Europe, a Nation？
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Summary
As the European Parliament sang the Old Long Sign and the Union Jack was removed from Brussels' flag procession, the seemingly impossible became fact. Great Britain was out of the EU, and the Tories are riding high once more in London. In 2016, Brexit was viewed as a major advancement for nationalism and populism. But did the alt-right overlook or misunderstand something in all the frivolity? The panel discusses the future of both nationalism and Europeanism.
Transcript
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It's Monday, February 3rd, and welcome back to The McSpencer Group, the internet's most
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Anglo-centric podcast. Joining me are Celtic bard Keith Woods and exuberant Albion Edward
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Dutton. Top issue, Brexit is for real. As the European Parliament sang the old long
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sign and the Union Jack was removed from Brussels' flag procession, the seemingly impossible
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became fact. Great Britain was out of the European Union, and the Tories are riding high once
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more in London. In 2016, Brexit was viewed as a major advancement for nationalism and populism.
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But did the alt-right overlook or misunderstand something in all the frivolity? The panel
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discusses the future of both nationalism and Europeanism.
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Well, Ed, welcome to the programme. I hope you've recovered from your heavy drinking and
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frivolity. Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, you are free at last.
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A nation once again. God save the Queen. The English, the English, your English are best. I
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couldn't give tuppence for all of the rest. Yes, that is, that is, as we say, the rottenness
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It's inwards past Calais, isn't that the phrase?
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Oh, yes, that's right. That's right. There's fog in the channel. The continent is cut off.
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The Irish now are contempt is beneath. He sleeps in his boots and he lies through his teeth. He blows
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up policemen, or so I have heard, and blames it on Cromwell and William III. Yes, that is pretty much
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the feeling. Yeah, a load of us met up in Oulu at a Nepalese restaurant, which we thought
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was very colonial, very nice colonial British Empire setting. And then we celebrated heartily
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throughout the night. And then we retired to a workplace of a friend who had a cellar where
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we could watch the television and we counted down, sang Auld Lang Syne, which is important
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to reclaim from the Remainers, Auld Lang Syne, because they've made out, it's, we had all
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of the European Parliament, all of these beta males and weak, you know, I thought that was
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rather touching, actually, that that was respectful.
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It was an attempt to get something which is associated with tradition, which we sing in
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New Year, I don't know if you're in America, but in Britain, we sing it on New Year's Eve.
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It's associated with tradition. It's associated with times of change. And I felt it was an attempt
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to taint that with their maladaptive ideology and make it so that we felt that we couldn't
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use it ourselves. Because it was the one thing that I thought, what are we going to sing at
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11, at one in the morning in Finland, seven o'clock UK? Auld Lang Syne. They tried to take
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that away. So no, I wasn't happy about that. They should sing something by Chumbawamba or something
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if they want to sing something. Anyway, so yes, the main thing is the movement towards freedom.
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This is how the Irish would have felt in 1922, or whatever it was really, one with the free
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state. And the movement towards freedom. Ireland didn't get there till what year? What year
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Yeah, but it's an important step along the way to being an independent country once again,
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and not a vassal state of this left wing, overlord, super state.
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Well, speaking as an American, I'm glad that you're our vassal state again. You know, our little
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island, our 51st state, we can kind of push you around once more. It's going to be fun.
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I doubt, I don't think those would be the dynamics of it. As I've discussed before, there's no such
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thing as Americans, there's English people, like yourself, who happen to live in America. And it's
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the same relationship, I think, that Portugal had been having with Brazil by the 1950s, that the
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power centre had moved to Brazil. But nevertheless, we're talking about Portuguese people. That makes
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perfect sense to me. With the British, the Canadians, the Australians, the New Zealanders,
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they're one people, British people, and the Irish, and particularly their writers, as I discussed
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my video recently. And so I see, I see no reason, what's the, mainly the, the exception of Graham
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Linehan. And so I see the writer of Farmer Pet and other such things, big, big, big, big, big train.
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But I see no reason whatsoever why we should be unhappy about this. This is a, we're an independent
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country once again, which is excellent. And also, it's finally winning at something. I was thinking
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about this in political terms. Sorry, Ed, can I cut you off? Did you have a nice pint of ale with
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one of the, one of the new African migrants that Boris Johnson is bringing in to replace
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the Polish plumbers? Yeah. Did you celebrate that together? Well, obviously not, because I was in
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Finland. But anyway, one of the, one of the things which would have been... I was in Finland this year,
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and I saw a lot of Africans. I doubt you saw a lot of Africans in Finland.
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I doubt you... Where? Where in Finland? Well, Helsinki.
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Oh, yeah. Helsinki's gone. Helsinki's gone. I don't think that ever was really Finland.
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But the proper Finland, it's not so much of an issue. But yes, it's true. It's certainly true that
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that is potentially a black pill, no pun intended. But I think we have, that has to be balanced with
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the positive sides of this, which is, first of all, finally winning at something. I was thinking
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about this. I don't think the right has won at anything actually implemented any change in a
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right-woods direction since perhaps the 1980s, since the late 1980s, when there was a... where
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they had this situation where rabid leftists were promoting homosexuality and good as well
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at school. And Mrs. Thatcher's government passed a law banning that. They made it illegal for
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teachers to tell pupils that it was a good thing, that it was okay to be gay and to encourage
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this kind of thing. And that's the last time something moved in a right-woods direction.
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Since then, everything's been in the left-woods direction. Pretty much all victories have been
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victories of the left. Very minor. But actually, implement something. Implement something.
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This is a big thing. This would be like, actually, to Donald Trump doing something. I know he's done
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not that much, but if he were here to do something. So I think it pleases me. I appreciate it's not
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All right. Before I go to Keith, Ed, what do you think will happen, not necessarily in the
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immediate term, but in the next 10 to 20 years, which is a long time in politics? What do you
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It's very difficult to say in the euphoria of it just having happened to have any kind of rational
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view? Or you could come back to me in a few months and I might have calmed down. I was exhausted.
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I was, I was exhausted yesterday. It was my son's birthday party. He had a birthday party at one of
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these, we call it Theo's Lakey Mar. It's a bit like the thing you have in America, Chuck E. Cheese.
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Yes, I had. I went to many birthday parties there. I wonder if I had one.
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Chuck E. Cheese is quite small. It's mainly based around eating and there's a small play area.
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Whereas this is like a massive aircraft hangar full of an indoor jungle.
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Yeah. I'm imagining a Finnish Chuck E. Cheese. You, you eat like weird, uh, uh, raw fish and
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throw darts or something. You're like, it's a lot like Chuck E. Cheese.
