#426 — How Bad Is It?
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Summary
David Frum joins me to talk about the corruption scandal that has rocked the Trump administration, and why he thinks it s worse than he thought it would be. He also talks about the economic problems that have plagued the United States in the first half of Trump s second term.
Transcript
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Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast. This is Sam Harris. Just a note to say that if you're
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hearing this, you're not currently on our subscriber feed, and we'll only be hearing
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the first part of this conversation. In order to access full episodes of the Making Sense
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Podcast, you'll need to subscribe at samharris.org. We don't run ads on the podcast, and therefore
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it's made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers. So if you enjoy what we're
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doing here, please consider becoming one. I am here with David Frum. David, thanks for joining me.
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It's been a while. I feel like we speak more than we do because I just consume your stuff
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over at The Atlantic, so I know what you're thinking about, but I think it's been some
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I think that's right. Since then, I've ventured into your domain. I've started a podcast of my
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own, and I want to salute you. I think I always knew that it was not easy. I didn't know how not
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easy it was. So, Maestro, you know how it's done, and I take my hat off to you.
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Oh, nice. Well, congratulations on the show. It's the David Frum Show over at The Atlantic.
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That's fantastic. Well, let's jump into the current moment. We're, what, six or
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or so months into the second Trump administration. There's a lot we could talk about where the
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fires of controversy are currently raging on the, about the Epstein case. Trump and his
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courtiers have been amazingly inept at putting those fires out, and I would love to know the
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reasons why you think that is. But we'll start with just the big picture on the domestic front.
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How has it been these last six months from your point of view, and what has surprised you? What
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has been worse than you thought? What has been better than you thought?
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Yeah. Well, here is the thing that has been worse than I thought, and this is one of the two or three
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biggest stories, which is the corruption has been on a fantastically larger scale than anything I
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imagined or anything that I was ready for from the first Trump administration.
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In the first Trump administration, Trump used techniques like making the Secret Service follow
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him around to his various resorts. He used techniques like making sure that any Republican
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candidate who wanted his blessing had to use one of his facilities. He pressed foreign governments
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that needed American favor to use his facilities for their national day events and to stay. He would
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ask diplomats who visited him, where did you stay last night? But over, that probably moved some
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single millions of dollars into his pocket, maybe something over $10 million. There are different
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estimates in the first term. So in the second term, he has left all, we're talking now, much
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faster sums of money through the meme coins. As you and I speak, that President Trump is about to go to
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Scotland to open a new golf course of his own. He's got golf courses in Vietnam and other countries
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that seek America's favor. So all of that is bigger by a factor of 10 or 100 than it was in the first
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term. So that's one thing that has changed. A second thing that has changed is the trade disputes
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of the first term were definitely a problem that hurt Americans. Before Trump became president,
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the United States was the largest exporter of soybeans in the world. And over the first Trump
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term, it fell into second place behind Brazil because Trump alienated so many soybean buyers.
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But the trade disruptions we were seeing and the threat to the American economy and the world
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economy, that's much bigger. The damage to alliances is much bigger. And of course, the shock to America's
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future standing from this enormous debt that Trump is incurring through his fiscal measures, that's much
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bigger. Yeah. And also some of those indiscretions are linked, right? So the trade disruptions seem in
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many cases to be motivated by Trump's personal corruption, right? I mean, you cited Vietnam, right?
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So the reason to slap a 46% tariff on Vietnam is that their remedy for that is to immediately
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greenlight a $1.5 billion Trump family resort deal. Right. Exactly. Yeah. I'm speaking to you
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right now from Canada, which has been a special target of Trump's animosity. And a lot of people
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in Canada are sort of baffling. What the hell happened here? What did Canada do? Canada's linked to the
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United... Canada signed all these trade agreements. It signed a new trade agreement with the United States
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that was signed by Donald Trump. He's just ignored that. And I think a big part of the Canadian
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problem is the Trump organization had two hotels in Canada, one in Toronto and one in Vancouver.
