#439 — How to Lose a Democracy
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Summary
On this episode of the Making Sense Podcast, Sam Harris sits down with Damon Linker, a writer and political commentator, to discuss the current state of American democracy. They talk about what it means to be a liberal in a post-9/11 America, how to deal with the rise of the alt-right, and why it's important to be sober and circumspect about what we think is happening here.
Transcript
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Welcome to the Making Sense Podcast. This is Sam Harris. Just a note to say that if you're hearing
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of this conversation. In order to access full episodes of the Making Sense Podcast,
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made possible entirely through the support of our subscribers. So if you enjoy what we're doing
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here, please consider becoming one. I'm here with Damon Linker. Damon, thanks for joining me.
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Thanks for having me, Sam. It's great to be here.
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So many people will be familiar with your writing, but remind people of what you've been up to
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these many years as a writer and a political commentator and where they can find your stuff
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currently. Well, like it seems like everyone these days, I have a sub stack titled Notes from
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the Middle Ground. And then I also teach political science at the University of Pennsylvania as a
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senior lecturer there. And I mainly teach courses in political theory and the political right.
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Well, we're going to get into the political right and the theory or lack of theory that may apply to
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the current moment. And how would you describe your politics at this point?
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You know, for the last decade or so, I've described myself as being a liberal on the center left.
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I used to be a conservative about 20 to 25 years ago. I was an editor at First Things magazine,
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which Andrew Sullivan once called the intellectual nerve center of the religious right. And so I spent some
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time in the midst of that during the Bush administration and became frustrated with
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some of the Bush policies, the Iraq war, opposition to same-sex marriage. And so broke from that,
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wrote a book about it called The Theocons. And since then, I've been on the broad center left with the
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emphasis mainly on center. I'm really not that far to the left, but I do incline that way,
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mostly out of aversion to what the right has become. Although that's kind of amusing because
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that break, as I just said, was initiated under Bush. And now I look back at the Bush administration
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and it seems like the good old days. Oh, yeah. Yeah. As do I. I don't think we've ever crossed
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paths, but I seem to remember you having some critical things to say about the new atheists.
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I don't know if those same criticisms still apply and perhaps we'll get to some areas of
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disagreement. But when I look at your writing now, certainly on the topic of politics,
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you know, you and I are more or less in lockstep in how we view the current moment.
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That sounds about right. I would expect that. Everything I've heard of you and your podcast
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and other media appearances, I think were pretty simpatico. Yeah. I mean, I was critical of some of
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the new atheist writings at the time. That whole wave seems to have kind of dissipated and moved on
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we're talking about other things now. So it almost feels like ancient history. My second book called
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The Religious Test does have an essay in it that's critical of the new atheists. And you are in there
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along with your colleagues, the late Christopher Hitchens and, you know, the others, the four horsemen
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of the apocalypse or... Well, maybe we'll get there. You know, both of us talk about our worries at this
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point, perhaps ad nauseum. I wouldn't like it ever to be accurately said of me that I'm an alarmist
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around the changes that seem to be happening in our democracy. And I wouldn't want it said of you
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either in this context. So I would like us to, as a posture, to be as circumspect and sober as we can
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be. But I also don't want us to shy away from honestly analyzing what we think is happening here.
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So with that as a, you know, my effort to lead the witness, what can you say about the current state of
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American democracy from your point of view? Well, it's, I certainly agree with the way you've,
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you framed that. That's sort of my brand at my substack is to be sober and clear-eyed, honest
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about how things are going. And also not to, I don't really believe in pep talks, in trying to
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portray things as better than they are in order to buck up my own side. I think it's much better
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for liberals to stare resolutely at those who wish to do us harm and assess what it is they hate about
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us and what they want to do to us and in place of us if they firmly depose us. And only in doing that
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can we formulate a kind of coherent and reasonable response? The way it looks to me now, I have gone
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back and forth over the last, say, half decade to full decade, basically since Trump first, you know,
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descended the escalator and began his first campaign. I've gone back and forth between fearing what a lot
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of people on the center-left fear, which is a kind of dictatorship under this man who appears to have
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what I call a tyrannical soul, if you will. Someone who longs to be a strong man and vanquishes enemies
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and punish those who do him any wrong, which he defines very broadly. So sometimes I worry about that,
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but at other times I worry about an alternative bad case scenario that intertwines with it in a kind
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of ominous way, and that is the United States spiraling into civil unrest. I'm hesitant to use
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the word civil war or the phrase civil war, which we hear so much of these days unless we define
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precisely what we mean. I do not anticipate a new Antietam and Gettysburg and armies lining up against
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each other on battlefields and firing guns at each other, but other examples throughout history like
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the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the years of lead in Italy, a kind of spiraling of tit-for-tat violence
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by radicals on both the far left and the far right, which, if left to their own devices, could devolve
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into a kind of ongoing chaos in which the economy can't really function well and day-to-day violence
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in our lives with bombings and shootings becoming so great that kind of public spaces become kind of
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emptied out as people try to just stay in their homes to avoid that violence. That's bad enough,
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but the way in which these two options intersect with each other is, I think, what alarms me most
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about the present moment, with the present being defined as the fall of 2025, because it does evolve
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over time, is the way that Trump and his most malign allies in the administration, foremost among them
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being Stephen Miller, the Deputy White House Chief of Staff and Senior Advisor to the President,
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that they seem very eager to be given a pretext to clamp down on political dissent in a more radical way,
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and they are using any sign of violence by anyone who can be described as on the left as that pretext.