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No, it's, it's the nearest. I didn't know about this, but it was, I, there were these Mormons
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that were trying to convert me to Mormonism in Olu a few years ago. These two young girls
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about 2014, they were about under 20 years old. These two young girls from, uh, you, one from Utah,
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they're from California. And I said to them, I haven't got time to come and watch you with a load,
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get a load of shot glasses. And that's the equivalent of the church. And they all fall
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down. And you tell me about Joe. So I haven't got time, but I am taking my children to Leo's
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Lakeymar or Hoplop or the other one. Why don't you come there? It's free for adults. And I can sit
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there with you and you can tell me about Mormonism and then you can go on all the stuff for free.
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And they thought this was a brilliant idea, but then they told their supervisor and he said,
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no, that's too fun. That's too, that's much too fun for your mission. You can't do that. But she,
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she compared it to Chuck E. Cheese. She said it was like Chuck E. Cheese. I went into a Chuck E. Cheese
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in Maryland and it was small and not very impressive. So anyway, so yeah, anyway, I was
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exhausted there because I've been celebrating so much. I was almost sleeping there yesterday. I was so
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tired. So I'm not, I'm not, I don't, I do not, I cannot successfully augur what will be
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going on 10 years hence, but at least we won't be subject to ludicrous dictates from the European
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court. At least we have to let in, we won't have a more and more people coming in. I mean,
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I was in a situation a while ago I was in London. I ordered some pork scratchings at a bar in London
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and the barman didn't know what they were because he wasn't British and he'd never heard of pork
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scratchings. It was absolutely outrageous. And the European union did that really? Yeah. The European
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union allowed for Europeans, for people who don't speak English very well to be able to come into
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Britain and work in bars. Yeah. Whatever that's true. Yes. It's terrible. It is terrible because
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if you are a working class English person, it's absolutely, you're a plumber. It's absolutely
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outrageous that you should have to compete with people who are prepared to live off next nothing,
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who've got Poland to go back to if things go badly or whatever. And your business is being wrecked
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by competition. I get that actually, but I would say as low price immigrants go, you couldn't do much
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better. But yeah, you are right. That evil totalitarian EU will no longer be regulating
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milk chocolate and other atrocities like regulating bananas and length of the banana and so on. I mean,
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you must feel just you can mock all you like. You will. You can, you can mock all you like,
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but you must know that one of the things that revolutionaries do, you can mock all you wish.
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But one of the things that you must know is that one of the things that revolutionaries and whatever
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try to do is to undermine the confidence, to knock the confidence of the people. And one of the ways
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they do that is by mocking their religion, by mocking the things they hold sacred, by mocking the
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things that hold them together, by undermining their sense of confidence. And that was a big
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part of what the European Union was doing. It was taking the things which make, make sense of our
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world, which connects us, that's important as well, which connects us to our ancestors as a kind of
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unbroken line, such as using imperial measures, or such as whatever it might be, and taking those away,
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or non-imperial measures, no, imperial measures we use, such as those, and taking those away. So
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there's less of a connection between us and our ancestors, less of a coherent society,
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and more of a sort of a bunch of amorphous blobs who can be controlled from on high and
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indoctrinated. That's what a lot of what happened in 1984 was about, take away the language, take
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away individuality, take away the relationship to the past, cut off the past. That's what political
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correctness does. Suddenly, we can't use this word, and this word, and this word, and we're gradually
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cut off from the past, our connections with our ancestors, our sense of ourselves as a tribe. And that's
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what they were doing. And it was a deliberate policy to do that. That's what they were set out to do
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that. The idea was to create a sense of European-ness, based around, to make it worse. I mean, that wouldn't
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necessarily be inherently bad, the idea that we should be united in the face of politics.
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And forcing you to sing the Beethoven's Ninth Symphony chorale or things like that doesn't sound too awful.
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No, precisely. That's not perhaps an inherently bad thing. If Europe is under attack from outside, perhaps it
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would be good to have a united Europe. But that wasn't, it wasn't that kind of united Europe that was
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going on. It was a united Europe based around values and moral realism and all this kind of
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nonsense. So it's a leftist project. It didn't have to be. But it is. It's an Orwellian project,
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which is attempting to suppress nationalism, to suppress people, therefore people's genetic
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interests, suppress their ability to talk about their own invasion and do something about it.
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And therefore, we're best off out of it. And Ireland is best off out of it. And Ireland is finally seeing
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the consequences now. There's an election in Ireland. When is it? About 20 days' time?
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Right. And you've seen, and it's happened very rapidly, the change in Ireland over the
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last 20 years is absolutely catastrophic. And as it is Europeanized and woke-ified and
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all of the people who, if you'd had an abortion, would have been aborted. They haven't been.
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And Brussels did that. They somehow had an ability to change the immigration policies.
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Brussels has attacked things which are aspects of history, which are traditional things,
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in an attempt to make everybody the same and to suppress individuality, including at the
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national level. And also, of course, to impose free borders and free movement of people,
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which does that. Because if you have diversity, it inherently undermines trust. It inherently
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undermines a sense of nationalism. It inherently undermines civic life. So it does that. And also,
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I agree with the free migration within the European sphere. I mean, I think actually some
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of the continental countries might feel lucky now that they've gotten the Great Britain out
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of there, because Great Britain was engaging in demographic transformation at a much more rapid
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pace than any of these other continental countries. So they might have been saved.
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But Great Britain has moved from a general white... That's absolutely true. And Great Britain
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has moved from a white bloc, effectively, to a non-white, you know, globalized world.
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But anyway, I won't do my blackpilling yet. I'm going to wait.
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Well, hang on. Wait a minute. Wait a minute. It's an empirically inaccurate statement. So
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according to the latest census, England is about 15% non-white. If you look at somewhere like the
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Netherlands or somewhere like that, or Belgium, it's in a much worse state, about 25%, if not more.
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So it's not accurate to say that we are... There are countries in Europe that are less non-white
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than us, such as Finland. But I think we're about average. And there's many that are above average
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that are in a far worse state. But anyway, what is that built?
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Fair enough. That is... I'll grant you that. You have moved, again, to a less white political
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order by leaving the European Union, if we are to assume that the European Union is actually...
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has these kind of powers of national sovereignty. I mean, the European Commission is ultimately
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the nation states controlling it. But anyway, Keith, as an Irishman, what is your perspective
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on this? Are you happy? Are you dispassionate? Or...
