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Making Sense - Sam Harris
- August 27, 2025
#432 — The Undoing of America
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Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast. This is Sam Harris. Just a note to say that if you're
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hearing this, you're not currently on our subscriber feed, and we'll only be hearing
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the first part of this conversation. In order to access full episodes of the Making Sense
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Podcast, you'll need to subscribe at samharris.org. We don't run ads on the podcast, and therefore
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it's made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers. So if you enjoy what we're
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doing here, please consider becoming one. I am here with David French. David, thanks for joining
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me again. Thanks so much for having me back. I appreciate it. Yeah, it's great to see you. I'm
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a big fan of your writing. Remind people where they can read you online. New York Times. I have
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a newsletter and a column every week at the Times, and then also podcasts pretty regularly. So just
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go to the New York Times, and there I'll be. Do you publish anywhere else, or are you exclusive
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to the Times now? All my written work is at the Times. I'm also on a, I have a podcast called
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Advisory Opinions that I do with Sarah Isker, and that is covering the law and the Constitution,
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basically exclusively with a little bit of free, like, dating advice for lawyers sprinkled
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in there as well. Right. Well, we're not going to cover the dating advice, but we will talk about
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the law a little bit. Let's start with your big picture experience of the last seven some
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odd months. How has the second Trump term struck you? I would classify it as an assault on our
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Republican form of government, is one way to put it. If you're thinking about the American system
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and the American form of government, one of the things that's really important is you sort of break
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down the two foundings of America, the first founding, the 17, you know, running from 1776
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and the Declaration through the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, and then the second
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founding is the Civil War and the Civil War amendments. The fundamental aim of the first
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founding was establishing this Republican form of government. No monarchs, no centralized power
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under one person. This is really fundamentally the entire object of that first founding is
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establishing this Republican form of government. And what we've seen is in the last seven months is
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what we've seen is an escalating attack on that Republican form of government. This is something
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that's been happening for a while in the sense that the presidency has continued to just accumulate more
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and more power over time. But it has now gotten to a point where that process is accelerating out of
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control. And we're now seeing sort of a not just presidents accruing power sort of as part of a
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incremental process, but now grabbing power. President Trump is grabbing power with both arms
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in a way that is supported by particular MAGA legal theories and directly contradictory to not just the
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letter of the Constitution, but the entire spirit of the Constitutional Project. So other than that,
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things are going great. Yeah. Yeah. Well, before we get into more of what concerns you about
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Trump and Trumpism and this assault upon our form of government, remind people about your political
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biases such as they are, because I mean, one of the reasons why I love talking to someone like
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yourself is that any allegation of partisanship just simply doesn't run through. So what is it? How do
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you describe yourself politically? Well, I had been a lifelong Republican, so I was born in 69, came of age
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politically during the Reagan presidency, would have long considered myself a Reagan conservative. So
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I was a delegate to the Republican National Convention in 2012, supporting Mitt Romney, for example.
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I was a member of the conservative legal movement. I was a former president of FIRE, the Foundation for
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Individual Rights and Expression. I worked for conservative public interest legal organizations.
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FIRE is not conservative. It's nonpartisan. But after I was at FIRE, I worked for conservative public
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interest legal organizations. I'm a former army JAG officer served in Iraq during the surge. And right
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until the rise of Trump, I would have proudly called myself a Republican, definitely called myself
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conservative, still call myself conservative, but no longer call myself Republican.
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Right, right. So what is the worst thing so far that has happened? It doesn't have to be one
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thing. It just, what comes to mind when I ask you where the bright lines are? I mean, one of the
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things that's most mystifying to me is to find myself in conversation with a smart person or an
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ostensibly smart person who simply doesn't see anything that has happened that shatters any kind
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of norm that should have been inviolate or, I mean, just like there's this kind of slow creep
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where more and more becomes permissible. There's just too much to pay attention to. We just can't
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follow the plot anymore. In Bannon's terms, the zone has been flooded fully with shit. And that turns
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out to be so effective that you talk to people who really have nothing on their list of things that
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seem so far out of the ordinary is to be disqualifying for this president or the political
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movement behind him. What's clearly crossed the line for you in the second time?