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And they both went bust. The Toronto hotel, Trump just licensed his name and it went bust for sort of
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semi-objective economic reasons during the Great Recession or soon after. But the Vancouver hotel went
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bust. Trump owned it and operated it. It went bust because Vancouverites wouldn't set foot in his
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building during his first round. And he seems to be really mad about that and is blowing up
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the North American common market or the North American trading zone to punish Vancouver for
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not liking his hotel more. So why is it in your view that half of America appears not to care about
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this? Is the problem that people don't know any of the facts you just elucidated or they've heard
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about them but they think it's fake news or they understand exactly the shape and scope of this
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corruption. They understand that the meme coin is a device for the pain of bribes directly to the
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first family. They know that really there is no precedent in American history for a president
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to use U.S. trade policy and foreign policy as a mechanism by which to extract tribute from foreign
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governments. And essentially he's running a protection racket. And it's both internationally
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where he's putting the global economy at risk for his personal gain and it's domestically where he's
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shaking down some of our largest corporations. I mean we have news organizations settling spurious
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lawsuits that they were almost certain to win but this is a way of just funneling money in Trump's
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direction and hopefully getting his favor on future deals. Is it that people know all of this and
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simply do not care? What's your interpretation of half of the half of America that still supports
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Trump? Well I don't think we should be so surprised that this would happen. But American politics has
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always been deeply tribal. This has been a two-party system more or less for almost all of its political
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existence. Now who's in the tribes changes from time to time and the tribes are always remaking
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themselves but they're two big tribes. And I think the way to think about how strong these tribal
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loyalties are. So 1932 is probably one of the worst years in American history. Bottom of the Great
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Depression. People are literally, Americans are literally going hungry. Incumbent President Herbert
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Hoover who presided over the disaster ran for re-election in 1932 and got 38 percent of the vote.
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So there's a core 35 percent that's just unmovable. Yeah. It's called the base for a reason. It doesn't
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move. And if you ask people in 1932, look, things are terrible. Why are you voting for President
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Herbert Hoover? They would have deep reasons of identity. Well my grandfather was at Antietam
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under Grant and we vowed we will always vote Republican no matter what. Or the Democrats of
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the party of the Catholic Church. Or the Democrats of the party of liquor. So we don't care about these
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economic facts. We are voting for the union against the Catholic Church, against liquor. And that's why
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this household votes Republican in 1932. And there you could tell the same story about Democrats. So
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elections are always decided at the margins. And I think that's one of the reasons that Donald Trump
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is so freaked out about the Epstein story. Because that is one of those rare events that can shake up
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the tribal structure and move people from column A to column B. Because Trump has already told them,
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Trump talkers and validators have told them, this is the biggest scandal in the world. It's the most
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important scandal in the world. And only Donald Trump can get to the bottom of it. And it's as
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if, I'm going to borrow an analogy from my son, it's as if they built a giant device of paranoia and
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fear and rage and hatred and never thought to ask, in whose basement are we building this device?
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Oh, it's the basement of the guy we think we're supposed to be following. It's in his basement.
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And when it blows, it blows him up, not the people we want it to blow up.
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Yeah. Yeah. Well, I want to get to Epstein because it's the one thing, the one controversy
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that seems to be doing him some damage with the base or with certainly parts of the base.
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But before we get there, let's linger on this litany of abuses you have put forward. I mean,
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there's the additional problem of how needlessly provocative and cruel the immigration crackdown
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has been. Again, I feel like there are many people who voted for Trump who in the abstract
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supported some of these policies and would have been even insouciant about his corruption because
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they just think, oh, well, it's more or less the same thing all politicians do. You know, Nancy Pelosi
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made some stock trades that are hard to explain, et cetera. So they just put it all in the same bin.
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I mean, they're insensitive to the scale of the problem, right? A million dollars is the same as a
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billion dollars, really, if you're going to look at it that lazily. But I think many people are
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genuinely surprised by the optics of the immigration crackdown. How has the implementation of this
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policy struck you? And why does it seem, I mean, frankly, it seems reckless. I'm surprised by how
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ruthless and chaotic they seem to want to be in the implementation of this policy.