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Yeah, I don't know. I mean, I think it kind of remains to be seen what will happen regarding
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Brexit. I mean, definitely in the short term, pretty much every economic forecast says they're
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going to suffer slightly. And there'll be a slight knock on effect to Ireland, but I'm
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not too concerned about that. But in terms of Ireland's relationship with the EU, that's
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kind of an interesting one, because we've probably benefited more than any country. But at the
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same time, in the last few years, we've probably suffered more than any country as well, due
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to some of the economic policies. And I know Ed said we'd be better off out of the EU. I
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don't think that's true at all. We actually have the highest approval rate, and it's close
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to 90% for staying in the EU. And that's mostly because of our economic model, which is, you know,
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completely reliant on foreign direct investment from US companies that then export to the Eurozone.
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And, you know, that's where all our growth has come from. But, you know, it's tricky. It's like the EU,
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you know, I know Ed says that the problem is it's a left-wing project, but I think that it's more
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the neoliberalism. I think the EU could actually do with a dose of leftism and economics, because
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if you want to look at Ireland's a good example of this, you know, we were an economic backwater
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when we joined DEC in the 70s. And it was investment programs from the EU and the infrastructure
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and such here that developed us into this first world tribe and modern economy. But the big problem
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into the 2000s was that we have a unified monetary policy that benefits Germany, but there's no
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unified fiscal policy. So you had in the early 2000s this low growth or this low interest rate
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that's there, you know, solely for the German economy, for the German export economy. And so you
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had countries like Ireland where there was something of an economic bubble and also countries like Greece
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and Italy able to access cheap credit. And this was absolutely disastrous for these countries. And
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this is why we were then forced by the ECB to socialize 64 billion euros worth of economic banking
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debt to prop up German and French banks. So this was something, this was debt that was socialized by
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the Irish people for the stability of the European economy. And I think this gets to the heart of the
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the problem that's at the EU, which is that it's not if it would be better if it was just committed to full
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federalism. It was it would be better if it was committed to full unification rather than this halfway house where
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there are elements that want federalism and then there are elements of all nationalism and you end up with this
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kind of confederalism and you get elements of each. And so you have something like, you know, you've a unified
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monetary theory that makes countries like Ireland or Greece or Italy suffer because they have monetary
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policy that isn't at all suited to them, that's set by Germany and they have interest rates that don't
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suit their economy and are usually in the, you know, the opposite of the interests of their economy because
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they have a complete different approach to Germany. But then when those countries get into trouble due to that,
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you don't have the EU willing to, you know, something like you see in the US, you know,
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with bailouts of states and fiscal policy, modern monetary theory, these sorts of
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Keynesian type policies. Instead, what you get is Germany comes and imposes austerity on countries
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like Ireland and Greece. So you have a you have a monetary policy that is unified, that benefits
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Germany. But then at the same time, there's no there isn't the there isn't the power there,
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there isn't the will to be able to create a fiscal policy that would benefit Europe. I mean,
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what the EU has been lacking the last decade is investment. And what what they did in response to
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the crisis was to pass a fiscal compact treaty that means that member states now can't run a budget
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deficit, which means that countries now are completely locked into this kind of monetarist sort
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of center right means of managing economy. That's all about balancing your books, you know, this very,
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this very German way of dealing with economics. But it means that there's a complete lack of public
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spending and a complete lack of investments. Then you have all these infrastructural problems like
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the, you know, the massive level of youth unemployment, especially in the southern states.
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So like the the EU project as a whole is, is it's lacking any kind of idealism. It's got all these
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competing interests. And it's this constant battle between federalism and opponents of it. And so you
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end up with this muddied sort of halfway house that doesn't actually benefit anyone really.
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Yeah, I mean, I think there, I agree with everything you said, I and I look, even, even though I might be
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much more supportive of the EU than most people who might talk to in the dissident right, I recognize
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these problems. And there are just kind of competing interests of Germany being still an export economy
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and an industrial economy that would benefit from a weaker euro, in the sense that their stuff is less
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expensive. Whereas you have been in southern Europe, I mean, Greece, I remember there was this
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Greek crisis, four or five years ago, in which they were actually benefiting from a stronger policy in
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the sense that they're a tourist economy, they want money coming in. And so you have these competing
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interests and, you know, obviously, dramatically different cultures between, you know, Frankfurt and
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Athens. And whether this can all work is a huge question. And I get it. And due to the fact that the EU
00:20:49.520
was always this conspiracy of bankers and, you know, industrial people, it wasn't able to ever be
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idealistic, there was there's no real independence day, or national day for the EU, it started out as a
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common market, I think there was some idealism in the sense of, if we trade, we're not going to fight,
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which is, you know, reasonable assumption. But it never had that basic idealism of we are a people
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and you have to start there when you start in this conspiracy of bankers and pure plutocrats and
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bureaucrats, you end up in this, again, just this massive compromise in which everyone's unhappy. I agree,
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Yeah, no, the really significant thing about Britain leaving could be more the impact it has in terms of
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internal EU policy than what it has directly on Britain. I mean, Francois Hollande and Christine
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Lagarde have both said that they think that this will sort of reinvigorate Europe, that this will give
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Europe a new elan, because Britain entered the EU explicitly from a sort of anti-European integration
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standpoint. And it's always, it's always been, it's always been pushed. Yeah, and it's always, it's always been
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pushing back against integration. And it would be one of the countries that would, you know, mostly push back
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against, you know, a policy, like I mentioned, like having a unified fiscal policy to enact stimulus packages,
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whatever, to fix these structural problems. So you will see a realignment. And there could actually
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be a realignment. You know, it's interesting. I mean, it could go a couple of ways. But one of the
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things is, there's this northern voting bloc, and there's this sort of southern voting bloc of more
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Eurosceptic nationalist types. And Britain, with, you know, it's 12 and a half percent of Europe,
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had a large voting share. And it was voting with the more liberal elements of France and Germany and
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other northern European countries. So with that gone, now, there could be a shift to a more
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Italian style policy. But then at the same time, I mean, from a sort of dissident right perspective,
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or whatever, if Britain had stayed in, and instead of sort of sublimating their nationalism into this,
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if they'd enacted it in kind of a nationalist government, then Britain could have actually
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led a more sort of Eurocentric Europe, if that makes sense, rather than this neoliberal style
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Europe that's being run by Merkel and by Germany and France.