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Yeah, there's a few things, but the one that really stands out to me, and it's not going to be one
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incident, but it's the cumulative effect of a number of incidents, and that is the distortion of our system
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of federal justice. So the distortion of the Department of Justice into an instrument that is being
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stocked increasingly with Trumpist partisans, the explicit targeting, public explicit targeting of
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political enemies for potential criminal investigations, or in some cases, maybe actual
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investigations. We can talk about the Bolton search, for example. I'm withholding judgment on
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the underlying merits. I've not seen the search warrant, for example. I don't know some of the underlying
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facts, but I do know that the run-up to the search warrant and the conduct of the administration
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after the search warrant absolutely transgresses prior DOJ practices. The firing of prosecutors of
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the Jack Smith prosecution team, the pardoning of the January 6th rioters, all of these things
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together very clearly indicate that there is a two-tiered system of justice, that Trump's allies
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receive mercy, Trump's allies will even receive pardons, and Trump's enemies, at the very least,
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are going to be subjected to the most heightened and exacting scrutiny. And at the worst, even innocent
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people will feel the brunt of the law under this administration. And this is the kind of system of
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justice that is far more reminiscent of monarchies or autocracies, where you have the monarch, the single
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figure, where their will, their desire is what justice is. And so I would say the attack on the
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Department of Justice followed very closely behind something that is not as much in the headlines,
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but is the systematic purge we're seeing in the Department of Defense as well. Both of those are
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very much related. They have similar impulses. They have similar outcomes. But the DOJ process,
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the Department of Justice process, is sort of further down the road.
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Yeah, this selection for loyalty above all, right, just purging the various branches of government of
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anyone who, you know, has a history of having criticized him or, given that history, hasn't made
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sufficiently obsequious amends. I mean, because obviously there are people in his orbit who did
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criticize him, like his vice president. But I think if you bent the knee enough and low enough
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in supplication, he's a fan of that as well. So, but this using loyalty as the test, it produces many
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outcomes which are undesirable. But one is that it selects for people who are not ethical almost by
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definition. I mean, selecting for people who are willing to pass some humiliating loyalty tests where
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they have to pretend to believe things that they obviously can't believe because they're preposterous
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and are willing to say those things in public, right, and willing to, I mean, just the kinds of
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proclamations you hear from Pam Bondi or Kash Patel. I mean, some of the things they said in,
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you know, in the aftermath of the raid on Bolton, which we'll talk about. Again, I don't know the
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details of the case, but the way Bondi and Patel spoke publicly on social media around that just
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sounded like the, it's the language you expect from a tyranny. I mean, this is just not,
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this is not the way our politics used to look. Well, you know, it was sometimes frustrating
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prior to Trump that there is this DOJ practice that we're not going to confirm
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the existence of investigations. This was the general matter. And there's a very good reason
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for that. And the reason is that when people know that someone is subject to a criminal
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investigation, they often skip straight to guilt that the existence of a criminal investigation is
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somehow proof of criminal wrongdoing. And if somebody is investigated and not charged,
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a fair society, a fair country doesn't want that cloud hanging over them. And so even this notion
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where there, that Kash Patel is going to go on Twitter while the search is ongoing, or even while
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it just ended and sort of, and, and spike the football over it, no one is above the law. When you
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talk about J.D. Vance going on television and confirming investigations of Ambassador Bolton,
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when you see the president of the United States calling for vengeance against his enemies and advert,
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you know, you see administration officials advertising that they want to do mortgage fraud
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investigations of some of their political opponents. When you see all of that, it, it reminds
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you of why some of these rules exist, that, that some of these rules and norms and practices exist,
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because specifically we do not want innocent people to face clouds of suspicion. And once the cloud lands
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firmly through say an indictment, then that person has an opportunity to defend themselves, very limited
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opportunity to truly defend themselves if they're just subject to an investigation. And that's just like
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one piece of all of this, where, where barrier after barrier after barrier has been just blown through
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in such a way that it's very satisfying to his core constituency because they wanted this. This is
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exactly what they wanted. But for everyone else, for his opponents, it creates a sense that there's a
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target on your back. And for the rest of America, it casts aspersions on people who may be entirely
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innocent of any wrongdoing, but the mighty, the bully pulpit has been turned against them and their
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reputation could be stained forever for just forever without any kind of judicial proceeding.