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Yes. No, that's a very important question. I should have mentioned it at the opening. And it's
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one that hits me especially hard because I have been arguing for a long time that America needs
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a stronger border policy. And this is before the surge of 2020. This is before even the surge of 2014.
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I've been writing this since the 1990s. Because my view has always been immigration, if done right,
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is a great benefit to a country. So it's very important to do it right. Because if you do it
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wrong, you will get a backlash. And the backlash will be even worse than a failed immigration policy.
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I'll remind you of your own famous line. I mean, many of us have made this point,
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but you made it most sententiously. You said, I believe, if liberals won't police borders,
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Right. All right. And you get Brexit and you get other forms of self-harm.
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So it's been, and so I was, my first article about the Biden administration, when it took
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over in January of 2021, was they began undoing many of the Trump restrictions on the border that
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had kept people from flowing across. I said, this is the first and biggest mistake they make. If they
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get, if they undo this, they are courting a lot of damage because the whole world wants to come to
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the United States. And if you don't police the border, you'll have the problem.
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The answer people like me insisted was the way you enforce the border is not at the border. It's
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at the workplace. And what you should have a system where, when an employer is looking to hire
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people, there's a requirement the employer check that they're legal in the country. The same way
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that the employer should check that they're not a minor. In the same way that the employer should
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check that they actually work the number of hours that are legally allowed to be worked. And that
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there should be consequences for the employer. If you should treat immigration as another aspect
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of labor law. And if employers get the message that the government is checking whether the employees
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are legal, there will be less incentive for people to enter the country in the first place.
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And the reason I was so emphatic about this over many, many articles was if you start, because the
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alternative is our walls and roundups and the country won't stand for it. We are seeing scenes
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that shock the conscience. We've got this network now of camps that are being built in which people
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have not been convicted of any crime or just here illegally in the country, which is not a crime.
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It's a violation of status, but it's not a crime to be in the country illegally. It's against the
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law, but a lot, you know, so is driving recklessly, not necessarily a crime. They're rounding up people.
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They're removing status from categories of people like Venezuelans and others who were granted
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temporary protected status, who thought they did the right thing, and who now find themselves
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without status and subject to being dragged to a camp. The country won't wear this. And Trump is
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going to create a situation where, in addition to all of the terrible suffering that people have done
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nothing really wrong, other than break a labor law to make a better life, they're in camps. He's also
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going to change the political structure about immigration in this country in a way that is going
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to be to his own harm and those of the people who follow him.
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Do you actually think that the country won't put up with it? I mean, haven't we shown an inclination
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to put up with it thus far? I mean, obviously, there are people, you know, a handful of people
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in the streets of Los Angeles who, at least for a time, showed some signs of not putting up with it.
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But in terms of the way the rest of the country views the so-called sanctuary cities where these
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raids are happening, I feel like there's, it's not even an acquiescence. There's basically,
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at least perceived, full acceptance of it as this is what you liberals get. I mean, you wanted your
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nannies and your housekeepers and your gardeners to be as cheap as possible. We don't have the same
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black market economy and that kind of labor over here in Ohio or Pennsylvania. You're getting what
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you deserve and we wanted these people out of the country.
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Well, as I said, the base doesn't change. But here are two things to keep in mind.
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One is, there is a lot of polling about how attitudes toward immigration, which hardened during
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the Biden administration, are softening under Trump, quite dramatically so. And the second thing to
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keep in mind is, one of the reasons that Donald Trump won the presidency with an actual plurality
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of the vote in 2024, unlike 2016, was that quite a number of Hispanics, especially Hispanic men,
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moved in his direction. Now, I'm going to forget the statistic off the top of my head,
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and I probably shouldn't quote statistics off the top of my head anyway, but what percentage
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of Hispanic voters have a relative who is in the country without status, but it's high?