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Can I add some comments? So first of all, the idea of British nationalism, it perhaps rather like the EU,
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it started off as an economic union. It wasn't, there was no British nationalism. There was English
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nationalism, Welsh nationalism, Irish nationalism, Scottish nationalism. And this notion of British
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nationalism gradually developed throughout the 18th century. And you get things like a British
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national anthem, a British flag, a sense of British history, the playing up of Celtic things in the
00:24:12.060
history of England, like Budacea or whatever, because these were things that united all of us,
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both because she was living in England, and also then the other people in the Union were Celts.
00:24:23.460
And so this sense of Britishness kind of gradually developed from there. And it worked because it
00:24:28.320
was a British empire, a British movement that was in the, not just the economic, but in the ethnic and
00:24:36.540
genetic interests of the British. And it expanded into this British empire and so on. So, and I was
00:24:42.860
thinking with Germany as well, Bismarck's unification of Germany was a Prussian project in order to
00:24:49.020
maintain peace, in order to maintain the interests of Prussia, really, and the Prussian nationalism,
00:24:55.880
which then developed into this German nationalism, and happily coincided with the rise of romantic
00:25:02.040
nationalism and this idea of the Germans as one people, because they all spoke German and all this,
00:25:06.180
and they were ethnically German, this herder. So there's no reason why something can't start as an
00:25:12.060
economic project. And then which the it did remember, it was called the common market,
00:25:16.740
right, then it was called the European Economic Community. Then it was called the EC, then it was
00:25:22.400
called the European Community EC, then it was called the European Union. So there's this been this change
00:25:27.640
in terms of this, the name, the name alone tells you the change from an economic thing, to a nation
00:25:33.500
building thing. And I think that could work quite well, if it explicitly coincided with this being
00:25:40.020
potentially in the interests of all European peoples, what we have in common, ultimately us
00:25:45.700
Europeans is we are a race. And as a race, we have certain other than okay, there's people on the
00:25:51.120
borders, like the Finns, or the Italians, or the Spanish or Portuguese that have various degrees of
00:25:55.440
non European blood. But basically, we're a race. And we have certain genetic interests for that reason,
00:26:00.200
if that could coincide with the economic union, which is what you get got with Germany, it's what
00:26:04.660
you got with Great Britain, right? Britain, rather Britain. And it's there's various other examples
00:26:09.860
throughout history, then fine. But that's not what you're getting. As Keith said, there is this mismatch
00:26:14.020
of different intentions and different ideas. And you just end up with something that's a problem.
00:26:19.060
I totally agree with that. And I think some of those sentiments are kind of lurking. You'll actually
00:26:26.700
hear Brexit supporters talk about the racist EU and things like that. I think we'll all chuckle at
00:26:32.900
that. But he's not entirely wrong. I think some of those racial, basically, autarkic qualities of
00:26:45.180
having a great big market, where you're protected from dumping from the outside. There is going to be
00:26:52.960
more free exchange between countries, you can travel more easily. You know, you can, I think
00:26:59.160
one of the biggest things that's promoted the EU was the Erasmus project. Basically, young people,
00:27:07.360
you know, a young German traveling to Spain and having a Spanish girlfriend that probably did more to
00:27:13.160
promote European-ness than anything. And these ideas are lurking there, and they could be accentuated.
00:27:21.680
I think if the EU is going to, I think the EU could probably stick around just on a purely economic
00:27:28.260
basis. But if the EU is going to be something, it's going to have to call upon that. And you know,
00:27:34.320
look, Turkey and the EU, that's now out the window. No one's even talking about that. They were talking
00:27:39.060
about that 15 years ago. I remember when I was actually in Germany. And you have people who are
00:27:44.380
very flawed, like Macron, who he's a very flawed politician, granted, but he is a highly intelligent
00:27:55.060
person. And he's actually a person that I find resonates with a lot of things that I've said,
00:28:02.560
to be honest. A guy on Twitter actually gave a little conspiracy theory about that. But anyway,
00:28:07.140
he's talked about, ultimately, an EU army. And you're either going to be America's, well,
00:28:14.640
I could use the word bitch, but let's use the word pawn, because this is a sophisticated podcast.
00:28:20.420
You're going to be, militarily speaking, and to a large degree, economically speaking,
00:28:25.360
you're going to be America's pawn, you might be Russia's pawn, you might be China's pawn,
00:28:29.200
unless you can create a sense of European-ness, that that is a bigger thing that ultimately the
00:28:39.200
national identities are a part of, and that you have a real military bloc. And so there are,
00:28:46.520
these ideas are, they're lurking there. I mean, when Macron says this, he's kind of treated as,
00:28:51.580
oh, this is our intellectual president, who's, you know, so on. But he's right,
00:28:55.760
in the end of the day, if the EU is to become something real, and not this just, you know,
00:29:01.340
thing that, compromise that doesn't please anyone, it's going to have to embrace those qualities.
00:29:07.200
And I would also say, in terms of nationalism, it is no, nationalism can resonate with federalism.
00:29:14.880
And it does, in the sense of the Scottish National Party, which again, I'm not a huge fan of,
00:29:20.740
for many reasons, but they want to leave Great Britain in order to express their nationalism
00:29:27.720
in the European Union. You saw this, again, with Catalonia, trying to secede from Spain a couple
00:29:36.100
years ago. You see this all over the place. There's no real contradiction. They're not,
00:29:41.260
the EU is not going to, you know, it's not going to disallow you from,
00:29:46.160
you know, reading Shakespeare and wearing a tweed suit. It's, you can do that nationalism and of
00:29:54.220
that cultural linguistic quality of we're connected to something, a continuum that's deeper than
00:29:59.220
ourselves, is not, not only is it not opposed to federalism, it can actually be kind of accentuated
00:30:07.200
by federalism. And it's the nation state that the centralized nation state that has been most easily
00:30:16.460
most responsible for mass immigration to these countries, and the destruction of regional cultures.
00:30:23.240
You can see this in France, you can see this in Germany, you can see this in Great Britain,
00:30:27.220
as you yourself have described. The nation state is responsible for the demographic catastrophe
00:30:34.640
in Great Britain. And the nation state is much more responsible for bringing about this homogeneity
00:30:41.880
and kind of the, you know, least common denominator, last man, if you want to use that,
00:30:48.000
much more than any federal, any federated Europe that has ever existed.
00:30:53.820
So first of all, can I, can I just say, so the, first of all, the nation state has been disastrous in
00:31:00.260
this sense, when it has been run by the kind of people that want the nation state to be in the
00:31:04.100
European Union, such as Tony Blair, and other such vermin. So that's when the nation state has been
00:31:10.420
a particular acute problem in British history, when it's been run by the kind of people who are pro-EU.
