought that the safest course now would be for Trump to win in November, whatever the risks of
00:59:02.240
his presidency, because the MAGA cult is such that it will simply not believe him losing it, especially
00:59:10.780
if he, if it's at all a close election. And that poses that the inability to accept this next election
00:59:18.500
with, you know, Trump losing poses a much greater danger of civil chaos in America. Now, I don't know
00:59:25.080
if this is true, but the fact that this, the fact that I can't immediately dismiss that is a measure of
00:59:30.620
just how deranging Trump has been to our politics. No, I mean, the, the fact that Americans can now
00:59:38.820
contemplate the idea that an election will be, and could be stolen. And the fact that Americans are,
00:59:47.200
you know, afraid of the result of elections, physically afraid, I think is, you know, I think,
00:59:53.160
again, I think that's new. I mean, you have to go pretty far back in U.S. history to find a similar
00:59:58.260
moment. And I'm not, I'm not, I'm not sure you can, in the 19th century, I'm not sure you can find,
01:00:01.820
it compares in the same, exactly the same way. But the level of fear and anxiety and violence that
01:00:08.240
surrounds politics in the United States, once again, you know, what is it that Trump is encouraging
01:00:14.300
through this kind of behavior, through the, for example, the constant stream of lies? That's
01:00:18.500
actually the thing about him that bothers me the most. You know, I, even during the, that horrible
01:00:23.060
debate with Joe Biden, one thing caught my attention. At one point during the debate, Trump said,
01:00:28.780
Democrats want to abort babies in the eighth month and the ninth month. You know, they want to abort
01:00:33.080
babies after they're born. Democrats want to kill babies. And I was like, wait, you know,
01:00:37.680
that's insane. I mean, but the, the repetitive lies are now, we're all adjusting, you know,
01:00:43.920
we kind of screen them out. But one of the effects that they have is they mean that we screen everything
01:00:49.280
out. And this again is another, this is a tactic borrowed, borrowed from modern autocracy. This is
01:00:54.920
what Putin does. He puts out a series of lies, you know, that whenever something happens, there's
01:00:59.620
300 different ways of describing it. And eventually people say, right, I don't want to listen to this
01:01:04.080
anymore. I want to turn off the television. I want to check out of politics. I'm not going to vote.
01:01:09.160
It's too hard to understand. It's too upsetting. And I hear, that's what I hear around me. I hear
01:01:14.840
people saying, I'm not watching politics. I don't pay attention to it. I don't listen to it. You know,
01:01:20.160
people just don't want to be involved because it's so ugly. And because this, the discomfort with the
01:01:25.640
lies and the discomfort with the, you know, the fact that, you know, we have a, we have a
01:01:30.480
leading candidate for president who doesn't even want to tell the truth. That's not even his primary
01:01:36.260
goal. Who's not actually describing reality is so, it's so disturbing.
01:01:42.460
Yeah. I mean, it's beyond any sort of ordinary lying. I mean, it's just, he lies for no purpose. I mean,
01:01:49.860
like he, there are the lies that make sense. And then there are lies that are merely contradicting
01:01:55.700
what he said five minutes ago. And it's to no advantage. It's just, you know, except that the
01:02:00.620
advantage is what it does is it makes people feel, I don't want to hear anymore. I, you know,
01:02:06.360
I don't understand this. So it creates, what it creates is nihilism and cynicism and apathy.
01:02:11.860
Yeah. It's just a pessimological bankruptcy. I mean,
01:02:14.360
those are the most common, you know, political emotions in China and Russia and Iran as well.
01:02:22.920
People feel cynical. They feel apathetic. They don't want anything to do with politics. They
01:02:28.360
don't want to be involved in any civic movement. They don't see the point of it. That's what the
01:02:32.680
effect of the lies is. And so in that sense, it's intentional. It has an impact. It creates an
01:02:38.580
Are you as worried or more worried about the people around Trump? I mean, there's Trump himself
01:02:44.340
this grotesque political object who is, to my eye, a unique problem to deal with. And if he
01:02:52.140
went away, I can't imagine a Trump-shaped object replacing him in quite that way. But he's surrounded
01:02:59.040
by more ideological people, more systematic people. I guess I'm, I still don't think I know who J.D.