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And Hispanics are not immigration single-issue voters. That was a big mistake that Jeb Bush made
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back in 2011 and 12 to believe, or sorry, 15, 16, to believe that there would be single-issue
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voters on immigration. That's not true. And many Hispanics welcome more enforcement. But if you're
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rounding up their mother-in-law and putting her in a camp, that's going to be a problem,
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and it's going to be a problem with people, with voters that were trending Trump and that Trump
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needed to keep. Do you think we're just getting started in the unveiling of this ugliness,
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or is this, have we seen the sort of the peak of what is morally outrageous?
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And in the immigration side, we've built a new bureaucracy. ICE is soon to be bigger than the
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Marine Corps, if I read the numbers right. And you can't build up a law enforcement agency that fast
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without terrible risks. So the bureaucratic machinery that is built is going to keep chomp,
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chomp, chomping, and there'll be more and more terrible stories. And first people will read about
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them, and then they will hear about them, and then they may feel them. And then you'll have cases where
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a family, some of whose members are in the country legally, has other members who are in the camps.
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And so it's not just going to be the Fox News audience. It's not just going to be,
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you know, the diehard voter for one side or another. It's going to be people who
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were potential Republicans who are going to say, well, I would have been, but now my mother-in-law
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So what else strikes you as surprising from the first six months? I'll remind you, we have three and a
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half years left, right? So many things, I have to remind myself of this because I keep noticing
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that I'm living with a kind of political illusion that the shape of the thing is already fully
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manifest, whereas it's obviously evolving hour by hour, and who knows what we're going to be
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Yeah. Well, let's start with some things that are not as bad as they could be,
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so we don't sink too deep into the gloom. Ukraine is still fighting. Trump is obviously not sympathetic
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to Ukraine. Vice President Vance, even more hostile to Ukraine, but he's not stopped the
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Ukrainian forces from fighting. And weapons and support do continue to trickle to Ukraine.
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They're interruptions, but they're getting something. And it looks like they may get some
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more stuff. Again, not enough, not as much as they should have, not maybe enough to win,
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but enough not to lose. I have to say, as a supporter of the state of Israel, I have been impressed and
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grateful that the Trump administration has improved the already generous support for Israel that the
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Biden administration gave. And that has led to some decisive results. I think also the kind of,
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I had thought the uncertainty that Trump was creating about trade would move us faster to
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recession, but the opposite seems to be happening. It's because Trump, he does something dumb and then
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he retracts it. He does something else dumb and then he retracts it. And I thought the market would
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say, well, in that case, we have to stop investing altogether because who knows what the future
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is. But the market keeps hoping for the best and paying more attention to the retractions of the
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dumb policy than the dumb policy. So we're not in a recession. It looks like right now in the summer
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of 2025. It doesn't seem so. And we hope that maybe we can get through the rest of this year
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without too much of a recession. So that would be a good thing if we could avoid that.
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Although it does seem on its face, completely irrational. The market seems to have drawn the
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lesson that there's actually less uncertainty now than there was before so-called Liberation Day.
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Right. I mean, all of this lurching back and forth, it seems to have convinced the market that this is
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better than it was four months ago. Yeah. Well, the Trump trade policy has failed
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and has predicted to do what it pretended to want to do. What it's pretended to want to do
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is to bring back manufacturing to the United States. And that is doomed to fail for two reasons.
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One is if you're producing something where your costs are higher than a Chinese or Vietnamese
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competitor. And the government says, okay, we'll protect you from the competition. You're safe.
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It doesn't matter that your costs are 20% or 30% or 40% higher than the Chinese or Vietnamese. We're
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going to put up a wall to protect you. To which the investor will say, okay, but the investment I'm
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contemplating is a very big one. And it's going to take quite a lot of years to pay itself off.
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Can you assure me that this protection is going to be in place for the next 15 years? Because I'm not
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making this investment unless I'm guaranteed 15 years of protection. And obviously Trump
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can't protect that. And so we have seen business investment not responding. The second thing,
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and this is a point that the Trump people cannot, will not understand, and that you can't get
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protections to understand. Every product is also an input. So when you raise the price of a product,
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you are making, of one step in the industrial process, you're raising every price. So fine,
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when you protect steel and protect it from foreign competition, and you then say, we also want to
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bring back shipping to the United States. What do you think ships are made of? You've raised the
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cost of the ship. So you pretty soon, it's like the house that Jack built. And when America was
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more protectionist back in the 19th century, this was all that politics was about. The wool people
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would want protection. So the coats would need protection. The coat people would get protection.