00:31:15.980
It's having those values of massive, of wanting mass immigration and our destruction seems to also
00:31:22.820
Enoch Powell was raging against the British Immigration Party long before the Britain ever entered the EU.
00:31:31.600
He was rabidly, he was totally against being in the EU as well.
00:31:35.980
I agree with that, actually. I admire Enoch Powell tremendously.
00:31:40.140
He left the Conservative Party over that issue. As for Erasmus, two thoughts on that. One thing
00:31:46.100
that tends to bond people together is having a language, the same language. One thing that could
00:31:50.920
be, because it's easier communication, nuance, whatever. And one thing that's interesting about
00:31:55.840
that is that Erasmus was quite good in spreading English.
00:32:01.960
British hegemony, or American hegemony, because you get people who were from Spain, and they go on
00:32:07.120
Erasmus' term to Finland, and they speak English to each other, and they have a child, and that child
00:32:12.020
ends up essentially trilingual. And one of those languages is English. So the third thing I noticed
00:32:17.240
is that the Erasmus thing seems to be, it seems rather lopsided. So you'd get loads of foreigners that would
00:32:21.760
come to, let's say, Durham University, where I was, or Aberdeen University, where I was. But you
00:32:26.440
wouldn't get many people from there that would do an Erasmus term. I didn't know many British
00:32:31.200
people at all that did an Erasmus term. But you would get it the other way around.
00:32:36.480
I noticed this when I was studying German at the Goethe-Institut. I would try to speak German,
00:32:42.300
obviously, as much as possible when I was there. But I would notice that a lot of, there would be
00:32:48.120
these kind of European lunch tables, where you would have an Italian, and maybe a Frenchman,
00:32:54.140
and maybe even someone from Japan or something. There are lots of Japanese learning German. I think
00:32:59.820
their rich parents just send them off to six months to learn something to get them out of the house or
00:33:04.280
something. But they were all speaking basically American business English together. And you can say,
00:33:11.000
oh, this is a debasement of national culture. And I agree with that to a certain extent. But you could
00:33:16.900
also say that we need a lingua franca that can bring us together as a race. And sometimes these
00:33:23.740
cultural differences, which can be beautiful, and which we want to preserve, can actually prevent us
00:33:29.220
from coming together in a way that I think we should. And so there's actually a kind of,
00:33:34.920
there's a certain benefit to dumbed down Americanization. I mean, I'm, you know, I'm saying
00:33:41.280
this is, as me, I'm not, I'm not promoting it. But like, there's a, we need a, we need a commonality
00:33:48.320
that we can, you know, come together around as a, as one people.
00:33:53.280
Hugely important to Kenyan nationalism, let's say, is Swahili or English.
00:33:57.620
Because it's what, it's the one way you can communicate in a country with 200 languages
00:34:02.040
It's the great irony that the EU will unite in an anti-Americanism while speaking American
00:34:09.960
business English. I mean, it's a great irony of the century, but who cares at some level?
00:34:16.320
I'm not sure. I'm not sure. The other point that Keith, or was it you? No, it was you.
00:34:21.160
I'm not sure that this will reinvigorate the EU. I think one reaction to something like this
00:34:26.640
happening is people tend to become more kind of authoritarian and inward looking and strict
00:34:31.960
and as a kind of like a religious react. If you're under stress, you tend to become
00:34:36.280
more religious. And that finding could be transplanted to people becoming more kind of
00:34:40.060
dogmatic and fundamentalist and ideological and, and fearful of somebody else breaking
00:34:45.400
away and thus, and thus doing all they can to stop other people breaking away. But then
00:34:49.880
on the other hand, there's been a massive shock to their confidence for such a large state
00:34:54.100
to break away. And this will inspire people who want to break away in other countries that
00:35:03.740
Well, that's the fear now for the people running the EU is they have this, they have
00:35:07.820
this block in the South that there's clearly a strong Eurosceptic element and now Brexit has
00:35:12.520
created this precedent. So now that's, you know, that's always hanging over them. But
00:35:16.560
then at the same time, that's balanced with they've lost Britain who opposed most of the
00:35:21.280
more Eurocentric policies that they were pushing through. So it's now much easier for them to
00:35:25.300
pursue them. So it's kind of a double edged sword for these people.
00:35:29.140
And Salvini, who I'm not, I'm not 100% sold on has actually said European things. He's like,
00:35:36.720
the issue isn't just to break away, the issue is to create a Europe of nations. And he's actually
00:35:43.300
said some kind of synthetic dialectical things, which I've appreciated.
00:35:49.720
You can hear similar things from Orban and so on, a person I'm less enthused by.
00:35:54.720
Yeah, it's funny you mentioned Turkey, because that's fairly relevant to this, because
00:35:59.480
the country that was actually pushing most for Turkey to join the EU was Britain for many years.
00:36:06.040
And, you know, that gets to this again. Yeah. And that gets to another one of these splits
00:36:10.380
that's been within the European community, which is that does the EU go deeper and integrate the
00:36:18.240
countries within it more strongly or does it go broader and integrate more countries from the
00:36:25.680
outside? And that's kind of the neoliberal approach. And I forget who wrote it, but there was a there's
00:36:31.540
a prominent Jewish neoliberal in the US that wrote a book The Next Hundred Years, where he said that the
00:36:37.200
most important relationship would be the US and Turkey, you know, to stop the over reliance on
00:36:42.620
Russia for gas pipelines and so forth, all this different stuff. But yeah, one of the main things
00:36:48.360
is trade with Turkey as well. So that's that's a that's a priority for, you know, US neoliberalism.