01:03:06.320
Vance is given his tour from being the author of Hillbilly Elegy to now being the toady's toady of
01:03:12.340
Trump. But take a figure like Steve Bannon. I mean, how worried are you by the machinations of
01:03:19.500
Steve Bannon and people at that level of the movement?
01:03:24.480
So I don't know about Bannon in particular. I mean, he seems pretty post-alcoholic to me whenever
01:03:29.480
I see a picture of him. I'm not sure how enthusiastic a member of some new regime he would
01:03:35.500
be. But there's certainly plenty of other people at the lower level, and we've heard, we've heard
01:03:40.780
noise from some of them in the last year or two, who do think a lot more systematically than Trump
01:03:46.360
himself about how to change the nature of the American state. So we have Kevin Roberts, who's the
01:03:53.240
head of the Heritage Foundation, talking about a revolution coming and it will be bloodless as long
01:03:58.980
as the left allows it to be, whatever, which is a very sinister thing to say. We have people who've
01:04:05.800
been plotting out ways in which they will, you know, replace expertise and knowledge at places like
01:04:13.580
the Environmental Protection Agency and instead put in loyalists so that, and this is something,
01:04:19.840
by the way, I saw happen in Poland in the years when we had an autocratic populist government in
01:04:24.840
charge there. I lived there part of the time. And when you take them away and you put your cousins
01:04:29.440
or your party members or your, you know, flunkies in their place, what you begin to get is very bad
01:04:36.400
government and bad decisions. Again, some of it might not be dramatic. You might not see anything
01:04:40.920
happen overnight, but you will see this hollowing out, this gradual decline, this increased
01:04:47.900
dysfunctionality. You know, you could see the use of or the misuse of government institutions. So you
01:04:54.340
could see the Department of Justice used against Trump's enemies or you could see, you know, the
01:04:59.960
federal communications regulators used against media, you know, to make life hard for, you know,
01:05:06.460
whatever it is, whether it's CNN or NBC or another piece of the media that Trump doesn't like. So once
01:05:12.840
regulators and once institutions that are meant to have some neutrality or meant to act according to the
01:05:18.580
rule of law become political tools when they become, you know, partisan mechanisms, you know, whether
01:05:25.680
it's again, IRS, FCC, FDA, once they become, once they're used with specifically political partisan ends
01:05:33.680
in mind, then they, they become qualitatively something different. And then we're, we're already
01:05:38.720
ruled by a very different kind of government. And again, I, I have lived, I lived through a version
01:05:44.700
of it and what you, what you have is a pretty profound decline and you begin to have declines
01:05:50.560
in quality of life and quality of regulation and so on. And you also begin to have this increase in
01:05:56.120
the level of fear. You know, once, once the state becomes not a neutral thing that's, you know, maybe
01:06:03.300
it doesn't work very well a lot of the time, or maybe it's too bloated, or maybe it's got too much
01:06:07.620
money, but it isn't, it isn't malign. It isn't trying to destroy the president's enemies. Once
01:06:14.360
that changes and once it becomes something very different, then as I say, you're, you're living in
01:06:19.980
a, in a different political situation. And what I worry about is that there are now enough people
01:06:25.020
around Trump, which was not the case during the first term. There are now enough people around
01:06:29.340
Trump who are interested in that kind of change and who want to alter the way the state and state
01:06:35.740
institutions work and that they will, they will enable that. So it's not even so much the ideologues
01:06:41.420
like Bannon, it's the, it's the practitioners, some of whose names we don't yet know, but we may
01:06:46.740
eventually know. So, but you say you're not worried about fascism. So what, what are your worst fears
01:06:54.080
here? So I say, I say I don't use the word fascism because it's got the wrong connotations. So what are we
01:07:00.140
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