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And even if their reputation isn't stained, because even if anyone who looks at the case
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knows that it was, you know, spurious and vindictive and not, and shouldn't have been launched in the
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first place, they can be bankrupted by the obligation to defend themselves. I mean, it's just life
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derranging punishment. Yeah. Yeah. However spurious it is. I'm thinking of someone like Chris Krebs,
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who was the election security officer who simply wouldn't agree that the 2020 election had been
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stolen. And now he's been investigated for what indiscretion I've forgotten, but the real
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indiscretion is that he simply wouldn't sing the president's tune at the time. Well, so there's two
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sides to this monstrous object. There's the favor to friends and the vindictive vengeance against
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enemies or perceived enemies. Let's take the friend piece of it. You mentioned pardoning the January 6th
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rioters. Why was that as sinister as you think, and not just a difference of opinion about,
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you know, that just too much had been made of a protest that just got out of hand, right? This
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is just not, no one was trying to do anything of substance. They just got a little agitated. And
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then, you know, we've seen video on Tucker Carlson's impeccable program of cops letting other people in
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at least one side of the building. So it wasn't all flagpoles stuck in the faces of cops. Sometimes
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the cops just let people in. So this is a morally ambiguous situation. Why isn't this just, you know,
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clemency and a sign of just how capacious the goodwill of the current president is?
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You've convinced me, Sam. That's what it is. I'm sorry. No. Let's go back a bit and talk about
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when the pardon power was put in the original 1787 constitution. This was something that was
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controversial at the time. And so you'll even go back and you'll read some of the ratification
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debates in Virginia, most notably, where George Mason stands up and strongly objects to the powers
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of the presidency, including the pardon power. And the concern there was that the president would
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use the pardon power to assist his friends, to grant friends and suspicious characters would be a
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phrase that would be used. A kind of impunity that the president would use the pardon power for his own
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self-interest and that the how capacious the pardon power was, it's unreviewable. It's totally at the
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president's own discretion. It's not limited by its any real terms in the constitution, that this would
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become an engine of political favoritism. This is something that has been worried about for more
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than 200 years. And so the answer to this was that the pardon power in many ways, it was supposed to be
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in a lot of criminal justice reformers will defend the pardon power and say, well, wait, wait, wait,
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hold on. The pardon power allows for sort of last ditch interventions of mercy when the judicial
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system has created a miscarriage of justice and the judicial system. We have exhausted the judicial
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system, but the miscarriage of justice remains. And that's the use of the pardon power. The abuse of
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the pardon powers for favoritism, for friends. And so what you see here unfolding is exactly,
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exactly the scenario that many of the founders, particularly the anti-federalist faction,
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were most worried about, that this awesome pardon power would be used for friends to
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benefit friends and allies, regardless of the merits of their cases. And so, you know,
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when you talk about the January 6th pardons, he did not go through and say, okay, John Smith here
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and Jane Smith, the evidence shows that a police officer in this state of confusion and sort of
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the fog of all of the conflict, let them in. And then they were prosecuted when someone just let
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them in. And then here's somebody else who we have them on video beating a police officer with a
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flagpole or beating them with their fists. That person is a violent criminal. There's no sort of
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confusion or getting out of hand argument for them. They're assaulting a cop. He didn't do that. He
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didn't do that kind of inquiry when instead he said, everybody, everybody gets pardon or clemency there.
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And so even the most violent, even the most depraved received unmerited favor from Donald Trump.
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This is exactly what the founders, many of the founders were worried about. And when you go back
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and you look at those early debates, what was the answer from the defenders of the constitution?
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Madison arose and said, oh, we can deal with that through impeachment. Impeachment is the remedy.
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We've seen how powerful the impeachment mechanism has been in Trump's case.
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Right. But what this also shows us is the very thing that Donald Trump did, no lesser a founder
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than James Madison would say that's impeachment worthy, that that's beyond the pale. And so it's
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not just sort of the obvious injustice of obviously guilty people have who have engaged in violent
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attacks on law enforcement have been granted a reprieve by this president solely because they're his
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political allies and they committed violence for him. But what we're seeing is it's not just that in
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isolation. This is also systemic. It's exposing a systemic problem with the power, the way this
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president is exercising his power.