00:36:53.440
And Britain has been strongly pushing that, you know, Britain has strongly pushed the anti-Russia
00:36:58.180
stuff. They've pushed broadening the EU into this larger trading bloc for purely economic
00:37:04.480
reasons. And so, you know, that's off the table now with Britain. And so you might actually see a
00:37:09.920
shift away from this neoliberal conception of a broader Europe as an economic trading zone and
00:37:16.720
towards a more compact, but more integrated Europe. I agree. And you and you have some people like
00:37:24.220
Macron, who's deeply flawed, but at least has these European ideas. He actually was saying this,
00:37:30.440
I believe, to a Danish gentleman who was talking about all these things that you love about being
00:37:36.100
a Dane. These are these are ultimately European and they are, you know, they are peculiar, but
00:37:41.640
they're also bigger than that. But let me kind of go off a little bit on this thing that I saw on social
00:37:48.280
media this past weekend. Apparently, someone put up a door on the cliff, you know, right by the cliffs
00:37:56.460
of Dover. And it said something, you know, it's this way out or something like that. Apparently,
00:38:02.220
that all of these people would open up the door and fall off the chalky cliffs of Dover or something
00:38:09.020
like that. But the question is really, you know, who is leaving Britain after this is done? I think
00:38:18.940
one of the fundamental reasons for the anxiety over Brexit that led to the Brexit vote among normal
00:38:28.880
workers was to a degree the Polish plumber. I think that is real. But it was fundamentally about this
00:38:37.260
massive demographic influx. And it was fear over the migration crisis of 2015. But again,
00:38:46.760
the nation state of Great Britain is fundamentally responsible for this and other nation states are
00:38:54.440
fundamentally responsible for it. The EU migration policy was effectively that any kind of refugee
00:39:01.340
should stay in the country that he enters. And it was not to grant him citizenship or send him to
00:39:09.360
London or anything like that. It was a fairly reasonable policy that, you know, could and should be
00:39:15.520
revised. But that's what it was. The demographic transformation of Great Britain was done entirely
00:39:24.160
by London. And Brussels has never had an ability to affect national immigration. It affects internal
00:39:33.700
immigration. That is, you know, a German or a Pole or a Frenchman can go to Great Britain to work or what
00:39:40.920
have you. And that, you know, again, it's kind of like a one step removed from the national immigration.
00:39:47.720
But the British immigration problem, the demographic change is just fundamentally the responsibility
00:39:55.160
of London. And if anything, you know, hordes of Poles and Germans or Italians or whatever improved
00:40:03.800
matters in terms of the racial decomposition of Britain. And it's just a fact. So we have this
00:40:11.320
situation very much like Trump, in which all of these people are feeling these natural, healthy anxieties
00:40:20.120
about what's happening, that they're being transformed. And they project the problem on to Brussels.
00:40:26.440
But if you listen to the explicit language of the Brexiteers, they are going to bring in more people
00:40:36.040
from the global south. I have never heard a Brexit. They might talk about, oh, the EU and 2015 migration,
00:40:43.360
but that's all a sham. They ultimately want greater integration with the global world. And they want
00:40:49.640
more migration, Boris Johnson, bringing in more Africans, he's reducing the the criterion, I believe,
00:40:56.360
for entrance. If you listen to these people like Daniel Hannon, who is a EU parliamentarian,
00:41:02.040
he was a journalist, and this kind of a narrow American file or narrow file, whatever the word is,
00:41:08.200
British politician and thinker. He said explicitly, this is not about racial nationalism. This is about
00:41:16.520
getting out of the stodgy continental Germanic EU and entering into a global market with, I guess,
00:41:25.400
former British colonies and bringing them in. It's about becoming more American. And so it's something
00:41:32.840
we see all the time on the right, which is bait and switch. I think most of the people who voted for
00:41:40.120
Brexit are people who have, you know, healthy instincts. But I think they're a bit deluded.
00:41:47.560
All of those Pakistanis in London, all of those, you know, Muslims engaging in rape gangs in Rotherham
00:41:56.440
and similar places, they're not exiting through that door that was set up on the Dover cliffs. They are
00:42:03.080
staying put. And if anything, their national identity is becoming kind of more firm by this
00:42:11.160
decision. So I just see the same dynamic that you see with Republican electioneering taking place with
00:42:19.320
Brexit. And so I've classified myself previously as a Euro skeptic skeptic in the sense that I've
00:42:26.680
been kind of skeptical of the Farage types, the Daniel Hannon types and so on. But I would say,
00:42:33.960
I mean, perhaps I should come out of the closet as it were in the sense that I think people like
00:42:41.320
Oswald Mosley were right when immediately after the Second World War, they recognized the geopolitics
00:42:49.160
of politics at play. They obviously recognize the genetic or racial dynamics at play. And they
00:42:56.520
said firmly, Europe a nation. We can keep our cultural, linguistic, peculiar identity. I think
00:43:06.280
that's great. And we should, everyone should strive to be kind of individualistic on a national sense
00:43:12.280
like that. But in terms of geopolitics and in terms of the real dynamic of the 21st century,
00:43:19.720
which is race, it's Europe a nation. And I'm not, you know, I don't, I hope the English stay English,
00:43:27.560
but, you know, an Englishman taking an Italian wife and having children that are, you know,
00:43:35.480
kind of a little bit mixed blood to a certain degree and kind of mixed culturally. Is this really
00:43:40.760
the problem, you know, that we're facing today? Is this an existential crisis? Clearly no.
00:43:48.600
Right. So a number of points I would like to make on that. First of all, I think the key reason why
00:43:54.920
people voted anti-Brexit in the, voted Brexit was not because of the EU itself. It was because
00:44:02.760
the elite, like the EU, and they wanted to say yours to the elite. And there's a small degree to
00:44:09.400
which they changed the elite, because they got this, these people that were on the fringes of,
00:44:13.640
let's say, the Conservative Party, and they put them in power. Right.
00:44:17.320
I.e. people like Boris Johnson and various other people of his supporters. And then they,
00:44:25.320
the Labour Party were completely isolated and ultimately sort of been really massacred.
00:44:29.960
I can't believe they'll be in power for at least 10 years. They'll probably be in opposition.
00:44:33.960
If they elect one of these two silly young girls standing to be leader,
00:44:37.320
they'll definitely be in opposition for at least 10 years. So let's hope they do.
00:44:41.240
Rebecca Long-Bailey and Lisa Nandy, who's half Indian. And, and then there's, then there's a,
00:44:51.080
there's some, there's some chap called Sakir, Sakir Starmer. If he wins, they might do all right.
00:44:56.040
But so hopefully he won't win. So I don't think he will win. Because the Labour Party people that
00:45:02.040
vote on these things are so woke. So I think that it was not yours. It wasn't the EU. You're right.
00:45:05.960
It's not the EU hasn't been, you could argue, the EU has been nowhere near as bad in terms of
00:45:09.400
destroying Britishness than the government, particularly the Blair government. And I think
00:45:15.000
that is a key, the Blair government and the Brown government, that subhuman scum that took over
00:45:20.600
the country and should frankly be answerable one day to the British people in a tribunal.