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So every industry that used coats would need protection and so on forever. And one of the reasons
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that the United States changed and abandoned the protections policy was to say, you can't protect
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everything, but you must protect everything if this is going to work. And the whole thing is crazy
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and dysfunctional and expensive. So don't do it. Well, as you said, there are a few, if not silver
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linings, there are things that are not as bad as one would have feared. I mean, the change of posture
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with respect to Ukraine, since that awful Oval Office meeting with Zelensky has been good. Although it's,
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it hasn't been principled. I mean, there's been this deterioration in his love affair with Putin
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simply because Putin keeps humiliating him. And so we're seeing, again, U.S. foreign policy get bent
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by the brain chemistry of the lone maniac in the Oval Office who perceives everything through the
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politics of personal slights and flattery and the payments of tribute, et cetera. So, you know,
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who knows what policy will change as a result of the next insult or the next piece of flattery.
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And I think, you know, one hopes that there's a more principled stance underwriting his support for
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Israel. I mean, he has, you know, on balance always been quite supportive of Israel and that would
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explain his popularity there, except he has shown signs of, again, just being pushed around by any
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perceived slight. I mean, I remember in the immediate aftermath of October 7th, I really think, I think
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the first thing he's had to say about that atrocity was something petty about, you know, Netanyahu
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not, you know, treating him well. I mean, we can only imagine had the mullahs in Iran offered him a
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sufficiently large golf course deal, we might have a different policy with respect to the Middle East
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right now. I think we have another big problem with coming with Iran, which is, look, we all hope,
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I think we all hope that the Trump actions against Iran were decisive and that the, and we've reached
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the end of the story, that he's done significant damage to their nuclear program and we can close the
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books on this for a long time. But what if that's not true? What if either the damage was not as total
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as Trump said, or the mullahs have other tricks to play, whether that's regional, whether that's
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global terrorism, whether it's something. What if this is a problem that requires more work than just
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press a button, collect the accolades, forget about it? The whole Trump foreign policy idea is you do
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something once and then it's over and you're a winner and you give yourself a parade. But foreign policy
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doesn't work that way. And one of the things that, one of the ways I think we should consider,
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when we're trying to think how serious are the threats to the United States from what's happening
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today, one of the questions asked is how difficult will it be to undo? So the good news about the
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Trump corruption is actually you can, as happened in the 1970s, you can have a period of cleanup.
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So you could have a four or five years where both Congress and state legislators say, okay,
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we have the corruption got out of hand and we're going to pass rules to make sure that nothing like
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this ever happens again. You can, you can dial it back. Let's do that. You can fix it up. American
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politics is sometimes more clean, sometimes less clean. We're in a dirty period. You can have a
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clean period. The damage to world trade is not so easily fixed. If Ukraine goes under, that's not
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fixed. If you get a long-term conflict with Iran, that's bigger than the one we've had. And above all,
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and this is the most important thing, if American leadership is questioned by the allies who benefit
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from it by the adversaries who used to fear it, I don't know how quickly you get that back. That's
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a hard thing to reassert. Yeah. I don't know how you get it back given that whatever we do to get
00:22:46.160
it back, I mean, just imagine the next president who's presumably, if he did this or she did this
00:22:51.400
would not be J.D. Vance, just offers this omnibus mea culpa on behalf of the nation saying, we're
00:22:57.940
terribly sorry we did this to you. Trump was a monstrosity. He was a gift to our enemies and an enemy
00:23:03.940
to our friends. We want a hard reset of all of our relationships and we're going to resume something
00:23:10.860
like a normal role of leadership and collegiality with all other liberal democracies. The problem
00:23:18.440
is that there's one bell that cannot be unrung here, which is that we have announced to the world
00:23:24.300
that within any four-year political cycle, we are capable of reneging on everything. We're capable of
00:23:32.840
producing a tsunami of corruption and stupidity, the likes of which no one could have expected.