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How is it that he can, on the one hand, spin himself as the law and order president and on the
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other hand, pardon people who we've watched attack police officers on video and there's no apparent
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cognitive dissonance suffered by his supporters? I mean, does anyone in Trumpistan break with him
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over that contradiction, the fact that he didn't distinguish among the rioters?
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Your key word there was in Trumpistan. You know, if you are in Trumpistan, you believe the election
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was stolen. If you're in Trumpistan, you believe that the entire January 6th riot and attack,
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if anyone is really to blame, it's Nancy Pelosi for not having sufficient security at the Capitol.
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In true Trumpistan, they believe that without foundation, that many of these January 6th
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protesters were imprisoned and prosecuted without real due process. So in Trumpistan, you have people
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who believe that the January 6th protests were exaggerated in their violence, no worse than,
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say, the protesters who would occupy parts of the Capitol building, say, to protest the Kavanaugh
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nomination, that the real violence that happened during that era was far-left violence in the Black
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Lives Matter protests. And so they just have a completely different view of what occurred on January 6th,
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that the violence was exaggerated, that the protests were legitimate, that the election was actually
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stolen. And so they're going to look at a lot of those January 6ers as sort of heirs to 1776,
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that these were patriots intervening on behalf of a president who was wrongly denied the presidency.
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So they just, they're living in a different universe from many, many, many millions of other Americans.
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Is there more to say about the Bolton case? I mean, I remember before the, the FBI raid of his house,
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I mean, this is more or less right after Trump was inaugurated, he withdrew the security detail
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from Bolton, who by all accounts had, you know, credible threats against him from Iran.
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So the vindictiveness was easily and early established and clear. And it seems like, you know, whatever,
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whatever the merits of this case, again, we, neither, neither of us know if Bolton's holding on to any
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documents he shouldn't be holding on to, but it just seems like the president has telegraphed his
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motives in, in focusing the justice department on people like Bolton from the outset.
00:19:04.900
Well, this is why you don't do that. This is why you don't name political enemies. Cash Patel had,
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for example, had an enemies list in his book. When you name your political enemies, what that means,
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and you name them and identify them and you take vengeance against them. So for example,
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by lifting a security detail, what that does is it casts a shadow on all of the actions going
00:19:29.080
forward. So for example, neither you nor I, I don't have seen the, the search warrant or have
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seen the filings in court to ask for the search warrant. So we don't know the underlying evidence
00:19:40.140
or lack thereof. All we know are the surrounding circumstances. And this is why you don't identify
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targets. This is why you don't engage in vengeful actions because who right now can have any
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confidence at all that this investigation is being conducted professionally. The only thing
00:19:57.360
that is keeping me from saying clearly this, this is a politically targeted raid is the fact that
00:20:03.620
federal judges did sign off on these warrants. So there, there was a check there. Now it's easy
00:20:10.700
to get a search warrant. It's not difficult to get a search warrant, but there is at least some degree
00:20:14.480
of judicial review that tells me that a federal judge saw this and thought there is at least some
00:20:19.700
reason for probable cause. So I cannot judge the underlying merits of that search warrant.
00:20:25.160
But what I can do is I can say that when you engage in public vilification of your political enemies,
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when you do things like Kash Patel spiking the football, what that does is it communicates to
00:20:36.860
everyone that this is a political attack, not that this is the dispassionate, even-handed operation
00:20:43.160
of justice. And then let's say, Sam, that there was actual evidence of a crime. Let's just,
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for the sake of argument, let's assume there is evidence of a crime. You've just really undermined
00:20:52.780
your ability to get a conviction because if I'm a halfway competent criminal defense lawyer, just
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mouth-breathingly competent as a criminal defense lawyer, I can walk into a jury and say,
00:21:05.080
this is all political. And I can pull up quote after quote, action after action, note how they deviated
00:21:11.920
from standard department of justice practice. And then I'll turn to the jury and they're going to,
00:21:16.000
I would say, they're going to give you a bunch of complicated mumbo jumbo about how Ambassador
00:21:21.780
Bolton violated these highly technical and highly intricate security clearance requirements.