00:45:25.080
The damage they did is incalculable. There have been immigration before, of course,
00:45:28.840
but that was from a baseline of nothing, of nothing. So, of course, so apart from a few little
00:45:34.200
things here and there during the empire. And so consequently, there was a big reaction,
00:45:37.800
that there was not, what happened from 19, well, 2001 onwards, was this, just this planned
00:45:42.600
policy of destruction, rub the right's nose in diversity, suppress also artificial freedoms,
00:45:48.120
everything. I think that's, and the elite, people like David Cameron, I'm reading his memoir,
00:45:52.680
his autobiography at the moment, actually, it's quite well written, but you can see in places
00:45:56.600
he goes into these silly ways. The Michael Howard leadership of the Conservative Party in 2005
00:46:01.320
was far too right wing. You know, shut up. The Michael Howard leadership of the Conservative Party
00:46:06.360
is nowhere near as right wing as, for example, it is now. And he's saying, oh, it's far too right
00:46:11.080
wing. So if that's too right wing, what do you think of Jacob Rees-Mogg and people like that,
00:46:15.160
for goodness sake? Absolutely ridiculous. But he comes across as quite pleasant to read.
00:46:19.240
So I think it was up yours to the government, up yours to that whole system. And those people
00:46:24.200
that had done this immigration and had pursued all this damage, those people were also very pro-EU.
00:46:29.640
So I think that's where it comes from. And I think that if the government that's in power now
00:46:34.760
tries, that doesn't do something about immigration, what Mrs. Thatcher did was the immigration was far
00:46:38.600
too high under Callaghan and Wilson. And so she cut it back down, right back down to very small numbers.
00:46:44.680
And for the whole of the 1980s and the 1990s, there were very small levels of immigration.
00:46:49.320
And the racial situation stabilized. It really wasn't much of an issue by the end of the 1990s,
00:46:55.160
that these communities developed. OK, you've got the beginnings of the grooming gangs and all this
00:46:59.160
stuff. But it's sort of stabilized. You didn't have to fear that your community that was white
00:47:04.520
would become non-white. The situation was the situation. And so I think that's where we have
00:47:11.560
the EU comes in, is the EU and that whole way of thinking about the world of leftism and change
00:47:17.800
for change's sake and immigration is associated with that particular government. And then Cameron,
00:47:23.880
who really was a kind of blue labor, he really didn't do, he really wasn't a major shift with
00:47:28.600
the past. And so it was a way of removing that ruling class or that aspect of the ruling class,
00:47:34.200
because they were pissed off with the government. The solution to the problem that we have probably
00:47:41.400
ultimately will be some kind of civil war, because that's what tends to happen in all ethnically
00:47:45.400
diverse societies, always, ever. But that will be sometime, unless they can be held together somehow
00:47:52.680
through some kind of dictatorship, like Singapore or something.
00:47:56.600
I've seen some headlines about whites being a minority in Great Britain by 2060, I think was the...
00:48:05.640
Yeah, so it's basically, the 2050 number was thrown about a lot in the 90s in the United States,
00:48:12.360
and it's actually 2040 now. And we actually did a report that we think it's closer to 2035.
00:48:20.040
But again, we're just dealing with a few years, really. But yeah, I mean, Great Britain is going
00:48:26.600
exactly down the same direction as the United States, going down faster, because it's a little bit
00:48:37.080
But the kind of things that happened when you became 20% non-white, which was about 1980,
00:48:45.800
which was the destruction of Reagan, the destruction of any kind of socialism,
00:48:49.960
the country becoming far more right wing and capitalist in a lot of ways. That's happening
00:48:55.320
in Britain now. That movement, you know, for example, free universities,
00:48:58.680
country's gone. Probably the healthcare system will go. All these things that are sustainable,
00:49:05.000
if you're an ethnostate, because you're looking after each other when you're one big family,
00:49:08.840
they go. When an area becomes 20% to 30% not of that ethnicity, they fall apart.
00:49:15.960
You even get white flight at that point. 30% has been demonstrated in a number of studies. Once
00:49:21.080
an area is 30% non-white, then whites start to leave. And it becomes overwhelmingly non-white
00:49:26.360
very, very quickly. There's a tipping point of 30%, or 25%, 30%. So yeah, we are going exactly
00:49:33.480
the same way that Americans did. America, when 20% non-white, it really started to check.
00:49:38.280
Yeah. Yeah. I don't know about Ireland, because Ireland doesn't have a free health service anyway,
00:49:43.400
do you? You have to pay to see a doctor, £50 or something. Yeah. Well, we have...
00:49:47.800
They just hand you a bottle of whiskey, is what I heard.
00:49:51.400
No, we're moving to socialized, yeah. But yeah, I think we're 20% non-white now. So,
00:50:02.200
Well, 20% non-Irish, actually. I'm not sure what... I'd say well over half
00:50:10.360
But that's not due to the EU at all, really, the migration here. That's mostly due to
00:50:16.760
a Jewish Minister for Justice we had who, in 2011, doubled our numbers of immigrant migrants
00:50:23.400
in one year when our economy was like in the worst shape it had been in 20 years,
00:50:28.120
and mostly like Nigerian and non-European migrants. So that was purely a matter of political will by
00:50:35.800
the centre-right political party, our version of the Tories, basically.
00:50:41.480
But yeah, there was... I read an article by Peter Hitchens the other day, and he said that
00:50:46.040
like Hitchens saying for the last few years has been he wants the destruction of the Tory party so that
00:50:50.840
a proper right-wing party could form in its place. But he had an interesting take on Brexit. He's kind
00:50:57.320
of blackpilled about it. And he said that he wanted to sacrifice the Conservative Party to save Britain.
00:51:03.080
But what Brexit may have done is sacrifice Britain to save the Conservative Party.
00:51:07.320
I mean, there's like, you know, I think there is a perception among probably ordinary Brexit voters that Boris Johnson is somewhat nationalist lean in.
00:51:18.600
But I mean, like Johnson has outright said that he's the only British politician that will openly say he's in favour of migration.
00:51:26.280
And I think, you know, this move to sort of like Bannon-style nationalism, this sort of economic nationalism,
00:51:34.680
patriotism, all this stuff, it's very, you know, it's very cynical because it does play on sort of national or racial sentiment.
00:51:43.720
But it's really contrary to the interests of that, because it does lead to this kind of, you know,
00:51:48.840
it sublimates like national pride into this economic nationalism, which just ends up with nation states
00:51:55.720
in this sort of race to the bottom to undercut each other. And ultimately just kind of serves the
00:52:00.520
onslaught of neoliberal capitalism that actually makes the, you know, the races within those nations
00:52:05.960
weaker to stand up to it anyway. So in a weird way, it takes the force of nationalism and it, you know,
00:52:11.560
it subverts it into furthering the forces of internationalism. So I think the, you know, the Farage
00:52:17.240
phenomenon, the Bannon phenomenon is definitely very contrary to where we're going to be going.