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And, of course, the Charlie Kirk assassination was the biggest of these opportunities for them.
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They haven't thankfully moved, say, to invoke the Insurrection Act, which we can maybe talk a little
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bit more about later in response to that assassination, but you now have Trump in the last couple of days
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actually invoking that act in his own name as something he's contemplating. He and Miller desperately
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want Portland to be burning to the ground so that they can use that as a pretext. They want Chicago
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to spiral with attacks on ICE officers by people on the street, which then the military can be sent in
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to defend the ICE officers, and then, you know, the administration would then hope that the left
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attacks the soldiers and that this would, you know, intensify support for, again, a more militaristic
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power grab. It's really scary stuff. And so what do I fear most is exactly what I've just been
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describing, the both of them interacting with each other. Okay, so I want you to prop up that dystopian
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vision as fully as you can. I want you to walk me through what would happen between now and then to
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make those increments seem plausible. But what would you say to someone who thinks that the last few
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minutes of your utterances was just a lurch into the very alarmism I disavowed, right? I mean, what
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would you say to someone right of center who thinks that nothing really out of the ordinary is happening
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except for the fact that we finally have an administration who is willing to take the crime
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problem in these democratically mismanaged cities seriously, right? So all Trump wants to do
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is, first of all, he's implementing the very immigration policy that he ran on. And in truth,
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he, I don't know where the numbers stand now, but last I heard, he hadn't deported many more or even
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as many people as Obama had in his, one of his terms. You can correct me if I'm wrong there. But I
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mean, it's like the number of deportations have not been astronomical. There's just been a lot of noise
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around them. And the number, you know, the numbers aside, he promised to do this and now he's doing
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it and half of America clearly wants him to do it. And everything else, bringing in the National Guard or
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even the 82nd Airborne into a place like Chicago is just a response to an ambient level of violence
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there that every American should find intolerable. And he's not doing anything tyrannical. He's just
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restoring order, the order that most people in their heart of hearts would really want. And
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basically everything you just said is some species of left-wing paranoia.
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Well, yeah, that's a great way to set it up. And it, because it, you know, it shows that the challenge
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of trying to hew to the center, because there's a lot of truth in what you just said as a kind of
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hypothetical rebuttal to what I said. So, for example, I think it is true that Biden very badly
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mismanaged immigration. It's not even clear exactly why, if this was coming from the president himself
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or senior advisors who simply took over for him when he was, you know, relatively incapacitated and
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not attending to that, maybe distracted by Ukraine and other things going on in the world. And so he
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handed it off to advisors and let them handle it. Whatever the cause, it was not handled well.
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There was a kind of reflexive sense, I think, among a lot of Democrats that Trump had been
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already pretty tyrannical about immigration because of the child separation policy and the Muslim ban and
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so forth in the first administration. And that therefore, once Democrats were back in charge,
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it was important to reverse course, to stop relying on COVID era restrictions, about letting people come
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in the country and wait out their hearing on this side of the border, when in reality, many of them
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can simply sort of disappear into the woodwork of our enormous country and so forth. So if that's what
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you're saying that all Trump is trying to do is kind of reinstitute the rule of law after a period where
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it was insufficiently defended, there is some truth to that. And there is some truth to the fact that he
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won the election and a lot of people who voted for him felt strongly about that issue. Where I would
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push back is in saying what is so alarming about the way Trump is handling immigration is the way it's
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being imposed. As you note, it's true. If you look back at the number of people who were deported
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or sent back at the border under Presidents Clinton, under President Bush, under President Obama,
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and then compare that to either the first Trump administration or now, it appears that Trump
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isn't doing all that much. There were something like 10 million people returned or, again, either at the
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border or within internal deportations under those other Presidents. A little bit less under Obama,
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but still way more than Trump. But those Presidents did not send in ICE officers with their faces masked,
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with no badges visible, to raid employers, detain people without proper charges. Quite often,
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people who, in fact, are not here illegally but are legal immigrants with green cards or even full
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American citizens. And it's this sort of haphazard, kind of over-the-top displays of aggression and
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violence and seeming lawlessness by officers of the federal government that has people extremely alarmed.
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Again, almost as if what Trump wants to do is have a kind of camera-ready show of force for his most
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right-wing supporters and kind of winkingly to those supporters, hoping that that provokes a reaction
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from the left that will then justify it retrospectively and justify him doing even more
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in that direction. And that is bad. Now, on the broader question of crime, I also am in the middle.
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I am all in favor of prosecuting crimes, keeping our cities safe or making them safe if they aren't.