00:21:27.260
But I'm going to tell you, that's a smokescreen. What's really going on is this, and I can point
00:21:32.580
to comment after comment.
00:21:34.700
So on the front end-
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The president calling him a low life.
00:21:36.200
Yeah. So you're, you're actually in many ways, you're undermining, undermining the system of
00:21:40.480
justice on the front end and the back end because you're undermining confidence that these
00:21:44.260
investigations are uneven handed and you're undermining your prosecution, even if you uncover
00:21:49.640
criminal wrongdoing.
00:21:50.840
What about the accusations that President Obama is guilty of treason?
00:21:55.980
Treason. If I'm not mistaken, treason, I don't know if it always carries a death sentence,
00:22:01.320
but it can carry a death sentence.
00:22:02.880
It can. Yeah.
00:22:04.020
Yeah. Well, I mean, what are we, what are we to make of, uh, I mean, there's two things. One,
00:22:08.360
the accusation was made. Two, there's so, so much else has happened in the meantime that it was
00:22:14.040
promptly memory hold and it's probably not even in anyone, anyone's top 10 of the most interesting
00:22:19.280
things that have happened in the last six months. But to have a sitting president accused,
00:22:23.920
the prior one of possibly a capital offense, uh, and to say that he's now being investigated,
00:22:30.420
that's a 20 megaton piece of news that would completely subsume the presidency of any other
00:22:35.660
president. Oh, absolutely. It would. And it really does go back to that ban and flood the zone with
00:22:42.380
shit kind of formulation where if you're just, just shoveling outrage into the public,
00:22:49.100
you do induce fatigue. You do sort of induce this situation where, uh, you know, I'm sure you've
00:22:55.380
seen that, that Jeff online of Homer Simpson with his eyes wide, just retreating back into the
00:23:01.260
shrubbery. This is the natural human reaction to just nonstop outrage, nonstop crisis, nonstop sense
00:23:09.800
of alarm is a lot of people just back away from that. And so you're exactly right. I mean,
00:23:14.480
we could do this, the whole conversation, we could point to this or that thing that happened four
00:23:19.660
decades ago or 10 days ago or two months ago. And it will feel like five years ago because so many
00:23:25.500
other things have happened. And it just creates a sense of, uh, what you might think of as just
00:23:30.900
almost irresistible momentum that this is just the way things are now. And you either accept it
00:23:38.200
and go along with the tide or resist it and get crushed by it. And I think there's a, this is a
00:23:44.700
very intentional strategy. The difference between Trump one and 1.0 and Trump 2.0 is vast. There's
00:23:51.800
actually a lot of people around him of a specific theory of power and are using Trump's impulsiveness
00:23:58.020
and vindictiveness to pursue that theory of power.
00:24:01.380
Well, let's talk about that theory of power. You've written about the ways in which we're
00:24:06.320
discovering that the constitution has been, uh, an insufficient bulwark against the impulses of a,
00:24:12.780
of a corrupt authoritarian president. And, um, I guess let's touch the, uh, a point specifically,
00:24:19.360
which you raised in a recent New York times piece about why Congress has been so ineffectual.
00:24:25.880
I'm going to read you a quote here. You wrote in, in, in criticism of the, of this notion of
00:24:30.020
co-equal branches of government, which is a phrase that many of us have in our heads.
00:24:34.020
And you wrote, our nation is not supposed to have co-equal branches. Congress is supposed to
00:24:39.500
reign supreme. Yes. The other branches have the power to check Congress. Presidents can veto
00:24:44.160
legislation. Courts exercise judicial review, but Congress alone possesses the power of the purse.
00:24:50.760
Congress alone is supposed to possess the power to declare war. Congress can impeach and remove
00:24:55.620
members of the executive and judicial branches of government, including the president and justices
00:25:00.100
of the Supreme court. This does not seem to describe the Congress that we have. So, so what is, I mean,
00:25:07.260
you in this piece, you also recommend that we amend article two of the constitution. Give me a little
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color on the problem here. Yeah. So if you go back and you read the federalist papers, you will see that
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the construct is that ambition is made to check ambition. In other words, there's no one collection
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of people or no one person who can be trusted. If you'd like to continue listening to this
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