00:23:40.960
And I mean, it's impossible to exaggerate. We can befriend dictators. We can claim that the victims
00:23:47.780
of a war of aggressions actually started the war. I mean, there's just up is down and down is up.
00:23:53.760
And we are capable as a nation of, given all the protections against this that one would have
00:23:59.400
thought existed against this, we are capable of doing this on a dime in response to a 51% vote.
00:24:05.880
And who knows when we're going to do this to you again.
00:24:10.500
So let me give you some concrete examples of things that I think are going to be with us for a long
00:24:14.920
time. With the European allies whom Trump is so hostile to, there are deep commonalities of history,
00:24:21.200
of culture, legal systems. You know, the British, the Germans, they'll probably forgive the United
00:24:27.120
States sooner or later. But the great challenge to American power in this coming century, in this
00:24:33.380
present century will be China. And of course, China's neighborhood is very different. The
00:24:37.420
allies you need to balance China are countries that don't have that kind of affinity. Vietnam has no
00:24:42.680
sentimentality about America's role in Vietnamese history. The Indonesians don't have much. The
00:24:48.240
Indians have zero. The Filipinos may have like a little, but not much. So what all of these people
00:24:53.340
are wondering about is, can we, the Chinese are close, you're far. The Chinese and you are about
00:24:58.640
equally strong. You say you will protect us if things get tough. Can we trust you? And the
00:25:05.480
American answer is about 50% of the time. Yes. Yeah. We're good for 50% of the time. And you never
00:25:10.320
know in advance which 50% it's going to be. So the Vietnamese are going to think, and not just the
00:25:15.080
Vietnamese, but even more congenial countries like Australia are going to think, we need to hedge our
00:25:19.760
bets here. We can't be so close to the United States because they're not so reliable. Or here's
00:25:24.060
another concrete problem. Trump has used American weapon sales as a tool of not only national
00:25:30.720
strategy, but personal irritation. So one of the big questions that the Europeans have is the European
00:25:35.740
Union economy is at least equally big to the United States. Europe does not have an arms industry
00:25:40.660
competitive with the United States. And the French government has always said,
00:25:43.980
Europeans should buy European, even if the European weapons aren't at the moment quite as good as the
00:25:48.040
American weapons, because then they won't have to worry about being cut off. So when Trump is saying,
00:25:53.160
you know, we've got a kill switch in every weapon, whether that's true or not. He's the best
00:25:58.560
salesperson the French arms industry ever had. If you're a German, if you're a Pole, and you think,
00:26:03.560
should we buy the French system? I was in a, I won't use the specifics here. I was in a NATO country
00:26:08.360
at the earlier part of this year and had dinner with the defense minister who was contemplating a major
00:26:13.720
weapons purchase, at least major by the standards of that country. They had a series of bids, one
00:26:18.620
from American, the United States, one from France, one from some other country. The American system
00:26:23.720
was clearly the best, most capable, but it was also the most expensive. And they also had lost
00:26:29.040
confidence that they could trust it. They had bought, they had heard about this kill switch
00:26:32.700
rumor. Trump hadn't said it yet, but they had heard about it. They were worried about it. And they
00:26:36.320
were going to lean instead to a French or South Korean system because at least they could trust that
00:26:40.640
system. And after all, while it wasn't as good as the American system, it was still better than the
00:26:44.620
Russian system. Yeah. Yeah. So are you anticipating a new wave of nuclear proliferation as a result of
00:26:52.780
what's happened of late, especially our, our on-again, off-again support of Ukraine? I mean,
00:26:57.640
it seems to me that the only rational lesson to draw from Ukraine's experience on the one hand,
00:27:03.960
that maybe you could hold North Korea on a reason. If you'd like to continue listening to this
00:27:09.240
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00:27:15.020
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