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I've written critical things about the way a lot of democratically-led so-called blue cities handle
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homelessness and crime in various ways. That isn't something that I want to defend. And I think
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Democrats often have walked themselves into political weakness by responding the way they do to these
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issues. The problem, once again, is that within my lifetime, at a time when, say, I lived in New York
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in the early 1990s, New York City had over 2,000 murders per year. It's now something on the order
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of 10 to 20 percent of that. Other cities, even those like my own Philadelphia that have higher rates
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of violence, it is still lower than it used to be. And then again, with Portland, did Portland have
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a big problem around four to five years ago through 2020 with Antifa and protesters clashes with the
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police, areas of the city that were kind of occupied by left-wing vandals. Yeah, but that was four to
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five years ago. That is a very minimal problem now. And there's no real precipitating cause that would
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justify treating this as some kind of national emergency in the present moment. And it is,
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it is, to my mind, a kind of, a kind of tell that the administration is attempting to do that
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in a way that involves, I think, little more evidence than often telling a story. If you look at
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Stephen Miller's posts or tweets on what used to be called Twitter and now X, you will see that he's just
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telling a story in which we live in a country in which there is an organized wave of left-wing
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terrorism going on. And that is just simply delusional. That is not true. Our country did
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have a problem of organized left-wing terrorism in the early 70s when in a period in between 1971 and
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1973, there was something like 500 terrorist bombings. Yeah. They didn't kill that many people,
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but they blew up banks, post offices, other public areas, often at night. That there's,
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there's really nothing remotely like that going on now. And simply saying that it is doesn't make it
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true. So I would just urge the Trump administration and supporters, as well as those on the left who are
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spoiling for a fight with ICE and so forth, to just kind of rein it in a little bit and, uh, you know,
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recommit to looking at the reality-based community and treating reality as a thing that everyone should
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be able to, uh, agree on certain basic facts about. And I'm disheartened by how little sign there is
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that, uh, especially the right wants to do that. The left has its problems and does some of that,
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but it is also the case that even with all of the ICE provocations, the raids, the masking,
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the lack of badges, you know, grabbing people off the street and manhandling them, throwing them
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into unmarked cars and driving off with them, with all of that, we really haven't seen widespread
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left-wing violence riots and so forth. Like we did, for instance, in the summer of 2020, with I think
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far less provocation, you know, I mean, in the sense, of course, I think the George Floyd killing was
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terrible and worth some protests, but, uh, you know, this is a systematic act of the federal government
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with the president leading the way with very incendiary rhetoric. So given that fact, I think
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actually the left has been remarkably restrained, not in the sense that I'm saying like they should
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be doing more and more violent things, but simply I might've expected them to be more violent given
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the recent history of how the left has occasionally behaved in the face of other provocations.
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Yeah. Well, I mean, the rhetoric has certainly been appalling. I mean, everything out of Stephen
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Miller's mouth suggests that he's, he's vying for some kind of banality of evil award. I mean,
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it's just, he's just so clearly an awful human being in addition to everything else that is
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wrong with his politics. And I do think that the lack of civility and the indulgence of conspiracy
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thinking, all of this is just frankly dangerous, right? It's not just words. It really is raising
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the temperature, uh, in ways that, that are dangerous and it's making certain terrible
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outcomes far more likely as well as just attesting to the callousness and delusion of the people in
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power, right? So it's all terrible. And yet many people will say, well, these are just words,
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right? You should be taking him seriously, not literally. And so it goes for every one of his
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courtiers and concubines and, uh, enablers. What Trump has done to our politics has scared a lot of
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people left of center, but it really, it's not on a continuum with now, now, again, I'm, I'm just
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bending over backwards to be charitable to people who disagree with us. It's not on any kind of
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continuum with what we mean by authoritarianism, much less fascism. This is a reality TV show,
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right? This is all, um, theater on some level, not much as really as at stake. They're, they're creating
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a vibe. And yes, it's understandable that people left of center are alarmed, but these are not the
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sorts of people who are ever going to put people up against the wall and shoot them. Like the,
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what everything that is being, that, you know, alarmists like, and again, I'm being ventriloquized
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here, alarmists like Timothy Snyder and Anne Applebaum and all these people as scholars of,
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of totalitarianism and the unraveling of democracy, all these people are hysterics and they're drawing
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bad analogies to other cases. What we have here is somebody who's, um, just has a very different
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style, right? And so, and the masking of, of ICE that even has its own exculpatory explanation.
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These guys are being doxed online and this is, so this is a new moment where social media is
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posing a real risk to law enforcement. So they have to be masked. And, um, yeah, if they're a
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little rough around the edges, well, you know, these people are here illegally, you know, if you
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don't want the laws in force, you shouldn't have these laws in the first place, right? Everyone's
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guilty of a crime who's here illegally. It doesn't, it doesn't matter how long they've been here. It
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doesn't matter how profitably they've been working in necessary industries. Again, we have laws on the
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books and now we're enforcing them. So what, what is clearly wrong with that level of, of insouciance
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around the current situation? Well, I would say that liberal democracy as a form of government,
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it's a form of government where... If you'd like to continue listening to this conversation,
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