00:52:22.120
Absolutely. Let's, I'll mention this as well. I think one of the reasons why I am sympathetic
00:52:35.080
towards the EU is because I recognize the total silliness of the bureaucrats there and in a lot of
00:52:44.520
silliness regarding the, it's expressed ideology. But it is a structure and it is a mechanism at the
00:52:53.240
very least. And what we should be attempting to do is animate mechanisms. So these mechanisms,
00:53:00.440
whether it's the nation state, whether it's the EU, whether it's some institution that, you know,
00:53:05.160
it's subnational that you join, we want to animate it and reorient it towards our spirit. I mean,
00:53:12.360
that's the challenge. I mean, you can get out of the EU, you're, you just have a new problem,
00:53:16.840
which is now the nation state, which is filled with people who were just as silly, arguably worse
00:53:22.760
than bureaucrats. And so the same challenge is before you, it's to animate that institution
00:53:29.800
towards your end. And I think the problem with Bannonism, alongside the economic kind of race to
00:53:36.440
the bottom that you're, you're talking about, uh, is that it just, it offers this false victory to
00:53:41.720
people. You, you can go, you know, get really mad at the liberals, get really mad at impeachment and
00:53:46.920
reelect Trump. I, I actually, I, I think Trump will lose, but I can see him winning to a large extent
00:53:53.560
due to the impeachment thing of people getting fed up and say, we voted for this guy and you're trying to
00:53:58.520
cancel our vote. We're going to vote him in again, just to shove your face in the dirt.
00:54:03.800
And, but these, the, whether it's Trump or Bannon or Farage or Boris Johnson, it's, it's all this
00:54:09.400
false victory that just leads to delusion among these voters. And, uh, I, I, and again,
00:54:16.840
the fundamental challenge of animating an existing structure exists. Uh, so I, I do think that the EU
00:54:25.240
is the proper structure. I mean, flaws and all, it is the proper structure for the future. Um, and it,
00:54:31.960
I, I don't think it's going anywhere and I think at a hundred years it will be there and, and
00:54:37.080
hopefully it will have an army. It might actually have a kind of commandeered NATO even. I mean,
00:54:42.520
that, that's a possibility. I'm obviously speculating here. Uh, but I mean, that is where
00:54:48.200
we need to go and where we don't need to go is towards the false right, you know, people like the
00:54:56.080
conservatives who race bait and don't do anything or do, do things that are worse. The Trump,
00:55:01.460
the Farage, the Boris Johnson, I just think it's just an obvious false path. And we need to be
00:55:06.340
thinking about 25 years ahead of, of where we ultimately want to be now where Britain fits into
00:55:11.840
the EU. I don't know. I mean, Britain has always been, you know, kind of pulled between, uh, America
00:55:17.940
and Europe and, and what its identity is, is, is, is been a question. Um, maybe the EU will be
00:55:24.540
stronger without Britain, without that kind of, you know, Island, uh, you know, off to the left,
00:55:30.160
it will be a more Germanic, you know, you could say, uh, Prussian continental land power. I think
00:55:37.060
that would actually be a positive, perhaps this is all a very positive element for the EU. But I think
00:55:41.780
the question really is, is like, where do we want to be? And then let's start moving in that
00:55:45.420
direction, just have an end in mind and move in that direction and not just kind of go along with
00:55:50.820
the emotions of the public and say like, Oh, these Brexit voters, they've got good, healthy instincts.
00:55:56.000
So we should just go along with them and we don't want to counter signal them or, or, or so on. I
00:56:00.860
think sometimes we're going to have to counter signal them and say, no, this is the right direction.
00:56:05.140
This is where we need to be going in the 21st century and beyond.
00:56:08.940
Anyway, I mean, the, the great, the great irony is just, uh, you know, the same, uh, skepticism to
00:56:17.300
the EU as kind of a socialist institution that's taken all the member states money and spending it on
00:56:23.960
wasteful projects or whatever. Uh, the great irony is like what the, what the Eurozone economy needs
00:56:31.220
is, uh, yeah, is socialism directed, directed from a central authority in Brussels. It needs a powerful
00:56:38.520
stimulus package paid for by member states. It needs transfers of wealth that needs, you know,
00:56:43.780
long-term projects, something like, uh, God forbid, I say it, the green new deal, something like that,
00:56:49.360
that does look long-term that creates infrastructure that solves this, uh, youth unemployment crisis,
00:56:55.480
which has become an absolutely systemic. But the ECB was designed, uh, with the express purpose of
00:57:00.960
to keep inflation low and keep prices low. It's again, this German centric sort of center
00:57:06.100
right economic model. And that's what the source of much of the hostility to the EU is from these
00:57:12.060
poor economies that are suffering as a result of it. So the EU is in this weird paradox where
00:57:17.000
it's facing these Euro skeptical elements from these people that are opposed to any further
00:57:22.080
integration. But it's this weird kind of paradox where it needs this, uh, strong economic
00:57:27.440
impetus and integration and the strong economic centralization to fix a lot of these underlying
00:57:32.980
problems. Absolutely. All right, let's bookmark it. This was a good discussion. And, uh, yeah,
00:57:42.580
I think there's actually a lot more common ground in what we're saying than, uh, despite it's quite,
00:57:47.780
it's quite good because I think it, it flows quite well and you are both obviously wrong on those things
00:57:53.020
that you say, but I think, I think the, the, the, the positive thing about this is that I can help
00:57:57.160
to, you know, teach you and whatever. And it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's logic.
00:58:01.480
You can teach us to be a, uh, frivolous nationalist. Yeah. Flag waving and champagne swilling
00:58:10.780
disagreements. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country.
00:58:15.660
Lose your top. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country.
00:58:20.580
The Irish election. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country. Lose your country.
00:58:22.600
i don't know a date it's less than two weeks now anyway is it possible that somebody you know based
00:58:29.600
could no no no no like the aim i know the nationalist party leader actually and like
00:58:36.440
their their their aim is to get one seat at this election so that's that's where they are at the
00:58:42.000
minute right okay and there's no there's no there's no eurosceptic movement at all in ireland
00:58:48.140
there's like there's an irexit party the guy that runs at his friends with nigel frage and they're
00:58:53.760
just a complete it's a complete joke for movement the national party here actually isn't in favor of
00:58:59.140
leaving the eu no the irexit sounds a bit like something else